Full text of “The Indian Antiquary Vol-xxxi 1902”
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THE
INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH
\ECHiE0L0GY, EPIGRAPHY. ETHNOLOGY, GEOGRAPHY, HISTORY, FOLKLORE, LANGUAGES,
LITERATURE, NUMISMATICS, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, &0., &C.,
EDITED BY
SIR RICHART) CARNAC TEMPLE, BART., C.I.E.,
LIEUT.-COLONEL, INDIAN STAFF CORPS.
YOL. XXXr.-1902.
BOMBAY!
Printed asd Ptoushed at tub BOMBAY EDUCATION SOCIETY’S PRESS, Bycueia.
LONDON ; KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNBR & Co.
LONDON s LUZAO & Co. LEIPZIG: OTTO HARRASSOWITZ.
BOMBAY: BOMBAY EDUCN. SOOY.’S PRESS. PABI8 : E. LEROUX.
NEW YOBK: WBSTBRMANN & Co. BERLIN: A. ASHER & Co.
CaiCAGO ; s. D. PEET, Esq., Ph.D. 7IENNA ; A. HOLDER & Co.
CONTENTS,
The JTames of Contributors are arranged alphabetically.
PAGE
The LiTB Pbof. G. BffHLEB, C.I.E., LL.D.-«e«
E. K. Burgess.
E. 1C BURGESS: —
The Stjkritasamkirtana op Arisimha (trans-
lated from the German of the late Professor
G.Buhleb, G.I.E., LL.D„ Vienna, under the
direction of Jambs Burgess, O.I.E., UL.I).) ••• /
JAMES BURGESS, LL.D. : —
Eatbacts prom the Journal of Colonel
Colin Mackenzie’s Pandit of his Route
PROM Calcutta to Gaya in 1820 «
The Sanskrit Version of Euclid 21
Destomals, Sgarderberal,
A. BUTTERWORTH : —
252
Koneti Rayi *'*
X. DESIKA OHAfil, B.A., B.L.
Some TJnpvblished Mi,‘ADAB Coins 231
T. M. BANGA CHABI, B.A. -see T. DESIKA
CHABI, B.A., B.L.
SYAM SUN DAB DAS, B.A. : —
Asranoembnt of the Chapters op the
Prithiraj Raso
GEO. P. ETENHA: —
The Life of the Palliyars
A Fire and Car Festival, Travanoore
EONALX) FERGUSON : —
Letters prom PoiiTuaiiBSE Capiives in Can-
TON, -WRITTEN IN lliSl AND 153S "> •
" Ban Jia” aad “ EraDgi ”
J. E. FLEET, I.O.S. (Betd.), Ph.D., 0 J.E. : —
' Notes on Indian HifftoRT and Geographt s -
The ■Want plates of A. D. 807 217
The sahglt plates of A. D. 938
The Kharda plates of A. D. 972 _ ••• 20
The Chioaeole plates of Naadapi-ahhaujana-
_ ^ ... ^oo
varman **' .
The Chokkhaknti grant of A. D. 807
The Surat plates of A. B. 1051 .»
The Intr61i-0hh&r61i plates of A. D. 757
The use and hearing of the words vdstavya and
m J, ••• •••
v^nirgata -• •*'
The Nansart plates of A. B. 705
The Nausari plates of A, U. 817 ... •••
A paitioalar instanoa of the use of the wd
vdstavya
The two sets of plates from Bagnmra of A. D.
915
WILLIAM FOSTER : —
LETfEBS PROJI MADBAS IN 1059
391
... 132
REV. A. H. FRANCKE
The Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga ... 32, 147
Ladakhi Songs (with the aid of the Rev. S.
Ribbach and Dr. E. Shawb) 87, 304
Notes on Rock Carvings from Lower Ladakh. 398
GEO. A. GRIERSON, Ph.D., C.I.E. : —
Note on the Kuki-Chin Languages 1
B. A. GUPTE, F.Z.S. : —
Notes on Female Tattoo Designs in India
( with a Note by H. A. Rose) 293
J. KIRSTE : —
The Mahabharata Question ... 5
STEN KONOW, Ph.D. — see GEO. A. GRIERSON,
Ph.D., C.I.E.
TAW SEIN KO: —
The Derivation of the Burmese Word ** Pintha-
K. P. PADMANABHA MENON, B.A., B.L. : -
Discursive Notes on Malabar and its
Place-names
AKSHA Y KUMAR MOJUMDAR : —
The Ramayan — A Criticism 851
BABU P. C. MUKHARJI : —
Reports made during the Progress op Exca-
vations AT Patna ^87, 495
G. K. NARIMAN : -
The Religion op the Iranian Peoples, by the
LATE Prop. C. P. Tielb (translated into
English) 298, 335
G. R. SUBRAMIAH PANTULU : —
Some Mile Stones in Teltjgu Literature : —
The Age of Bhima Kavi 229
The Age of *^^1
Tula-Kaveri-Mahatmya 444
CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A. : —
A Complete Verbal Cross-Index to Yule’s
Hobson-Jobson or Glossary of Anglo-
Indian Words .. lOS, 157, 213, 284, 322, 353,
387, 429, 471, 509
M. R. PEDLOW : —
Superstitions among Hindus in the Central
Provinces
ARTHUR A. PERERA ; —
Glimpses of Singhalese Social Life —
(1) Domestic Ceremonies
SIDNEY H. RAY : —
Notes on Sir Richard C. Temple’s Theory of
Universal Grammar ... ... " ^^5
CONTENTS.
vr
PAGE
... 162
... 216
... 292
... 359
... 436
H. A. HOSE : —
Unlucky Childreu
The Jaueo
The Mother’s Brother .
Chaukhandu
The Origin of the Suthra Shahis
Inherited Power o! Curing Diaeaae or Causing
Evil in the Eanjah — •••
Unlucky and Lucky Children and Some Birth
Superstitions ... ••• ••• “*
TIliTCENT A. SMITH, M.B.A.S., I.G.S. (Retd.) : —
The Insceiptions op Mahanaman at Bodh
Gaya
Revised Chronology op the Early or
Imperial Gupta Dynasty 2o7
Lt.-Col. Sir R. C. TEMPLE, Bart., C.I.E. i -
Extracts prom the Bengal Consultation^ op
THE XVIIIth Century relating to the
Andaman Islands ... 40, 73, 137, 197, 233, 267,
311, 382, 412, 454, 502
Kaping — Keping — Kupong 61
Notes on Malagasy Currency before the
Pbench Occupation (from the Notes of the
Rev. C, P. Cory) ... ***
The Wreck op the “ Doddington,
114,180,222
015
Doob Grass
— ... ... ... 21 .)
Ponsy ~ , 1
The Indian Attitude towards Eolkloro and
Science
Human Sacrifice and Serpent Worship
The Lai Begi Sect oE the Panjab Scavengers ... 350
A Modern Instance of the Belief in Witchcraft ... 433
Notes on a Collection op Regalia op the
Kings op Burma op the Alompra Dynasty ... 442
Chee-Chee - •••
Corruptions of English, Hingain - Angle-Iron... 4/(>
Hohson-Jobson in Literature
The late Prop. C. P. TIELE **"- s6& Q, K» NARIMAN.
M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.R.A.S*, M.P.L.S. : —
Folklore in the Central Provinces : —
No. 18. — The Nymph of the Wire Hill ... 447
MISCELLANEA AND CORRESPONDENCE.
The Indian Attitude towards Folklore and Science,
by Sir R. 0. Temple 327
Chaukhandu, by H, A. Rose 359
“ Fan Jin” and “Frangi,” by Donald Ferguson ... 359
A Modem Instance of the Belief in Witchcraft, by
Sir R. C. Temple 7
Inherited Power of Curing Disease or Causing Evil
in the Pan jab, by H. A. Rose 475
NOTES AND QUERIES.
Kaping — Keping — Kupong, by Sir R. C.
Temple ••• •••
Unlucky Children, hy H. A. Rose ... 162
Doob Grass, by Sir R. 0. Temple 215
Ponsey, by Sir R. C. Temple 215
The Sanskrit Version of Euclid, hy J. Burgess ... 215
The Janeo, by H. A. Rose 215
Royal Funerals in Travancore ... ... ... ...251
Koneti Rayi, by A. Butterworth 252
Superstitions among Hindus in -the Central Pro-
vinces, by M. R, Pedlow ... *.* 291
The Mother’s Brother, hy H. A. Rose 292
Human Sacrifice and Serpent Worship, hy Sir R. C.
Temple ... ... 628
The Lai Begi Se^ot of the Panjab Scavengers, by
Sir“R* C. Temple ... ... ... ... 359
The Derivation of the Burmese word Pintha-
gugyi,” hy Taw Soin-Ko ••• 360
The Life of the Palliyars, by G. F. D’Penha ... 391
A Fire and Oar Festival, Travauoore, by G. F.
D’Penha 392
Hindu Child Marriages (Part of a Petition sent by
a prominent Bombay Citizen to the Gaekwar of
Baroda) 435
Destemals, Sgarderheral, &o., by J. Burgess ^133
The Origin of the Suthra Sliahis, by H. A. Rose ... 433
Chee-Chee, by Sir R. C. Temple 476
Corruptions of English, Hingain — Angle-Iron, by
Sir R. C. Temple 473
Hobson- Jobson in Literature, by Sir R. 0. Temple... 514
Unliicky and Lucky Children, and Some Birth
Superstitions, by H. A. Rose 515
Rosk Carvings from Lower Ladakh
ExcavaHons at Patna
Burmese Regalia folding Plate...
ILLUSTRATIONS.
... 401 \ White Umbrellas to right of Throne >it *«t 443
. 441, 498 1 White Umbrellas to left of Throne 444
... 442 1
ERRATA,
P. 66, 1 . 1 1 ,/or my a Zaminddr, read by a Zamindar.
P. 66, 1. 6 from bottom, for Vispanhti, read
Yispanthi.
P. 69, 1. 85 for Uattaiibahini, read Uttarabahmi.
P. 69, note ^ 1. 3, /or mnmber, read number.
P. 75, 1. 17, /or Dec. 1872, Q^ead Dec. 1827.
P. 221, last line, /or ‘ Gevr&i% read ' Gevrdr.
P.255, line 28, read the 'Kaphleta* of the
Atlas and Trigonometrical Sheets, and the
‘Kapletha* of the Postal Directory of the
Bombay Circle (1879), and see 393 heloio^
note 1 . '
P. 256, line 6 from the bottom, for Ind6tthana,
read Inddtthitoa.
P. 333, line 5, read Wal6m. Wald, or Wald.
P. 477, 3rd line, for E, H. BURG-ESS, read B. K.
BURGESS.
P. 492, line 12, /or DRolkd, read
THE INDIAN ANTIOHARY.
A JOURNAL OF ORIENTAL RESEARCH.
VOLUME XXXL — 1902.
NOTE ON THE KUKI-OHIN LANGUAGES.
BY STEN KONOW, Ph.D., and G. A. GRIERSON, OJ.E., Ph.D.
Prefatory Eemarks.
T he territory within which these languages are spoken extends ftom the Naga Hills in %he
north to Sandoway in the south. Their western frontier is, broadly speaking, the hills
extending from Sylhet in the north, through Hill Tipperah, the Chittagong Bill Tracts, the
Arakan Hill Tracts, and the Arakan Tomas. Towards the east they do not extend much farther
than the Kubo and Myittha valleys. Most of the tribes seem to have passed the Lushai or Chin
Hills on their way to their present homes, where they have settled in relatively recent times. In
Manipur, however, the Meitheis have resided for a considerable period, at least since the eighth
century.
In the north the Kuki-Chin languages show an affinity to the Naga Group, while In the
south they gradually become more like Burmese. The whole group is more closely connected
with Burmese than with Tibetan.
In the vocabulary there is a great abundance of apparent synonyms. The same idea is
seemingly often rendered in more than one way. The reason is that these languages, like so
many other uncultivated forms of speech, are only able to give expression to the most concrete ideas,
every abstract notion being diflSeult to express. Thus, in Lai, there are words to denote the differ-
ent ideas of coming along, coming down, coming up, etc,, but apparently no word which means
simply ^‘to come.’^ In the same way we find that the ideas o£ relationship or parta of the
body are never conceived in the abstract, hut always attached to some person. They speak of
‘^‘my father,’’ “thy father,” etc., but “a father in the abstract, who is not the father of a special
person, is an unconceivable idea.^ In the same way every action must be put in relation to a per-
son or thing as subject. The words denoting an action, which correspond to the verbs in Aryan
languages, are themselves verbal nouns, and the person whose action is spoken of is, in most of the
Kuki-Chin languages, indicated by means of a ^possessive pronoun prefixed to the verb. Thus,
instead of “ I go,’^ we find “ my going.^’ This is one of the most characteristic features of these
languages. In the extreme south, in Khami, and in the north, in Meithei, this principle seems to
be unknown.
There is no grammatical gender, and only the natural gender of animate beings is
distinguished.
1 [This is exactly true also of the Audaiuauese Languages which have developed a special grammAtibal form
for <« — father. *
2
the INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[jASGAfiT, 1902.
The adjectives are all verbs. They often tahe the fom of relative participH
place is generally after, but often also before, the noun they qualify. Noun and adjective form a
Mnd of compound, and case suffixes and postpositions are added to the last member of this group
of srords. All relations are denoted by means of postpositions and suffixes. On the other hand,
Qualifying words, such as genitives and possessive pronouns, are prefixed. This is also the case
with the generic particles added to the numerals in order to indicate the kind of things which are
counted. These generic prefixes are wanting in Meithei.
With regard to pronouns there is no relative, its place being supplied by a relative
participle. The demonstrative pronoun is often used as a kind of correlative. The indefinite
pronouns are usually formed from the interrogatives by adding some particle denoting indefinite-
ness.
The whole conjugation of the verbs show that there is no formal distinction between verb
and noun.
The root is combined with postpositions, in the same way as a noun, in order to denote
different relations. There is often no difference between the present and the past time, and the
various suffixes which denote the past are certainly all originally independent words. In some
cases the signification of these suffixes can still be traced as meaning “completeness” or some such
idea. Similarly, the future seems to be formed by means of a postposition meaning “for” or
something of the sort. The same postposition is often used after ordinary nouns. The future is
generally also used as an infinitive of purpose. There are no verbal suffixes common to all
languages of the group, and often the same tense in the same dialect may be formed by means of
different postpositions. This is quite natural, considering that the verbs are really nouns and that
the verbal suffixes are postpositions.
The negative particle is suffixed to the verb. It precedes, however, the ordinary tense
suffixes ox postpositions. It is probably originally a verb, and the negative voice a compound.
One of the negative particles which occur, mdh in R^ngkhol and connected dialects, seems to he
identical with inshffi male, to divorce, give up. In the south, in Khyang the negative verb in
in some dialects, formed by prefixing a particle, as in Burmese.
Meithei, the chief language of Manipur, in many respects differs from the other languages of
the group. It has, to a great extent, influenced the other dialects of the Manipur Valley. It
seems to have branched off from the original stock at a very early period. All the other
languages appear to belong to the Chin stock, though some of them have had a more inde-
pendent development. With regard to some of the true Chin languages we know that they arc
polytonic 5 but we are not informed whether this is the case with the whole group.
Some dialects belonging to this group are still only known by name, and the following classi-
fication is therefore, in some points, only conjectural. It starts from Meithei in the north, and
ends with those dialects which form the connecting link with Burmese.
The Linguistic Survey of India does not extend to Burma, and all the information regarding
the dialects spoken in that province' has been compiled from Gazetteer Sy the Reports of previous
Censuses, and such Grammars as were available. The information given regarding the languages
of Assam and Bengal is based on the records of the Survey.
REVISED REARRANGEMENT OE THE KITKI-CHIN GROUP,
I. — Meithei or Manipur!.
The principal language of Manipur. Also spoken in the Oachar Plains, Sylhet, Kill
Tipperah, Dacca, and Mymensingh.
Janxtart, 1902.] A NOTE ON THE KUKI-OHlN LANGUAGES,
S
II. — Northern Chin Dialects.
1. ThMo, - In Manipur called KhongzM ; in South Cachar also called Sairang. The
dialect is spoken in different parts of the Manipur State, especially in the south. It is also
spoken in six villages in the Kanhow jurisdiction of the Northern Chin Hills. Almost identical
dialects are spoken in the Naga Hills, South Cachar, and Sylhet.
Note. Jangshen. — Spoken in North Cachar, Probably identical with Th^do.
Katlang, Khlangam, Zotang, Shikshinshum, and Shingsol are said to
be different forms of Jangshen. They are probably only tribal names.
2. Soktd. Spoken in the northernmost part of the Chin Hills. Includes the Kanhow
and Yo tribes. Probably closely akin to Thado and Siyin.
3. Siyin. — Spoken to the south of Sokte in the villages round Fort White.
4. — Spoken in the Lnshai Hills and the Cachar Plains.
5. Pait§. — Spoken by individuals in several Lushei villages la the Lnshai Hills.
Note. — The two last dialects are a link between the Northern and Central Chin dialects,
III, — Central Chin Dialects.
1. Shunkla or Tashdn, — Probably more than one dialect. Spoken to the south of the
Siyins. Comprises the Tawyans, Kweshins, Whenos, and Yahows.
(a) Yahow or Zahao* — Spoken in the western part of the tenutory of the Tash6ns, and
in the Lushai Hills to the west and south of Lungvel.
.2. LusMi or Dulien. — The lingua frama of the Lushai Hills. Also spoken by a few
individuals in the south-west corner of the Cachar Plains. It seems to possess great vitality
and is said to have entirely superseded dialects such as Vangche and Kolrhing.
(a) Ngent^. — A dialect of Lushai spoken in the southern part of the Hills.
3. Lai or Baungshe. — Under this name are comprised several tribes of the Chin Hills
to the south of the Tashons. The chief are the Hakas, Tlantlangs, Yokwas, Thettas, and Eapis,
The most eastern is the Shonshe of Gangaw.
(«) Tlantlang. — This tribe is to the south and west of the Tashons, bordering the
Lushai Hills. An offshoot of Tlantlang is
(h) Lahlier. — Spoken in the Lungleh subdivision of the Lnshai Hills.
Note. — Most of the tribes known as Shendus and Pois are Tlantlangs.
4. Banj6gi. — Spoken by a small tribe in the Chakma and Boh Hong Chiefs Circles in
the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
6. Pankhu, — Spoken in the same locality as Banjogi, Seems to have been originally
almost identical with that dialect, but has been influenced by some Old Kuki form of speech.
IV, _ Old Kuki Dialects.
1. Btogkh6L — Spoken in Hill Tipperah, North Cachar, and the Khasi and Jaintia Hills.
2. BWd, — Spoken in North Cachar and the Cachar Plains.
Hallto. — Spoken in Hill Tipperah and Sylhet. It is probably identical with Kbelma
and Sak&j&ib.
4. Iiaugrong. — Spoken in Hill Tipperah, and in the Cachar Plains to the South and East
of the Sadr sub-diyisiom It is also spoken in Kamalganj, Sylhet,
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[jANUAEYy 1902,
5. AimoL — Spoken in the hills in and round the valley of Manipur. Also spoken in the
valley at Aimol.
6. CMru. — Spoken in the kills to the north of the valley of Manipur. Also spoken by a
small migratory tribe in the valley.
7. Kolren or Koireng. — Spoken in eight villages in the hills to the north of the valley of
Manipur, and by a migratory tribe in the valley.
8. Hdm. — Spoken in Manipur, chiedy in the hills bordering the west-side of the valley
Note. — ‘ All these dialects are closely connected. Horn in some respects resembles the
Nuga languages.
9. or Hyau. — Spoken in one village in Arakany on the banks of the Koladyne river.
This dialect, which is so widely separated in locality, possesses important points of resemblance with
the preceding forms of speech.
10. MMr. — Spoken in several Lushei villages in the Lushai Hills. Is a link between Old
Kuki and Lushei.
11. PiirtLiia. — Spoken in the hills in and round the valley of Manipur. Also spoken in the
valley at Purum, to the west of Aimol. It is largely influenced by Meithei.
12. Anal. — Spoken in the hills in the south-east of the Manipur State.
13. Hiroi-Lamg^ng. — Spoken to the south of Anal.
Note. — The two last dialects are so largely influenced by Meithei, that they^ in many
respects, difier from the other Old Knki dialects. In some respects, like Kdm,
they agree with the Naga dialects.
V. — Southern Chin Dialects.
1. Ohiamo. — Spoken on the sources of the eastern Mon. Said to be a connecting link
between Lai and the dialects of the southern tribes.
2. Welaung. — Spoken on the headwaters of the Myitth^ River. There are said to be two
dialects.
3. Chinbdk. — To the south of Welanng, from the Maw River down to Sawchanng. There
are said to be three dialects.
4. Yindu. — Spoken in the valley of the Saliiichaung and the northern end of the Mdiii
Valley. Said to be related to Chinb ok. Some of the tribes known as Shendus on the Arakam
frontier are probably Yindns.
5. CMn.b6n. — Spoken in the southern end of the M8n Valley, and across the Yomas into
the valley of the Pichanng.
6. Taxingtba. — Spoken in the villages round Wethet. The name means '* sons of the hills,”
and is used to denote various hill tribes.
7. Khyang or Shb. — Spoken on both sides of the Arakan Yoraas.
8. Hhaimi, or, incorrectly, Kumi or Khweymi. — Spoken on the Koladyne River in
Arakau, and the upper part of the Sangu River in the Chittagong Hill Tracts.
Note. — These two dialects, Khyang and Khami comprise several sub-dialeets, and
gradually approach Burmese. They may be considered as transitional forms of
speech*.
^ t ^ or the sound of aiv in ‘ awful ^ ; for which o is usually employed in this Journal. — Ed.]
January, 1902.]
THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.
5
N'ote. — The following dialects are provisionally classed under the Southern Chin sub-
group on the authority of the last Burmese Census Report. "We know noihiug
about them : —
9. Anu,
10. Daignet.
11. Kun.
12. Ballaing.
13. Sak or That.
Koto. — Mru, which has hitherto been classed as belonging to the Kuki-Ohin »roup,
turns out, on examination, to be more closely connected with the Burma Group.
Note. — Arakanese, which in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is known as Maghi, of course
belongs to the Burmese Group.
Note. — Finally, note that there is no such thing as a “Kuki'' language. ^‘Kuld”
is the name given to a congeries of tribes speaking a number of different dialects.
Similarly “ Shendu ” does not connote any one language, but does connote a
number of very different tribes.
THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.^
BY J. KIRSTB.
Whe>;, five years ago, Dalilmann brought forward his revolutionary hypothesis^on the Mcihti-^
hharata^ he found very few adherents, and he therefore tried to refute iiis critics in a new work
published last year .2 But as neither he, nor any of his adversaries who again took up the gauntlet,
were able to produce new facts, the debate seems at present to have reached a dead point. It may be
useful, therefore, to sum up the main points which have been cleared up by the discussion.
I. — Recensions.
In an article of the Viimiia Oriental Journal (Yol. XIV. p. 60) it is asked by Winternitz: —
Which MalidhMrata shall serve us as a basis for our inquiries regarding the origin of the epic ?”
Now, it is true that there is a great number of manuscripts w^hich differ from each other in such
a way that Pratapa Oaudra Raya held it impossible to prepare an edition satisfying both the North
and the South of India (Holtzmanii, Das Mahdbharata^ Yol. III. p. 33) ; but on the other band it must
not be forgotten that the two principal editions, that of Calcutta, 1834-39, and that of Bombay,
1862, 1863, go back to a common and well fixed recension notwithstanding their being published in
widely distant places and at different times (Holtzmanu, /. c., p. 9). Moreover, the Madras edition,
1855-60, w^hich is printed in Telugu cliaraciers, is nearly identical with the Calcutta one — as has been
pointed out by Ludwig {J. R. A, aS'., 1898, p. 380), — although it is based on manuscripts independent
from those utilised for the two others. Hence it follows that this ‘ Yulgata’ or Northern Recension, 3
as it is called, represents an uniform tradition, which extends all ovtir India, and the wording of whicli
h, moreover, warranted by several commentaries, a point not to be neglected in Indian works. Should
we not be authorised, then, to make this text the basis of our disquisitions ? For that purpose it would
be highly advisable to prepare a critical edition of this recension together with the commentaries.
There is yet another point wbich might be settled by such an undertaking. The two principal
editions do not agree in what concerns the number and the length of the adhijdyas^ and the same is
J Reprinted, with additions, from the Vienna Oriental Journal, Vol. XIV. (1900), pp. 214-224.
2 Genesis des Mahdbhdrata, Berlin, 1899.
3 According to Pratlipa Oandra Raya Sonth-Indian mannsoripte have also been ooUated for the Calcutta edition
(Holtaxnann, I c., p. 3)*
6
the INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[jANtJAEY, 1902.
tke case mtk regard to the adkydyu^gi^^n hy thB parvuamhgraha and the «^,<?ar?-recension exarnxoed,
t Cln CAmd» »h««l, p. ni <!.• ■>»"» •' '‘■•pt.-, «1>0 V.l*.u ,».dP b«e..
Xb^ parvasaihgraha and the last mentioned recension, as wdl be seen by the iollowmg synopsis .
Book,
?»rv£isamgraha.
Galon tta'ed.
Nfigart-reo.
L
227
234
250
II.
78
79
111
Ill,
269
314
306
IV.
67
72
77
V.
186
197
200
VL
117
124
318
VII.
170
203
198
Till.
69
96
119
IX.
59
66
65
X.
18
38
26
XI,
27
27
18
XII.
389
367
364
XIII,
146
168
252
XI r.
]03
92
105
XV,
42
39
46
3,917
2,096
2,25.5
The most mteiesting item of this table is furnished by the comparison of the figures relating
to the XIYth book* Here the Vulgata is short of 11 chapters with respect to the parvasamgraha,^
whereas a South-Indian manuscript gives 115 chapters to the same book, a circumstance mentioned
by Pandit V. S* Islampurkar in his edition of the Fardsara Smrti (Yol I., Part I., Pref. p. 8 ;
cf, Barth, Joxirn. cL Sav,, 1897, p. 19). There are found in this work a number of quotations drawn
from the Mahdbhdrata which the learned editor was unable to trace in the printed editions, and for
that reason he feels compelled to agree with Burnell, in whose opinion the Northern recension, which
alone has been published, is the shorter one {ibidem, Pai*t II., pp. 5, 9).
It is to be regretted that the South-Indian manuscripts have as yet not been thoroughly examin-
ed. Burnell gives only the number of chapters of a Grantha recension, but his figures, 248, 120,
302, representing respectively the number of adhydyas of the first, second and third book, do not
agree with those found by Winternitz {Ind, Ant., 1898, p. 124) in another Grantha manuscript, viz.,
218, 72, 269 ; the last of which is identical with that of the Farvamhgroka of the Northern recen-
sion* Moreover, we are not informed by Burnell, whether his figures are real ones or simply found
ill the Farvazamgraha. These discrepancies, assuredly, do not strengthen the hypothesis of an
uniform tradition in the South.
The only parvan of the Southern recension to which a little more attention has been paid, is the
Miparmn, and it is certainly noteworthy that Burnell (Aindra school, p* 79) agrees with Winter-
nitz in stating that the Southern form of this book is shorter than the text furnished by the printed
editions. But are we justified in drawing inferences from this fact, as has been done by Winternitz 2
* In a Sonth-Ittdiaa mannsoript, examined hy Winternitz /T. cj, the same book numbers only 78 chapters.
JAiflTABY, 1902 .]
THE MAHABHARATA QUESTION.
7
If the episode of Surya, Rahu and Aruua is missing there and in KsemSndra’s Bhdratamavjari^ which
professes to be an abstract of the great poem, are we authorised in looldng at this passage as an inter-
polation ? Yet that has been supposed by Winternitz (Ind, Ant., 1898, p. 128). Moreover, it appears
to me that his conclusion is not quite correct from a formal standpoint. His words are “ If the story
could be proved to occur in all MSS. representing the Northern recension, we should be justified in
concluding that the branching off of the Southern recension took place after the time of Ksemindra.”
Now, if the Southern recension represents the original form, must we not suppose the Northern recen-
sion to have branched off ? In a similar way the legend of Ganesa has been stated by Winternitz to be
a later insertion {ih., p. 80; J. R* A. S., 1898, p. 632), but he has been refuted by Biihler, and I
cannot but agree with the latter, inasmuch as such an hypothesis is in formal contradiction to the fact,
ascertained beyond a doubt by Biihler, of the epic having been settled in its main features many
centuries before Ks6m6ndra’s time. All conclusions of this kind are necessarily premature, for we
do not know, if there ever existed an uniform Southern recension ; nay I am afraid that it may turn
out to be true with respect to Southern MSS., what has been said by Kosegarten^ with respect to the
MSS. of the Fanoatantra : quot codices^ tot textus,
II* — Uniformity*
Next to the disquisition regarding the recensions comes the question, in what way the Malid-
hhdrata, or to speak more correctly, the satasdhasrt samhitd, has originated. Dahlmann has tried
to prove its uniformity, and his view has m‘et with the approval of scholars like Barth (I, c,, pp. 8, 52)
and Jacobi (Qott, Gel. A., 1896, p, 67). Therefore I surmise we may accept it, hut with the restric-
tion, as has been pointed out by Jacobi (Z. c., p. 74), that we can only speak of uniformity of the
diasJceuasis, whereas Holtzmanii, and in some measure also Dahlmann, hold it possible that a single
mail created the whole epic by the power of his imagination. By the poem itself (I. 62, 40 ; 50.
XYIII. 5, 48) we are informed that Vyasa — perhaps this name represents a committee of redac-
tion — finished it in three years,® and this statement as well as the fact that there are contradictions
and repetitions in the poem agrees very well with the hypothesis of a diasJceuasis executed by several
men who stored up in a gigantic cyclopaedia ail the materials which suited their purpose. Are there
not repetitions and contradictions too in the Shdhndme^ notwithstanding its being composed by a
single man ? (Noldeke, Das iran. Nationalepos, pp. 168, 170). Therefore I am unable to agree with
Winternitz, who styles the epic samhitd a carelessly made compilation (^Vienna Oriental Journal,
XIY., p. 67).7
It has been shown by Dahlmann, that the epic and the didactic element of the Mahdbhdrata
penetrate each other in such a way that it is impossible to separate them and to take the one for the
older. On the other hand his assertions that the ethic-moral principles of the poem agree with the
ordinances of the dTiarmasdstra, nay that the plot has been invented in illustration of those ordi-
nances, have been justly controverted by Winternitz, who shows that the rules for the niyoga are
not identical in both works (/. R. A, S., 1897, pp, 720 sqq.).
From this state of things Winternitz has drawn the conclusion (Z., c.p. 732) that the Brahmans,
for the sake of personal advantages, threw the old tradition into the form in. which we now find the
narrative in our MSS. But it is exceedingly improbable that Indian scholars should have been able to
falsify popular songs, which moreover were^ supposing this theory to be true, in accordance with the
law-books. In my opinion the diaskeuasts altered nothing, save that they turned the Prakrit wording
into Sanskrit (Barth, Z, c., p. 48). It is the European standpoint which induces so many scholars to
look upon the epic element as the older and the didactic as the younger one. But in the Indian tables
too the didactic portions overgrow the narrative, and it is weU known that Firdausi, in his Shahname,
5 See his edition, Bonn, 1848, p. vi. ® See lindwig. Das MaMbhdjrata, ah Fpos, eto, Prag, 1896, p. 25,
When Vuk Katasi^ collected the popular songs of the Servians, he published very often different recensions of
the same song side hy side. See, e* g,, my translation of Omer and Meyra in the Melanin d. Lit, d. In, a. Au$L
A888, No, 19.
8
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[Jah-u^bt, 1902.
has made use of manj^ a ‘ nttisdstra ' (Noldeke, 1. e., p. 180). so that we are justified in calling his ' epos ’
either a Jcdvya or a smrti, unless we prefer to give it both titles, inasmuch as the first term refers more
to the form and the second more to the contents. What then of B ana’s and Subandhu’s calling the
Mahdbhdrata dihavya (Cartellieri, Vmvia Or, Journ., XIII., pp. 57 sqq^ ? Does it follow from that
statement, as Winternitz argues, that the Malidblidrata was the great national poem of India before
the didactic elements were added to it ? I think we must be careful in applying our precise European
definitions to literary works of India ; thus tbe Visnudharmotiara-Piirdna is styled by Alberuni
Visrtudharma (Buhler, Ind. 1890, p, 382) and in the Pardsara-Smrti it is quoted simply as a
DJiarma (ed. Islampurkar, Vol L, part ii., prei. p. 7) ; and the Malidbhdrata itself is often called the-
filth Veda, a name wliicli points to the fact that some people looked upon it as a sectarian book.
III. — The H^ndava-saga.
There has been much discussion about the curious fact that the five brothers, who o-ccnpy
such a prominent position in the epic, are, in opposition to every Indian law, represented as
married to one woman. Dahlmaun tried at first to explain this polyandry as a mere invention by
the author for the sake of illustrating the doctrine of the undivided family. But as no one was
willing to follow him in this explanation, he combined it, in bis second work, with another proposed
long ago by Lassen, m., the five brothers represent as many members of a political federation ®
Unfortunately there is not a single historical fact in support of such a view, and Dahimann himself
makes nse of the same argument (Genesis d. 31Jib7ir,, pp. 177 sqq.) to refute the hypothesis, according
to which the polyandric marriage of Draupadi Avas a real historical event. As in the last case ethno-
logical coincidences prove nothing,^ so in the first the lack of historical evidence is, not made up by the
‘Five Tribes’ of tbe Veda. Now, if, on the one hand, the story of Draupadi has not been invented
by the author, and, on the other, if it is not a historical event, we are compelled to acknowledge in
it a poetical license. Polyandry was, it is true, against Indian custom, but it existed among many of
their neighbours, and therefore was familiar to the Indians. This is also the way in which Jacobi
looks upon the ‘vexed question’ (G. G, A., 1899, pp. 884 sqq.), and in adopting this standpoint
we escape the necessity of supposing with Holtzmann (D. 3Ihhh\^ I., pp. 30 sq.) and Winternitz
(-7. 72, A. S., 1897, p. 752; IF. jST. If XI Y., p. 68) that the Bralunans invented legends to justify
a real polyandric marriage. What authorises us, e. g., to take the Pancendropdkhgdna for a. younger
rationalistic supplement ? I cannot but agree with Barth {J, cl. Sav., 1897, p. 45) that we go
astray, at least m the present state of tbe MalidbMrata question, if we try to find out chronological
stratifications in tbe published text The mtasdhasH samJiitd bears a striking likeness to a mosaic
work composed of innumerable little stones. If we wish to get an idea of its technic, we must above all
examine, how many kinds of stones of the same size or the same colour have been made use of; but
during this inquiry the age or provenance of the stones will be of little, if any, value to us.
But let us return to our subject.
It is a most characteristic feature of the Indian mind to represent one personage under different
aspects (avatitra, jdtaka) , and the five brothers might very well turn out to be personifications
of as many qualities of a single hero : — his righteousness is personified by YndliisUiira, his
strength by Bbinm, his skill by Arjuna, his beauty and vanity by Nakula and Sahadeva. Moreover.
the story of Indra s iejas, which quits him, — as it is told in the IJdrMndega Purina,
reminds one of the Iranian legend of the Uaren6, the majesty, which quits Yima in consequence'
of his sin. Further, it is very curious that instead of akvin the vedic word ndsatya^^ is here used,
« On the other hand, Lillie in his work Buddhism in Chrisiendom (London, 18S7) suggests that “in reality the*
live sons e., the Pindavas) were one man.’*
9 Of. Franke, Lite. JBl, 1000, p. 1016.
I eipressefl iliis eonvietion seme time ago. See my article on the Khodii-n'me, W. Z. K. M., ISOS, p. 326
Inthe Veda laiwiyn seems to he a single persoa.ont of which the ‘twin brothers’ may very easily evolve
Could aivin not signify a centaur ? j ^
January, 1902]
THE MAHABHAEATA QUESTION,
9
which corresponds to the avestic ndohhaitltya, the demon oi: yanity, and that, precisely in virtue of
this fault, Nakula and Sahadeva do not reach the svarga. Is there not a common origin ? The
principal hero, who gains the bride and w’hom Draupadi prefers above all — a preference for which
she is punished in the end — is Arjuna ; and for this reason, his son is the true heir. Finally I
may mention that in the MujmiUat-Tavarihh the five brothers are begotten long after Pandu’s death
by ‘inhabitants of the atmosphere’ (sdkindn i havd), which points to their being individuals without
fixed lineage. In fact the ‘ god ’ Dhanna is but an imaginary personality.
To sum up, the Pandava are true Indians, and there is no reason to assume that the pivot of their
great national epos was modelled on the customs oC a foreign people.
IV. — Date.
Eegarding the date of the diasheuasis, we can only look for internal evidence in the
epic itself. An often quoted passage of the Vanaparvan proves, as has been pointed out by Barth
(Z. c., p. 42), that Dahlmann is wrong in placing the compilation before Buddha. Besides that the
Mahdhhdrata itself professes to be written down, and nothing written has been found which goes back
to a time before the third century B. C. (Barth, Z. c., p. 39). Hopkins {A, J, Ph.^ 1898, p. 22;
cf. Jacobi, Q, G» A., 1896, p. 55) also accepts this as the higher limit. On the other hand the signs
for the liquid vow^els are said to have been invented either by NAgarjuna or by Sarvavaman,i2 who lived
in the second century A. D., and it would have been well-nigh impossible to write down a Sanskrit
text without them. Of course, it does not follow from this circumstance that the poem did not exist
orally in its Sanskrit garb before that latter period ; on the contrary several reasons seem to prove that
this was really the case.
First, Biihler has shown that the satasdhasn smhhitd existed ca. 500 A. but that its
compilation in all probability was to be pushed back by four to five centuries and perhaps even
further (Indian Studies^ 1892, p. 27). Jacobi holds now the same view (G. A., 1899, p. 882).
Then, Weber has long ago (/. St,, XIII., p. 357) alleged a passage of Dio Clirysostomus, in which this
author mentions the Indian Homer, and this quotation goes back to the second century B. 0. To the
same epoch point two facts brought to light by Kielhorn (J. E, A, 5., 1898, pp. 18 sq.) and d’Olden-
burg (JS. H. R,, 1898, p. 343). The first is that the epic Sanskrit, as well as the Pali of the Jdtaka
have much in common with the language used by Patanjali in his Mahdbhdsya, a work composed in
all probability in the second century B, C. ; the second is that the bisastaiTiyopahliydna of the Xlllth
book, ch. 93 and 94, occurs in the P^li and the Sanskrit /aia^a-collection with many coinci-
dences of detail, and is represented on the Stupa of Bharhut, which has been constructed ca. 150
B, 0. Finally it may be worth recording that Asvaghosa mentions in the Buddhacarita^^
several epic personages, that in the Lalitavistara the Pandava are spoken of as belonging to one
family, and that in the inscription of Pulumayi, which dates before 150 A. D., Krsna, Arjuna,
Nahusa*and Janamejaya are alluded to (Levi, Rev, Cr., 1893, Vol. I., p. 281). Although Asvaghosa
lived in the first century A. D., he drew of course from older sources, and the same may be
supposed of the authors of the Lalitavistara and the inscription.
We come, then, to the conclusion that a committee of rhapsodists collected in the second
■century B, 0, the most popular songs into one large work, translating them at the same time into
Sanskrit. This work was handed down orally till the second century A. D. and then written down.
Now the question arises, if we know of an event, which could possibly induce the bards to gather
together the disjecta membra'' of the tradition of the past, I think there was one. As long as
India proper was under the sway of kings favourable to the Buddhists, we can hardly imagine the
Professor Hornle has kindly drawn my attention to this point.
’3 This was also the opinion of Cunningham {Bhika Topes, p. 137).
J* And in the Vajrasdci, but it is doubtful, whether this work is of the same author.
10
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Jantjaet, 1902.
‘ sOta^ storing up legends ^hich, to say the least, did not hold the shaven lollowers of the Tatlid’^
g>da^ in high esteem. But this tendency came to a sudden standstill, when !Pusy amt train 180
B. 0. killed the last of the Maurya kings and, to strengthen his usurped power, favoured as much
as he could the Brahmans, the natural enemies or the Buddhist monks. Those in their turn collected
all legends of viinuitic and sivaitic stamp, which showed the '■ true national creed of India, and
perhaps chose the Sanskrit form in opposition to the popular preaching of the Sakya prince.
Be that as it may, the first thing to be done in this field of Indian literature seems to me to be a
new critical edition of the ‘ Yulgata’ together with all available commentaries. During more than
2,000 years the Mahaohdrata was shap^il and sung in this form all over India, and, I surmise, we can
do no better than to make it the standard and touchstone of all further researches.
LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTlTES IN CANTON,
WRITTEN IN 1584 AND 1536.
BY DONALD TEEGUSON.
(Continued from FoL XXX. p, 491.)
[f. 104] D Copy of a letter that came from China; which letter was written by
Christovao Vieyra and Vasco Calvo, captives there, who were of
the company of the ambassadors that Pernao Perez took in the year 1520.26
In the year 1520, on the 23rd of January, we set out for the king of Ohina.27 In May we were
with the king in ISTanquim: thence he commanded us to go forward to the city of Piquim, in order to
give us dispatch there. On the 2nd of August letters were sent to Cantao regarding what had passed
with the king so far : the letters reached Jorge Botelho and Diogo Calvo, who were in the islands^
where trade is carried on. However, I do not again write of that, because the time requires brevity
and little verbiage. In February the king entered Piquim and was ill three months ; he died,2£> and
the day following [they said] that we must go to Cantao with the present, that the new king would
come, that they should go to him to the other city, that he would send us the reply to Cantao, We
left Pequim on the 22nd of May, and arrived on the 22nd of September at Cantao ; because the guide
came leisurely according to his own will. The cause of the present’s not being accepted is this.
When Pernao Perez arrived at the port of China, he ordered the interpreters to write letters
to the effect that there had come a captain- major and had brought an ambassador to the king of China,
The interpreters [f. 104v] wrote these according to the custom of the country, thus : ‘‘A captain-
major and an ambassador have come to the land of China by command of the king of the Piringis^®
with tribute. They have come to beg, according to custom, for a seaP^ from the lord of the world,
26 This heading (by whom I know not) contains several errors. In the first place, there are two distinct letters
and not one. In the next place, Vasco Calvo was not one of the ambassador’s company, but came with his brother
tiiogo Calvo in 1521. In the third place, EemSo Peres de Andrd.de took only one ambassador, Thome Pares. And
lastly, it was in 1617, and not 1520, that FernSo Peres arrived in China,
27 For previons events, see Introduction. This letter begins so abruptly, that it is evident that the writer must
in a previous commanication, or in a portion of this one that has been lost, have described the doings of the embassy
down to January 1520. ^
^ The Dha da Teniaga or Tamao. (See Introduction.)
» In the original, after the vovAfalleteo, the copyist has made nonsense of what follows by leaving ont some
words. I have made the best sense I could of the jumble.
^ Franks. (See IJobson-Jobson, s. v. * Firinghee.’}
Barros says (Deo. Ill*, VI. i.) “ This seal, which that emperor gives to all the kings and princes that make
themseljashis jas^.isofhis device, and with it they sign themselves ia allletters and writings, in demonstra-
tion of their being has subjects. (C/. f. 110») ^
Janitaey, 1902.] LETTERS EROM POETUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
11
the son of God, in order to yield obedience to him.” According to custom, for this letter we were
received on land. This is the substance of the letter that they wrote, without giving an explanation
of it to Fernao Perez, nor his being at any time aware of it : only the interpreters said that the letter
had been well done according to custom and as they had comprehended the substance of it.
In the city of Pinquim [5io] within the palace of the king the letter of our lord the king was
opened, and there was found therein the reverse of what the interpreters had written. It therefore
appeared to them all that we had entered the country of China deceitfully, in order to spy ont the
land, and that it w’as a piece of deception that the letter to the king was written differently from the
other letters. The king thereupon commanded that we should come no more to his palace to do
reverence, and soldiers and a guard were placed over us. The custom with ambassadors in Piquim
is to place them in certain houses with large enclosures, and there they are shii^ in on the first day
of the moon ; and on the fifteenth day of the moon they go to the king’s palace, some on foot, and
some on jades with halters of straw ; and proceed to measure their length five times before a wall of
the king’s palace all in order with both knees on the ground and head and face flat on the earth.
Thus they remain until they are commanded to rise. Five times do they do this at this wall.33 Thence
they return and re-enter the locked enclosures. It was to this reverence that they commanded that
we should come no more,
The interpreters were asked why they had written a false letter [f. 105] and one not conformable
to that of our lord the king. They said, that they had written it according to the custom of China *
that the letter of our lord the king came closed and sealed, so that it could not be read nor opened ;
that it had to be given into the lung’s hands ; that we were from a far country, and did not know
the custom of China, which was great ; that in future we should know it; that they were not to blame,
as they had written the letter according to custom. The mandarins were not satisfied with the reply.
They were asked each one whence they came ; and as soon as the king died they were imprisoned and
the young men their servants.
The king arrived at a town that is two leagues from the city of Pim [szc] in January of the year
1521. He remained to pass judgment on a relative of his who had risen against him and com-
manded him to be burnt after being banged. There he took up the business of our answer • because
there had been brought to him three letters^i against the Portuguese, — one from two mandarins in
Piquim, another from the mandarins of Cantao, and another from the Malays, the substances of which
were as follows, viz , : —
“ The mandarins who went to the Island of Trade to receive the customs dues by order
of the mandarins of Cantao beg to inform the king, that, when they had gone in such a year
and day to collect the customs dues, there came Firingi folk with many arms and bombards, pjower-
ful people, and did not pay the dues according to* custom ; and they are constructing fortresses ; and
they have also heard say that these people had taken Maiaca and plundered it and killed many people.
That the king ought not to receive their present ; and if he wished to receive them that they should
say upon what kingdoms the kingdom of the Firingis bordered ; and that he would command
them that he was not willing [f. lOSvJ to receive them.”
The letter of the mandarins of Cantao said, that the Firingis would not pay the dues, and they
took dues from the Siamese and seized them and boarded their j'unks and placed guards in them, and
would not allow them to carry on trade or to pay dues, and had a fortress made of stone covered with
tiles and surrounded with artillery, and inside many arms ; and that they stole dogs^s and ate them
roasted ; and that they had come to Cantao by force, and that they carried bombards in quantities,
reconnoitring the rivers ; that they fired off bombards in front of the city and in other prohibited
places.
32 Barros describes tWs ceremony more fully (Deo. III., VI. i.). 3s The Prince of Ning. (See IntroduotioiK.)
34 C/. Barros, Dee. Ill, VI., i. 35 On this see footnote in Introduction.
J2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[jAirtTABY, 1902.
The Malays said, that the ambassador of the king of Portugal who was in the country of China
had not come in truth, that he had come falsely to the land of China in order to deceive, and that ,
we went to spy out the lands, and that soon we should come upon them ; and that as we had set up
a stone^^ on the land and had a house we should soon have the country for our own ; that thus we
had done in Malaca and in other parts ; that we were robbers.
A chief mandarin said, that we had asked him by letter for a residence or houses in CantSo ;
that, as we were Firingis, it seemed to him very bad, that in place of obedience we asked him for a
residence in the country. Another mandarin said, that in the year 1520 in the Island of Trade
the Firingis knocked off his cap and gave him blows and seized him when he was going to collect
the customs dues by order of the mandarins of Oantao.
To these things theldng replied, that “these people do not know our [f. 106] customs ; gradually
they will get to know them.” He said that he would give the answer in the city of Pequirh. (He soon
entered it, and the same day fell ill. Three months later he died without having given any answer.)
With this reply that the king gave the grandees were not much pleased ; and the king soon sent word
to Cantao, that the fortress that the Portuguese had made should be demolished, and likewise the
whole town ; that he desired no trade with any nation ; that if anyone came he was to be ordered to
return. And immediately they set out on the road to Cantao that they might inquire into what had
been told them, if it were true or not. The mandarins of Cantao did this only in order to plunder ;
they prepared armed fleets, and by deceiving them they captured by force those who came and plun-
dered them
As soon as we arrived at Cantao they brought us before the poehaoy,38 and he ordered us to be
taken to certain jail-houses that are in the store-houses of food-stuffs,^® and Thome Pirez> did not
wish to enter them, and the jailers put us into certain houses in which we were thirty and three’ days,
and thence they took Thome Pirez with six persons to the prison of the pochaqy^^ which they call
libancOj^i and me with four persons to the prison of the tomeoi^s where we were imprisoned ten months.
AH the goods remained in the power of Thome Pirez. They treated us like free people ; we were
closely watched in places separate from the prisoners. During this time the amelcaoe^^ who was
then there ordered Thome Pirez and all the company to be called. In like manner they summoned
the Malays. He said that the king ordered that our lord the king should deliver up to the Malays
the country of Malaca which he had taken from them. Thome Pirez replied tjiat he had not come for
that purpose, nor was it meet for him to discuss such a question ; that it would be evident from the
letter that [f, 106 v]he had brought that he knew nothing of anything else. He asked what force there
was in Malaca ; that he knew that there were three hundred Portuguese men there, and in Conchim
a few more. He replied that Malaca had four thousand men of arms on sea and on land, who were
now combined and then scattered ; and that in Ceilao^^ there was a varying number. With these
questions he kept us on our knees for four hours ; and when he had tired himself out he sent each
one back to the prison in which he was kept.
On the 14tli of August 1522 the pocha^i^^ put fetters on the hands of Tome Pirez, and on those
of the company fetters, and irons on their feet, the fetters riveted on their wrists, and they took from
us all the property that we had. Thus with chains on our necks and through the midst of the city
-’6 This apparently refers to the stone erected by Jorge Alvares in 1514, as mentioned in the Introduction
See f. 121. 88 ^ochacy.
The original has “ alleoqoels (?) dos mantimenios.” I am not certain of my reading of the first word ; but in
any case it is evidently a copyist’s error, Sr. Lopes suggests allmazes ( almaaens, armazensj, and this I have adopt-
ed. The word may, however, represent allogmoes ( alcjagoesJ, which would have much the same meaninsr
*0 Bead pocJiSgy.
« I cannot explain this word. Chin, pan feoo means “to look to and take care of’' (Mar., Chin.-Bna. Bid
p. ooo). • y- <!■
See Introd. Seelntrod. ** Apparently an error for Cochim. *6 Read pocM^i,
JlKTTASY, 1902.] LETTEES EROM EOETUGUESE CAPTIVES CANTOIT,
13
they took us to the house of the anehuci.^® There they knocked off our fetters and put on us other
stronger chains, on our legs riveted fetters and chains on our necks ; and from there they sent us to
this prison. At the entrance to the prison Antonio d’ Almeida died from the heavy fetters that we
bore, our arms swollen, and our legs cut by the tight chains. This, with a decision that two days
afterwards they would kill us. Before it was night they put others once more on Thome Pirez and
conducted him alone barefoot and without a cap amid the bootings of boys to the prison of the
Canclieufu^7 order to see the goods that they had taken from us which had to he described ; and
the mandarin clerks who were present wrote down ten and stole three hundred.^® The pochagij and
anchugi proceeded to say to a mandarin named Cenhi that, since the Portuguese had entered the
Island and because he was of opinion regarding us that we had come to spy out the country and
that we were robbers, we should at once die. The ceuhi replied : — You want to put an end to
all these, who are on an embassy ; it may be true or false. Order their [f. 107] fetters to be struck
off immediately. 1 shall write to the king ; and it shall be done according to his wish,” On the
following day they struck off our fetters, which if we had borne a day longer we should all have died •
and they brought Thome Pirez back once more to this prison.
The goods that they took from us were twenty quintals of rhubarb, one thousand five hundred
or six hundred rich pieces of silk, a matter of four thousand silk handkerchiefs which the Chinese
callxopas^® of Naquim,^*^ and many fans, and also three arrohas of musk in powder, three thousand*
and odd cods of musk,5i four thousand five hundred taels of silver and seventy or eighty taels of
gold and other pieces of silver, and all the clothes, pieces of value, both Portuguese and those of
China, the putchuh^^ olJovge Botelho, incense, benjamin, tortoise-shells, also pepper and other
trifles. These were delivered into the factory of the Cancheufo as the property of robbers. The pre-
sent of our lord the king which he sent to the king of China is in the factory of the poelnincy. The
substance of Ihe pieces and how many and of what kind I do not remember well : however, the sum is
over one thousand five hundred ; because they carried off the inventory with other papers of import-
ance and the chests of clothes which they took and put with the goods,
From the sMp of Diogo Calvo there remained the following persons: — Vasco Calvo,
Estevao Fernandez the clerk, Agostinho Fernandez the master, Simao Luis the steward, Joao
d’Alanquer, Joao Fernandez, Diogo da Ilha of the master, and sailors Antonio Alvarez and four lads
— Joao Fernandez a Giizarati, Pedro a Javanese of the master, Gaspar of Estevao Fernandez, Gon-
9 alo of Vasco Calvo ; and because they were known in Cantao and said that they belonged to the
embassy they escaped ; the others were all seized and put into this prison. Some of them died of hunger
and some were strangled. Simao the interpreter and the Balante Alii were imprisoned ; and Alii
died here in this prison : they struck him on the head with a mallet, and so they killed him ; [f. 107v]
Simao Baralante who was in the Chachefu died of beatings ; — having already ropes on their necks ;
with seven hundred who died thus.^i The Portuguese, and the goods and cannon that they had
with them, all were plundered, except it was for the Idng. The supply of ship’s fittings that Vasco
Calvo had, all was plundered by the conconoepaei^^ who went to Pequim, so that nothing was left.
Bertfiolameu Soarez who was in Patane, Lopo de Goes in Syon,®® Vieente^^ Alvarez
a servant of Simao d’Andrade, and the Father Mergulhao who was in Syon, came in the
year 1621 ; and Diogo Calvo being in the port of trade the fleet of the Chinese attacked them, because
* 6 Read anchagi. *7 Kwangchau-fu, the Chinese name of Canton.
The orig. adds “ ossi laloes,'' which I cannot explain. Chinese sheu-jpa, handkerchief, Read ITaquim.
Ovig, i fa^os dalmiscere. See New Eng, Diet,, s. v. ‘Cod’ ; and of, G-aspar da Cruz in Purehas, III.
p. 168 ; Gonzalez de Mendoza, JSi&i, dela China, Hak. Soo. trans,, I. p, li3.
62 See Eohson-Jobson, s. v, ‘ Putchook.’ 63 Barros, Pec. III., VI. ii.
6^ I have made the best sense I could of the original of the foregoing passage. I think alU [? for ‘Ali] must
be here a proper name, and not the Portuguese adverb of place. I am not sure if bdXante and baralante refer to the
same person. The word balante means “ bleating/’ and was applied by the Portuguese to a negro tribe in West Afiioa.
66 See Introd. 66 Siam.
6^ Barren, in quoting from this passage (Dec. III., VI. ii.), calls this man Vasco Alvares.
14
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[Janua-ry, 1902.
the junks kept coming, today one, tomorrow another, from Syon, and they were captured by them
through their deceit when fighting. They were carried to Nanto, and their slaves and many goods
all stolen and themselves wounded. The Father Mergulhao died fighting. They were taken to the
prisons at Cantao in irons and fetters : here they were strangled, after carrying boards, [stating]
that they should die as sea robbers. They accused them of wishing to rise with their chains on, this
not being so, all the time that Martim Affonso came ; and through not seeing the other Portuguese
whotnthey brought from the ships, they all died.^s
The five junks that remained in the port of trade in the year 1521, four of the king of Malaca's
and one of the king of Patane’s, viz., one of Francisco Bodriguez’s, another of Jorge Alvarez’s,
and two others ; and as soon as Diogo Calvo left they were all plundered by the people of the fleet, while
they were in full view of Diogo Calvo.s^ The greater part was taken by the anchianoi and the
ampochi^^and captains and pro®^ of Nanto and part of the fleet, and the king had a great part j and
from here they withdrew and stole much, and it was seized by the king as the property of robbers .
The junks were divided: [f. 108] those of Francisco Kodriguez and Jorge Alvarez were given to the
capas,®^ and in them those of the king of Patane went to the Malays and another to the Siamese ;
of the other I know nothing. All was considered as the property of robbers. From the great amount
of goods that the mandarins had from these junks, they ordered that not a Portuguese should escape,
so that no one should give an account of these goods that had been plundered.
In the same year there came from Patane other junks in which came Bertholameu Soarez from
Syam, and another in which came Lopo de Goes. The Portuguese, as I have already said, were
craftily taken by them by force and they came to Nanto, and likewise on account of false messages
the people went on shore, and they captured them, because they came separately, today one,
tomorrow another, until finally all were taken prisoners. In the same junks they speedily cut
off the heads of the captains, masters, pilots, and merchants because they had goods. The
rest of the riffraff they carried off to prison, in which, they say, there died above one thou-
sand five hundred persons, besides the heads of the killed, which were a great quantity. In
order to plunder them they accused them of bringing Portuguese by land to these prisons in Oan-
tao. Many of them were strangled or died of blows and of hunger in the prisons, so that of all this
great number of people, who in all would be two thousand, there escaped only sixty rascals whom
they released, and some fifty women and children, of whom the half afterwards died : these went
to Siam,
A Siamese named Ohacoantao,^® a brother of his and three other Siamese were beheaded in the
square and their bodies truncated, because they said that they had brought; Portuguese on shore by
false stories which they had reported to them. As soon as the mandarins had the greater part of the
goods in their hands and the lesser for the king they were not wanting in eagerness [f, 108v] to kill
them. The mandarins said that these might escape who were well-known persons, that these Siamese
would write letters against the mandarins regarding the goods that they had taken from them, and
that it would fate ill with the mandarins ; that it would be better to put an end to the whole matter
so that nothing should be known of such a thing. They ordered that no stranger should be received
in China; and by this affair of these goods and that of the five junks the mandarins were very rich.
These who stole have not been in Cantao for a long time ; they were sent to other provinces accord-
ing to their customs ; now most have gone from the kingdom.
In tlie year 15210^ Martim Affonso de Melo came on a visit with five ships and a junk from
Malaca. The people that remained here are as follows, viz,, from the ship of Diogo de Mello :
— those who died in the ships : Manoel Chamarro, Joao Quoresma, Vasco Gil, Eodrigo Alvarez Joao
Vaz, Lopo Gongalvez, Joao Soarez, Pero Bouno, Alvaro PerdigSo, Manoel Alvarez, Joao Pinto' JoSo
The meauxag of the original is somewhat obsonre. gee Introd., and c/, in/m. f 123 “lo
:: i cannot S-t
« Changkwaatog? _ « An error for 152^
JAJ5TJAEY, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIYES IN CANTON.
15
Carrasco, Bastiao Gon^alvez, men of arms, a cleric, Joao de Peral master, Bras Goncalvez master’s
mate, Francisco Pires a sailor, Alvaro Annes gunner, jASonse Annes bombardier, Joao Affonso
sawyer. These sixty^s (lied in the ship. Diogo de Melo captain, Duarte Lopez, Diogo Carreiro :
these being wounded and having been collected in the junks, while going forward, because they cried out
i)wing to their wounds and fetters, they cut their heads off in the same junks. Duarte Pestana the
barber, Benadito a sailor, Domingos Gil a grummet, 66 Roque a grummet, Pero do Toyal a grummet,
JoSo Goncalvez bombardier, J oanue a slave : these nme®^ were taken to the prison of the tocecy. Pero
Annes pilot, Bertholameu Fernandez mason, Joao de Matos, Antonio Medina, Joanne a Moluccan,
these grummets, Domingos Fernandez, Jorge Diaz, Fernao Liarao, men of arms: these were brought
to this prison of the anchugy, where I now am.^s
[f. 109] People of tlie ship of Pero Homem — those who died in the ship : — Pero Homem,
Caspar Rodriguez, Martim Affionso steward, Francisco d’ Andrade, Diogo Martinz, Antonio Alvarez
• — these six men of arms ; Pantali ao Diaz master, Joao Luis master’s mate, Bras Martinz, Pero
Annes, Antonio Estevez — these three sailors ; Alvaro, Pero, Joanne, Manoel a black — these five®®
grummets ; Luis Pirez carpenter and the barber Vasco Rodriguez, Jorge Diaz cooper : all these
sixteen persons were killed in the ship ; Joao da Sylveira, Domingos Serrao, Martinho Francisco do
Mogadonro, Francisco Ribeiro Magalhaes, Jorge Rodriguez — these six^® were brought to the prison of
the tomeoy, and four grummets, viz,, Pina and Francisco, Manuel a Malabar, Diogo a Caffre, and
Andre Carvalho pilot ; Antonio Fernandez a sailor, Francisco and Antonio grummets, and Matheus
Diaz, Francisco Monteiro, Afonso Martinz, Marcos, Tome Fernandez tiler, Sisto Luis gunner —
these ten were brought to this prison. The women whom they captured in these ships were taken to
other prisons and sold. After they had been put in the prison of the tomaei all died of hunger and
cold : there remained only four Portuguese meu and one Caffre, who died in this prison in which we
are. There died six and remained eighteen, both those in this prison and those in the prison of
the iomegu
On the day of St. Nicholas^^ in the year 1522 they put boards on them with the sentence that
they should die and be truncated as robbers: the sentences said : “ Petty sea robbers sent by the great
robber falsely ; they come to spy out our country ; let them die truncated as robbers.” A report
was sent to the king according to the information of the mandarins, and the king confirmed the
sentence. On the 23rd of September 1523 these twenty-three persons were each one cut in pieces,
viz., heads, legs, arms, and their private members placed in their mouths, the trunk of the body
being divided into two pieces round the belly. In the streets of Oantao, outside the walls, in the
suburbs, through the [f. 109v] principal streets they were put to death, at distances of one crossbovs^
shot from another, that all might see them, both those of Oantao and those of the environs, in order
to give them to understand that they thought nothing of the Portuguese, so that the people might
not talk about Portugaese.72
Thus our ships were captured through the two captains’ not agreeing, and so all in the ships
were taken^ they were all killed, and their heads and private members were carried on the backs of
the Portuguese in front of the mandarins of Canton with the playing of musical instruments and
rejoicings, were exhibited suspended in the streets, and were then thrown into the dunghills. And
from henceforward it was resolved not to allow any more Portuguese into the country nor other
strangers.
The Malays who had gone to Piquim received answer that they were to go to CantEo, and that
here they would send them the dispatch ; and it came, to the effect that they should give them a
__ _
66 A sMp’s apprentice or young sailor. (See Jal, Gloss. Naut., s. v. ‘Grumete* ; Smyth, Sailor* s Word~Boo\
s. Vt ‘ Grometo.*)
67 Sic ; but only seven are eunmerated, 68 <y, Yasco Oalvo’s letter infra, f, 131,
69 Only four are named. ^6 piy© o^iy geem to be named, The 6th of December.
’2 Cf* Vasco Galvo’e letter f, 134v.
16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHY.
[JakttaJit, 1902o
letter for our lord the king in order that Malaca might be delivered up to them, the tenor of v'hich is
this, according to the translation de verbo ad verhum of another that the mandarins wrote in Chinese,
that it might be made from it, of which they wrote three of this tenor, which was to be conveyed to
our lord the king, to the governor, and the other to the captain of Malaca : —
“ Qnenhici and Ohici^s mandarins heard say that the forces of the Firingis had seized Malaca.
They wrote a letter to the king of China of how it had been seized and plundered and mach people
killed; and the king wrote to the mandarins of Cantao that a council should be held regarding this.
After this letter there came another from the king of Malaca which Tuao Mafame^^ the ambassador
brought, which was given to the king of China, which reported in the following manner : — ‘ The
Firingi robbers with great boldness came to Malaca with many men and took the country and destroy-
ed it and killed much people and plundered them and captivated others, and the rest of the people
that remain are under the [f. 110] authority of the Firingis, on account of wliich the king who was of
Malaca has a sad heart oppressed with great fear. He took the seal of the king of China and fled to
Bentao, where he is ; and my brothers and relations fled to other countries. The ambassador of the
king of Portugal who is in the country of China is false : he does not come in truth but comes to
deceive the country of China. In order that the king of China may show favor to the king of Malaca
whh heart oppressed he sends a present and begs for help and men in order that his country may
be restored to him.’ This letter was given to Libo,"5 who is the bearer of this.” Libo reported that
the country, of the Firingis must be a small affair bordering on the sea ; for since the world was made
there had never come to the country of China an ambassador from such a country. The country of
Malaca has the fom^^ and seal of China and of submission to it. Libo departed and delivered the
letter to the king. The dispatch : —
The Idng of China sends a letter to the grandees of Cantao that they receive no ambassador from
P ortugal. The letter of the king of Portugal has been burnt. The ambassador and his company have
already been questioned as to how Malaca was taken. Do notlet him go. Send a letter to the king of
Portugal that he may know it, and his mandarins that they may know it at once, and may deliver
Malaca to the said king of Malaca, as the king of Malaca delivered up Malaca and the people, just as
they took them from the king of Malaca, and as the king of Malaca delivered them up. They might
let the ambassador go ; and if Malaca was not delivered up to the said king another council must he
held.”
This letter came from the king of China to thetutao and comqom and choupim of Cantao, who
sent it to the eenhituoi, the pochanci and the anchaoi, who hold the seal, to the haytao and pio,
and to the other mandarins, that they summon Tuao Healie77 the ambassador of the king of Malaca, and
that he be questioned. He told the mandarins that much people of the Firingis had taken from' him
his country Malaca ; that this was the truth. Tho mandarins held a council, and ordered that the
ambassador of the king of Portugal should write a truthful letter, and that it should be given to Tuao
[f . llOv] Alemaii9et78 the ambassador of the king of Malaca, who should take it to Malaca and thence
go to the kmg of Portugal, that he might deHver up and return to him his country and people into his
power, just as they had taken them from him, and also to Tuao Mefamet ; and that then they should
order the ambassador of the king of Portugal to go as soon as there should come a letter from the
king of Malaca to the king of China, that they had delivered up to him his - country and Iiis people ‘
and if tbe king of Portugal should not deliver up the country of Malaca to his king, and no letter
should come to the country of China of the surrender, that they should not allow the ambassador to "
go, and another council must be held. Being in this prison, the mandarins sent a letter in Chinese
that It might be done into Portuguese, of which three were made; one for our lord the king, another
for the governor, and another for the captain of Malaca, and they were given into the hands of the
ancnaQi on the first day of October of the year 1522.
WKwaa-heasz’an^miieaBz’? « Tnan Mnliammaa. ^
•* Chujese/itjtjf, to aeal ; also, an act of appointment to a dependenoy. t7 jJj;, 7$ ^ MnUamiuad
Januaby, 1902.] LETTERS PROM PORTUGUESE OAPTIYES m CANTON.
17
The mandarins ordered the ambassador from Malaca to take these letters and convey them to
Malaca, and that when his country had been delivered up to him he should come back with a message.
The ambassador was unwilling, saying that with those letters they would cut off his head in Malaca ;
that they should give him leave to buy a small junk, as he wished to send half of his people to find out
about his king, because they did not know where he was, since the women that they took in the two
ships said, one that he was dead, the other not ; and that they might bring a letter if they could send
it. The small junk left by leave with fifteen Malays and as many Chinese on the last day of May
1523. It arrived at Patane, and there took in some Malays and a Bengali eunuch, and returned with
a message from the king of Malacca, and reached Cantao on the fifth day of September. The Chinese
who went in the junk all remained in Pa^ne, as they did not wish to return to China. The letter of
the ambassador said in substance as follows : —
“ The king of Malaca is in Bintao surrounded by the Firingis, poor, deserted, looking from m.arn-
ing till night for help [f . Ill] from his lord the king of China ; and if he will not give it that he will write
to the kings his vassals^® to help him with men, and that he send some provision of food to his ambas-
sador and things similar to these.” The letter also said, that, the junk being loaded at Patane, the
Portuguese had notice of it, and that they came upon it to seize it ; that they put to sea with a storm,
without any more merchandise and provisions, and that they would certainly die of hunger at sea,”
On receipt of this letter the mandarins entered Cantao, and there proceeded to dispatch them
once more, saying that both the ambassadors, viz., TuSo Mafamet and Cojacao,®® and their company
were to go to Bintao, the junk being already ready ; and that if they did not wish to gp they would
not give them provisions. They replied that they could not go, that they, might kill them and do
what they pleased ; that the Firingis had taken everything there ; that they could go to no place
where they would not seize them. The interpreter also said to the tutuao who came from Patane, that
he had bad news that in the present year there were to come one hundred Portuguese sail : for. which
speech they gave him twenty lashes for daring to speak of such a thing. The ambassador left in the
year 1524. I heard say to some merchants here, that in order to avoid the coast of Patane they made
the islands of Borne in bad weather, and that the junk was wrecked and they were captivated. I do
not know if this was true.
In the ship of Biogo Calvo there came a Christian Chinese, with his wife, named
Pedro : this man when he saw the rout returned to Poym,®^ of which he was a native. There he lay
hidden ; and he took the opportunity, when he had got security from the mandarins, to say that he
would tell them the force that the Portuguese had in Malaca and in Cochim : that he knew it all ; that
he knew how to make gunpowder, bombards and galleys. He said that in Malaca there were three
hundred Portuguese men, that in Cochim there were none ; and he commenced in Cantlio to build two
galleys. He made two ; and when quite finished they were shown to the great mandarins. They found
that they were very lop-sided, [f. lllvj that they were useless, that they had caused a great waste of
wood. They ordered that no more should be made, discontinued the work of the. galleys, and set to
making gelfas®^ at Nanto. They found that he knew something of gunpowder and bombards, and,
sent him to the king. He gave the latter information regarding Malaca, and was made a noble, with
a picul of rice as maintenance. They say that he made bombards in Pequinj because the king there
makes war forwards sake. This may be so, as they told me thus of this Pedro’s making bombards in
Pequim. On account of this information the Chinese hold the Portuguese in little esteem, as they say
that they do not know how to fight on land, — that they are like fishes, which when you take them
out of the water or the sea straightway die. This information well suited the wish of the king and
the grandees, who had heard otherwise, for which reason they took council, regarding Tome Pirez,
as to how they might entrap him in order to bring him to Cantfio.
That is, the Rajas of Patani, Pahang, etc, Rhah P.
81 From the statement infra (f. U 8 t) regarding the situation of this place, it is evi^nt that Pfihiun on the east
ooast of Lintin Bay is meant.
83 Q^lfa or sfBlva^ translated ** shallop ” in the Bak. Soo. ed. of the ojf kites'* HL P* See
Jobsonj p. 276, s. v, * Gallevat.’
18
THE INDIAN ANa?IQDAEY.
[January, 1902.
The people that remained in the company of Tome Pirez were : — Duarte Fernandez
a seryant of Dorn Felipe, Francisco de Budoya a servant of the lady commander, and Christovao
d’ Almeida a servant of Christovao doTavora, Pedro de Freitas and Jorge Alvarez, I Christovao Vieira
and twelve servant lads, with five jurihassos.^^ Of all this company there are left only I Christovao, a
Pex'sian from Ormuz, and a lad of mine from Goa. Those of us who remain alive at present are s—
Vasco Calvo, a lad of his whom they call Gon^alo, and, as I have said, we three who are left of the
company of Thome Pirez. These by saying that they belonged to the embassy escaped, and they put
them with us here in this prison. We came in thirteen persons ; and, as I have said, there have died
Duarte Fernandez (when we went to Pequim he died in the hills, being already sick), Francisco de
BedoisS^ (when we came from Pequim he died m the road)^ also three or four lads in this prison by
reason of the heavy fetters as I have said above, Ghristovao d’ Almeida, also Jorge Alvarez, both
Portuguese (the scriyoDierof the prison being fuddled with wine killed him with lashes, and he died in
sis; days^^). The interpreters in Pequim were taken prisoners and killed, and their servants ff* 112]
given as slaves to the mandarins for belonging to traitors. The head juribasso died of sickness , the
other four were beheaded in Pequim for having gone out of the country and brought Portuguese to
China. Pero de Freitas in this prison and Tome Pirez died hereof sickness in the year 1524 in May.
So that of all this company at present there are only two here, as I have said above.
The names that we here : — Tome Pirez, “ captain -major.” WhenFernao Perez came to
China he said that there had come an ambassador and captain-major : they supposed that it was all
one name, and put down “ambassador captain-major.” They withdrew the name of “ambassador,”
because they said that it was a false embassy : we are now proving it to be true. The mandarins
consider what is past to have been badly done, and do not hold this as an argument against onr release.
At any rate, “captain-major” remained; and they imagine that it was his name. Me they call
‘«Tri8tao de Pina,’’ because Tristao de Pina remained here as scrivener: he was removed, and I
was left in his place and name, because of being already so written in the books of the mandarins, and
thus they call me. Vasco Calvo they call ‘‘CeUamem,”®® Gongalo his lad “ the dog,” Christovao
“Christovao,” Antonio “Antonio,” and those that died I forbear to write down, all of whom had their
names altered, because they could not be written down, nor have the Chinese letters that can be
written, as they are letters of the devil ; and moreover they could not be rectified, as they were
already dispersed throughout many letters and in many houses ; and if they had done differently the
sum total would have appeared in it exactly the same. The women of the interpreters as also those of
Tome Pirez that were left in tliis city in the present year were sold as the property of traitors ; they
remained here dispersed throughout Cantao.
The country of China is divided into fifteen provinces. Those that adjoin the sea
are Quantao, Foquiem, Chequeam, Namquy, Xantao, and Pequy: these, although they
border on the sea, also extend inland all round. Qua.ncy, Honao, Cuyeheu, He[f. 112v]cheue,
Cheamey, and Sancy confine, with Pequim, upon these provinces that are in the midst :
Queanoy, Vinao, Honao.®® Of these fifteen Nacquiim and Pequim are the chief of the whole
Interpreters. (See Hdbson-Johsofif s, v , ; Yule's earliest inst?moe is dated 1603.)
^ Bedoia? (Spelt Budoya above.) 85 Tbe original is very confused, and I am uncertain of tbe sense.
I cannot explain this word : it may represent some OMnese name,
n Z ?{l Pmohas, Pilg. III. p. 185 s— « The CJiinas have no certain Letters in their Writing, for
aw ^ Writings of all other Nations, hut
88 The fifteen Pre^oes en^erated are the following :-Kwangtnaig, FfiHen, Ohehkiang, Nanking,
eking, Kwanghs!, Tannan, Kweiohau, Szechwan, Shenhsi, Shanhsi, Kianghsi, Hfinan, and Honan (In the
^ ^ ^*0®® 8>Ten by Gonzalez de Mendoza in his Eiti de la
CUna, bk. I. chaps to. and viu., some of the names in which are seaa;oely identifiable. (The editor of the Hak Soo
transiatira, IS an interpolation, to supply the accidental omission of “ OSton” in the original 1 Fr Poor,., a
Cruz,inGiefifthchapter of his iVaciado da China (1569.70), enumerates o^ tHrCrp^Ses lut Zs
^esjamj accurately. The list given by Barros (Dec. m..n. vii.). tLugh Ve e”puiShK S
January, 1902 .] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE OAPTIYES IN CANTON.
19
country. Over all Pequim is the capital where the king by law resides. Nanquim lies in 28 or
29 degrees, Pequim in 38 to 39. From Cantao to Poque the coast runs along north-east and south-
west a little more or less. From Poquem to Piquim the coast runs straight north and south. The
coast winds about, which they say is a very safe one, and having many cities and towns near the sea on
rivers. All these fifteen provinces are under one king. The advantage of this countryS^ lies in its
rivers all of which descend to the sea. No one sails the sea from north to south ; it is prohibited by
the king, in order that the country may not become known Where we went was all rivers. They
have boats and ships broad below without number, there are so many. I am certain that I must have
seen thirty thousand including great and small.®i They require little water. Certainly there are
rivers for galleys suitable for every kind of rowing foist for war. Close to the sea the country has no
wood, nor at thirty leagues from the sea : I mean that on the coast from north to south the land is all
low, all provisions are carried, and on the rivers the wood comes down in rafts from inland, and it is
towed from more than one hundred leagues round Pequym because the province in which the king
resides has no wood nor stone nor bricks : ^2 all is carried from Nanquim in large boats. If Naoquim
did not supply it with its provisions, or other provinces, Pequym would not be able to sustain itself,
because there are people without number and the land does not produce rice, because it is cold and has
few food-products. The king resides in this province, which is situated at the extremity of his
country, because he is at way with some peoples called Tazas;®^ and if the king did not
remain there they would invade the country, because this same Pequim belonged to these Tazas, with
other provinces.
In this country some fifteen leagues from the gulf of Cauchim,^^ from fifteen to twenty leagues
inland from Haynao, here commences a mountain range: this range is called [t. 113] Miuylem or
Moulem,®® and runs eastward and ends in Foquem, and divides Foquem from OhiguiSo. These moun-
tain ranges are very high, without trees ; they are lofty and very rugged, so that these ranges divide three
provinces. On the sea Can§y borders on the country of CaucM and CantSo and then Foquem. These
three provinces stand by themselves. Of the others Cantao and Foquem border on the sea and reach
as far as the mountain range. Caneim lies between Cantao and the range as far as Canchim:®® it does
not border on the sea of Cancliim.®® The whole of this line of mountains which divides these three
provinces from the other twelve has only two roads very steep and difficult. One is from this city to
the north : by this one is served the province of Oangi and Cant§,o and part of Foquem. The other is
there above Foquem, with roads cut through the rock in many parts®^ like that which goes to Santa Maria
da Penna,®8 and on the other side there will be a like descent. In these lofty and steep ranges rise
rivulets which afterwards here below form rivers that go flowing down to the sea ; and anyone that
89 xiie orig. has serra, mountain range, a copyist’s blunder for terra evidently.
Cf. G-aspar da Cruz in Purohas, Pilg, III, p. 190 j Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I, p, 94.
91 Cf, Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I. p. 149.
98 This statement is incorrect. (See Williams’s Middle Kingdom, I. p. 89.)
93 Barros, in quoting this statement from Christo vSo Vieyra’s letter, says (Deo. III., YI. i.) that the emperor
resided in Peking ** because of its being on the frontier of the Tartars, whom they call Tatas or Tanoas (as we have
already said [in Dec. III., II. vii.] ), with whom he is continually at war.” (See also Galeotto Pereira in Purohas,
Pilg, pp. 205, 207 ; Gaspar da Cruz inib, p. 170 ; Mendoza, Hak. Soo. ed. pp, 9, 28, 77, 85, 90.)
w That is, Coohinohina. See Ynle’s Holson-Jotson, s, v, * Cochin-China j’ Gaspar da Cruz in Purohas, Pilg, III.
p, 167 ; and Galeotto Pereira in same, p. 205.
95 Meiling, the Plum Pass,” by which nearly all intercourse between the northern and southern provinces was
carried on. The name is applied locally to the Yunling range. (See Mid, King, I, pp. 12, 87, 39, 113, 159, 174.)
96 Sic, for Oauchim. 97 o/. Mid. King, I. p. 174.
99 This is the famous monastery at Cintra in Portugal, immortalized by Byron in Cliilde JSarold, canto I, verses
six. -XX., under the title of ” Our Lady’s House of Woe,” the poet being under the mistaken impression that it derived
its name from pena, punishment, whereas it is from ^enha, rook, cliff. (In his note on the name, and the one correct-
ing the error, Byron has jumbled up Spanish and Portuguese in a ridiculous way.) The spelling >genna in the text is
an antiquated form of Spanish •igena, — I owe the reference to Childe Earold to Sr. David Lopes of Lisbon, to whom
I am indebted for muoh kind help. It is a remarkable coincidenoe that, according to Sir John Barrow (^Travels in
China, p. 597), Lord Macartney should, when crossing the Meiling Pass, have been reminded, like Christo vSto
Vieyra, of the Cintra rooks.
20
THE INHlAH ANTIQUAHY.
[January, 1902.
comes irom Gantao thither is in the middle portion of the l-oad always towed with hooks, sometimes
through only a span of water. There is another similar one from the range to other proyinces.
This mountain range has on the Cantao side a city, and on the other side another:®® the range lies
in the middle ; from one to the other there will be some six or seven leagues.^®® As regards the range,
it is a steep and very difficult country. It is a great thoroughfare, because the whole country of the
twelve provinces passes through here ; those who wish to come to Quieney and to Cantao in one day
pass along this road on mules or asses. The water of the rivulets that runs from these ranges both
from one extremity and the other to the foot of these ranges on both sides unites and begins to form
rivers having in places two spans of water, and the boats go grating on the pebbles ; this in many
places for some eight to [f. 113v] ten leagues downwards from the range, and in some places it is
deep.i From this range to Cantao all the merchandise that comes and goes is by this river ; all the
mandarins who come and go do so by this river. By land there is a road paved with stones (?),3 and
there are some rivers on the way that they cross; however by it they go but little, because there are
robbers ah along the road and on the rivers. As I have said, the roads of the country are not safe.
All the traffic and journeys in the country of China are by rivers, because the whole of China is
intersected by rivers, so that one cannot go two leagues by land without crossing twenty rivers :
this is throughout the whole country, and there is only one province that has no rivers.®
All the craft of Cantao^ in which the people and merchandise go to the mountain range and
to other parts of these two provinces, vh,, Cantao and Quean^y, all is made in the city of Cantao
close to the sea in places surrounded by rivers of fresh water and by mountains ; because from
CantSo right up to the mountain range there is not a single tree from which a single boat can be made.
In Canoi which is far from here, they build some large boats for merchandise, but not many: all
the manufacture is in these outskirts of CantSo and around Tan^ao.® If these boats of CantSo were
destroyed, help could not come from other provinces, because they have no roads by land. So that,
whoever should be master of the district of Gantao, all the advantage is on the border of the sea and
twelve, fifteen, twenty miles inland : all thie is divided up by rivers where every kind of boat can go.
This is the most suitable race and country of any in the whole world to be subjugated, and the
whole aim Kes in this district of Cantao. Certainly it is a greater honor than the government of
India : further on it will be seen that it is more than can be described. If our lord the king had the
red truth and information as to what it is so much time would not pass.
[f. 114] This province of Cantao is one of the best in China, from which the king receivesmnch
revenue, because there are rice and food-stuiBfs incalculable, and all the wares of the whole country
come to be shipped here by reason of the sea-port and of the articles of merchandise that come from
other kingdoms to CantSo ; and all passes into the interior of the country of China, from which the
king receives many dues and the mandarins large bribes. The merchants live more honestly than
in the other provinces which have no trade, hTo province in China has trade with strangers except
this of OantSo : that wWoh others may have on the borders is a small affair, because foreign folk do
not ent^ of Ghin% nor do any go out of China. This sea trade has made this province
of great importance, and without trade it would remain dependent on the agriculturists like the
^ Tte city on the Kwangfcung side of the pass is Hanhinng,; that on the Eianghsi side is Nanngan. (See Mid
I. PP- 113, m, 174.)
• 1 to Williams (Mid, King. I. p. 159) the road between Nanhinng and Nanngan is twenty-four miles
m length*
^ €f. Barrow, op. cit. p. 542.
® The prig, has “ew recadoi de which is unintelligible, Sr. Lopes suggests enrocado de ^pedrasj which I have
adopted, though I am not quite satisfied with it,
* An error s there is no riTerless province.
* It must be observed that the Bortuguese CantSo represents both the province of Kwangtung and the city of
Kwang«diau-<ffi.
^ I thinh this should.bo TancSo,. and that the place referred to is Tungkwan on the Tungkiang or East Biver.
(Spe infra, 119v, 121t.)
Janttaby, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
21
others. However the port of the whole of the country of China is Cantao : Foquem has but little
trade, and strangers do not go there. Trade cannot be carried on in any other province except in
Cantao, because it is thereby more suited than others for trade with strangers.
This province has thirteen cities and seven chenos,® which are large cities that do not bear the
name of cities ; it has one hundred walled towns besides other walled places. All the best lies along
the sea as far as Aynao on rivers which may be entered by vessels that are rowed ; and those that
are distant from the sea lie between rivers into which also all kinds of row-boats can go. Of the
cities and towns that lie on rivers which cannot be navigated except by towing no account need be
taken at the first ; because when the greater obeys the lesser does not rebel. As I have said, there
is under the sun nothing so prepared as this, and with people without number, and thickly popu-
lated on those borders where there are rivers (and where there are none it is not so populous, not by
a fifth), of every sort of craftsman of every mechanical office, I mean carpenters, caulkers, smiths,
stone-masons, tilers, sawyers, carvers : in fine that there is a superabundance [f, 114v] of the
things that are necessary for the service of the king and of his fortresses,^ and from hence may
be taken every year four or five thousand men without causing any lack in the country.
The custom of this country of China is, that every man who administers justice cannot belong
to that province ; for instance, a person of Cantao cannot hold an office of justice in Cantao ; and
they are interchanged, so that those of one province govern another : he cannot be a judge where
he is a native.® This is vested in the literates ; and every literate when he obtains a degree begins in
petty posts, and thence goes on rising to higher ones, without their knowing when they are to be
moved; and here they are quietly settled, when a letter comes and without his knowledge he is moved
from here three hundred leagues. These changes are made in Poquim : this takes place throughout
the whole country, and each one goes on being promoted. Hence it conies that no judge in China
does equity, because be does not thiuk of the good of the district, but only of stealing, because he is
not a native of it, and does not know when he may be transferred to another province. Hence it
comes that they form no alliances and are of no service where they govern nor have any love for the
people : they do nothing but rob, kill, whip and put to torture the people. The people are worse
treated by these mandarins than is the devil in hell : hence it comes that the people have no love
for the king and for the mandarins, and every day they go on rising and becoming robbers. Because
the people who are robbed have no vineyards nor any source of food it is necessary that they
become robbers. Of these risings there are a thousand. In places where there are no rivers
many people rise ; those that are between rivers where they can be caught remain quiet ; but
all are desirous of every change, because they are placed in the lowest depth of subjection. It
is much greater than I have said.
The mandarin nobles although they are mandarins hold no post of justice. Of these there
are many ; they are mandarins of their own residences, [f. 115] and have a salary from the king;
while they hold office they go to fight wherever they are sent. These for any fault whatsoever arc
straightway beaten and tortured like any other person of the common people. However they
go on advancing in names, and according to the name so is the maintenance. These do not go
out of the district of their birth, because they do not administer justice. Sometimes they have
charge of places of men of arms ; howevei*, wherever they are, they understand very little of
justice, except in places with populations of people of their own control.
The arms® of the country of China are short swords of iron with a handle of wood, and a
bandoleer of esparto qord. This is for fhe men of arms; the mandarins have of the same
fashion but finer according as they have authority. Their spears are canes, the iron heads
« Chm. dh-^n, now = a market town. 7 c/. the letter of Diogo Oalyo in the Introduction.
* 0/. Gal. Pereira in Purchas, P%. m. p. 202. Couto (Deo. VIL, I. iii.), in referring to the appointment
as viceroy of India in 1554 of D. Pedro Mascarenhas, describes this custom of the Chinese, and highly commends it.
® CJ. Mendoza, 1., III. cHap. r.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[January, 1902.
being spikes and hooks ; pieces of wood, head-pieces or helmets of tin of Flanders foil for the
sake of the heat. Before the Portuguese came they had no bombards, only some made after
the manner of the pots of Monte M6rd<^ a vain a&ir. None of the people may carry arms
esf^ept they do it under pain of death. The men of arms may not carry them at home when
they have done their duty, the mandarins give them to them so long as they serve under them :
w'hen this is finished they are collected at the house of the mandarin. They have wooden
cross-bows.
The capital punishments^ in the country of China. — The most cruel is putting one on
the cross, where they take from him three thousand slices while he is alive, and afterwards
open him and take out his pluck for the hangman to eat, and cut all in pieces and give it to
the dogs that stand waiting for it. They give themes this^^ to eat in the case of captains of
robbers, for whom they have a liking.^® The second is cutting ofi! the head, the private mem-
bers being cufc oS*and put in the mouth, and the body divided into seven pieces. The third is
cutting off the head at the back of the neck. The fourth is strangling. Those that are liable to
less than death become men of arms of China in perpetuity to son, grandson and great-grandson,
that is, one that belongs to Cantao they transfer to another province very [f, 115v] far off, and
nevermore does he return to his own ; there they serve as men of ai’ms. These are the men of arms
of China. From this they rise to be mandarin knights, of those whom I have mentioned above
ten thousand, some banished in their life-time for a term of years, and those who have been
banished they transfer to various provinces to serve in the houses of the mandarins and sweep
and carry water, split wood, and to fulfil every other service of this kind, and to serve in
works of the king and other services. The tortures^® are to fasten boot-trees for stretching
buskins one between the feet and two outside with cords, with which they torture their ankle-
bones, and with mallets they strike the boot-trees, and sometimes break their ankle-bones and
sometimes the shin-bones of their legs, and they die in a day or two. And there is also the
similar one with pieces of wood between tbe fingers and toes : these suffer pain but do not run
risk of their lives ; they are, however, beaten on the legs, buttocks and the calves of the legs,
and on the soles of the feet, and are given blows on the ankles. From these beatings many'
without number die ; and all great and small are tortured. They hold very strongly to custom,
and the people are ill-used, and no one writes a letter against the mandarin because he is of the
gentry. The whip is a large dry split cane of the thickness of a finger and of the breadth
of the palm of the hand, and they put it in soak that it may hurt the more.17
Every person that has lands. — The whole country of China is divided up into lots j they call
each lotis quintei it will be sowing land of four alqueires^o of rice. Every husbandman is
obliged to pay from this land of his a certain quantity of rice. Now they sow, then they do not ;
now today they have good seasons, then bad ones. When the seasons are not favorable they
become poor, and sell their children in order to pay: if this is not sufficient, they sell the
properties themselves. They are obliged, every person that has this acreage of land, to give
certain persons for the service of the mandarins, or for each person twenty ermados. They
10 two small towns of this name in Portugal, - Monte MeJr o Novo and Monte Mo'r o Vellxo To the
EvorrL^f^r/’ T contemptuously referred to by the writer, since the country around
Evora la famed for its pottery. (I am indebted for this information to Sr. David Lopes.)
sii ; aaspar da Cruz, chap. xx. j Mid. King. I, p 511 ff
the well-known ling chih, or slicing punishment. See Mid. King. I. pp, 5lk 514
That IS, the hangmen. j
IS Gtf ° unless it be a copyist’s error for paL.
« Ginn, fenji* or = plowed land. 20 a., .7
e weaiana. “ An alsweiM, as a dry measure = X 3 litres.
Januarz, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
23
are obliged to supply all furniture of colored tables, obairs, beds, ewers and other trifles for the
houses of the mandarins, [f. 116] Those who have not lands are obliged each one to give
certain persons ; and, if he have no person, money ; and, if he have no person or money, he
in person has to serve and eat at his own cost and fee the person he serves. Besides these
duties they are liable for the following.
Throughout the whole country of China there are now rivers, now dry land. On the
hio-h roads from stage to stage there are houses ready, with each one its mandarin clerk,
where they have rice, meat, fish, fowls and every other sort of food and preparation of the kitchen ;
and boats with kitchens, tables, chairs and beds. They have also beasts ready, rowers for the
service of the mandarins and every other person who travels by the rivers, that is, every man-
darin or other person whom the king sends or the mandarins who in connection with their
government carry letters ; for which purpose they give them much, — if they go by land, horses ;
if by sea, boats, beds, and every necessary .21 Indeed^s the persons are already furnished for these
houses. The persons of the districts are obliged to give this for a certain time, now some,
now others : for this reason, they have nothing left that they do not spend ; and if anyone
refuses he is immediately imprisoned and everything is sold, and he dies in prison. No one
refuses what the mandarin demands, but with head to the ground and face on the earth listens
to and regards the mandarines like another ligh tning-flash.ei Hence it is that the people come
to be poor ; moreover for any cause whatever they are at once beaten and put in prison, and
the least penalty is seven quintals of rice and two or three maoes (?) ^ of silver to them, and
of these they pay five hundred and a thousand taels,^® whence I verily believe that the fines
that are exacted for the king from the persons that are imprisoned is a very large sum of silver,
and I am certain that in the prisons of CantSo there are constantly as many as four thousand-
men imprisoned and many women. And every day they imprison many and release fewer; and
they die in the prisons of hunger like vermin.®? Hence the people come to have a hatred of the
mandarins, and desire changes in order to obtain liberty.
[f. 11 6 v] The cities, to-wns and walled villages of the country of Chin.®® — All the
walls are broad built on the surface of the ground: the walls have no foundations; they stand on
the earth. The face of the outer part is of stone from the ground to half-way up the wall ; the rest of
brick. Some are all of stone. I mean the outer face ; inside they are of mud. At the gate-
ways they make great arches and great gates, and above the gates sentry-boxes of wood. From
these mud-walls they remove the earth for the mud-walls.®® The villages and walls®® lie within
walls and ditches. Those that I saw were all on the surface of the ground : they have no
other fortresses. The cities, towns and villages that have walls open their gates at sunrise and
shut them at sunset.®^ They intrust the keys to the mandarin who has charge of them : at
night he receives them, and in the morning every gate has a person who guards it with ten or
21 Of, Gaspar da Cruz in Parolias, Pilj. HI. p. 185 ; Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I, p. 103.
*2 The orig. bae jahe, which may possibly be an error for ja be.
2’ Of. Gaspar da Cruz in Pnrobas, PIlp. HI. p. 187 ; Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I. p. 142.
2‘ The orig. has “ como oatro reMpando,” the last word being apparently an error for reUpado, an ancient
form of relampago.
35 The orig:. has “dows ires e mo which would mean “two, three and a half.’* As this ia not intelligible,
I suggest that the “ e? ” is an interpolation, and that “ mo ** should be “ ms,” for mages, mam, or mases. {Of, Men-
doza, Hak, Soo. ed. I. p. 82; and Gaspar da Oenz in Purohas, Pilg, III. pp. 173, 178.)
36 The orig. has Mas, an evident error for taes,
2T Of, Gal. Pereira in Parchas, Pilg, III. p. 203 ; Gaspar da Cruz in Purchas, Pilg, III. p. 189.
3* Cf Gal, Pereira in Purohas, Pilg, III. p. 200 ; Gaspar da Cruz in same, pp. 170, 172; Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed,)»
I. pp. 24, 20 ; Mid. King. I. p. 728.
39 If the orig. is correct, the only sense I can make of this is, that the earth was dug out to foum ditches and
used for filling in the walls. (C/. Gaspar da Cruz in Purohas, Filg, III. p. 171.) '
39 The -^ords " e mmes ” in the orig. may be an interpolation of the copyist's.
5^ Of, Gaspar da Cruz in Purchas, PUg. HI. p. 173; Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I. p. 130,
24
THE mDIAK AKTIQUARY.
[Janttaey, 1902.
-twelve persons; at niglit all watch, vigilantly, as they are afraid of the natives. All the houses
are protected by timber on wooden props ; the walls of a few are of mats, but in most cases of
canes and mud with clay with a facing of lime, and generally floored with small planks. Thus
‘they are all a very flimsy affair; and for the most part the whole family lives within one door,
and all have one surname. Each family^^ has a family name by which they are known : in
addition to this they have their names, Mirandas^^ or any other cognomen. Besides this
patronymic (?) they have their own names- The oldest person of this family has the names,
in order to give an account of how many there are ; and no person can go twenty miles out of
the village where he dwells without a letter from the mandarins : if he is found without it lie
is imprisoned as a robber; because all the roads are full of spies. For this letter they give
something; the letter declares what person he is and his age and all for which he is given leave.
With respect to the courts of justice that there are in this city of CantSo, [f. 117] the first
is the Caucheufu,^^ which is the court of the city. This has twelve or thirteen mandarins and
one hundred clerks: every mandarin lives in the court where he is a mandarin. The court of the
pochauci has some twenty mandarins petty and great, clerks, chimcjia©s,^® messengers, and
other persons, with clerks: in all there are more than two hundred. The court of the anchacy
hasas many other great and petty mandarins, clerks, and other persons. The court of the toci
has six or seven mandarins and many clerks. The cehi is one who has charge of the men of arms
and of the salt: he has many clerks ; and the cuom who has charge of all the affairs of justice
is one who has many clerks. The court of the tutao and the choypi and the great and lesser
congom and of the tiqos.^^ Besides these there are some fifteen or twenty whom I do not name.
There is no doubt that all the mandarins of this city of Cantao must have over seven or eight
thousand servants all employed at the expense of the people, I do not speak of other groat
courts of the mandarins who keep sheep, who have no charges, so that they may be reckoned
houses of. men of the people. Take note that eveiy house of those of the mandarins has
terraces and freestone for the purpose of being able in each one to erect a tower, and here there
is cut stone in blocks enough to build anew a Babylon. I pass over their houses of prayer and
the streets which are so much carved as to defy description. Then as regards wood, one of these
houses has enough to timber a fortress with ten towers. These houses have teicaes^^ of strong
gates within, all with houses and stables. Each of these houses covers enough ground to form
a handsome town. The house of the aytao also is very large, and has great, strong, beautiful
gates, and the wall at the hinges stands on the surface. Of all those of Cantao this is the
abundance of the mandarins ; and every day some go and others come, so that in every three
years and more all have gone and others come. Since I have been in this city many crows
have been changed.
As I have said of the much stone, so also of the much craft, that there is [f. 117v] in this
province of Cantao, not one of war, all of peace, — of such a number of royal galleys and
foists and brigantines, all with gunwales*^ and beaks and masted in the manner of galleys. If
32 The wrifeer here several times uses the word ^parenteira, for porentela, (For a similar use of the word see
B. Lopes’s Te^ios em Aljctmia Fortugmsa, p. 133, 1. 11.)
33 I cannot explain the nse of this name in this conneotion. Perhaps the copyist hits blundered.
3* Phe orig. has aboanho,” which I caunoi; explain, unless it be connected with avo, grandfather.
35 Kwangchau-fil = the city district of Canton, with the snrronnding country; also the magistrate who pre-^
sides over it.’’ (Mar., Chin.-Eng. BicL p. 503.)
38 Bee Introd. 37 Eegarding the various ofSoials mentioned soe Introd.
3* Orig, “ qu& teem ovelhas.^* 1 oannot explain this, and suspect some error of the copyist’s. Perhaps we should
read **que sao velhcs*' = ** who are old.”
^9 I oannot explain this word, which appears to he a copyist’s blunder. Sr. Lopes suggests tragoes ~ forms.
Of, Caspar da Cruz in Purchas, Tilg. III. p. 173,
41 lam not certain if . this is the exact meaning of posUgo, here. (C/. Jal, Qlo^s, vh ‘Postiocio »
^Postiza,’ eic.) * . , .
January, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
25
into eacli one be put a deck and its knees^® they become galleys and foists and brigantines ; and
at first they would do instead of those of Cochi. There are also oars and rowers without number.
Of these boats the best and newest should be taken, and all the rest burned. At leisure royal
galleys can be built, and all the other rowing craft. These draw less water than ours, and can
thus serve as well as ours in these rivers. For the sea I do not know how safe they would be ;
so that it would be needful to make a beginning with these, because they are very necesssary,
until others were made, for. if the afiair proceeds as projected, there can be made here in a month
ten or twelve rowing boats, because workmen and wood are in plenty, and especially when they
see good payment. These boats are of much importance, because all the strength isdn the rivers.
This country of China is great, and its commerce is between certain provinces of it and
others. Oantao has iron, which there is not in the whole of the rest of the country of China,
according to what I am informed. From here it goes inland to the other side of the mountain
range ; and the rest lies in the vicinity of this city of Cantao. From this they manufacture
pots, nails, Chinese arms and everything else of iron. They have also cordage, thread and
silk, and cotton cloths. By reason of trade all goods come here, because this is the port
whither foreigners come for this trade of goods from the provinces to Oantao and from CantSo
to the interior, and the people are more numerous than in the other provinces. All the goods
that were coming to Cantao before this war broke out should be kept until it is seen how
things turn out. The [f. 118] country inland has many, without a possibility of their being
wasted, because they would manufacture them according to the wishes of the Portuguese :
1 mean silks and porcelains.
This country cannot be sustained without trade. Goods do not come here now, nor are
there here goods and traders as were wont, nor the fifth part, because all were destroyed on
account of the Portuguese. This city, because of foreigners’ not coming and because goods
do not come from the other provinces, is at present poor. A good trade cannot be done
until those from above come here when they learn that foreigners have arrived, and trade
has once more to be negotiated. Every day I think that the province of Cantao is going
to revolt; and the whole country inland is bound to do likewise, because the whole is fus“
tigated after one manner. When things have been settled in one way or another the country
will carry on trade, whilst the land will not yield such large revenues, which is a thing not to be
desired. The whole country is cultivated ; and the goods that the foreigners bring are very
necessary in the country, especially in order to effect a sale of the local ones. The country
inland has many and good articles of merchandise, many kinds of silks that have not yet come
to Oantao, because they are anxious that they should not be rivalled, and because of its being
forbidden by the king that good wares and those of value should be sold to foreigners, only
things of barter ; there is also much rhubarb. I now leave this subject and turn to that which
is of more importance.
In Cantao they have not been forming fleets as they used to do formerly. It must now be six-
teen years^^ since certain Chinese rose in junks and turned robbers, and OantSo armed against
them. Those of Cantao were defeated ; and the mandarins [f. 11 8 v] of Cantao made an agree-
ment with them that they would pardon them and that they would give them land where they
might live, with the condition that when other robbers should appear on the sea they should go
and fight with them, and whatever they got in plunder should be theirs, excepting the women and
things for the king. They gaye a settlement to these robbers, some of them in INanto, some
of them in Foyrn,^® gome of them in Aynameha^® and in other villages that lie between Nanto
“ Here, again, I am doubtful as to this being the correct rendering of Uames.
This is incorrect. Iron is abundant in varioue provinces of China. (See Mid, King, I. pp. 95-96 ; and
cf. Caspar da Cm* in Purchas, Pilg, III. p. 173.)
** That would be in 1518. I have no confirmatory acooxmt of the events described by the writer.
*5 Doubtless Pfihiuu, on the east coast of Lintin Bay. (See supra, f. 111.)
Anunghoy near the Boeca Tigris. (See infra, f. 129),
26
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART,
[Januabt, 1902.
and Cantao : these all had junks. All the junks of Cantao were of these robbers of whom ]
have spoken. By the capture in the year 1521 of the junks that remained at the island ^7 they
became rich, and by the booty of Syao and Patane ; and through the conquest of the two ships
in the year 1522 they became so arrogant that it seemed to them that now no one could come
whom they could not defeat. Wherefore in the year 1523 they prepared a fleet of one hundred
junks watching for Portuguese; half of them lay in front of Nanto, and the other half at sea
among the islands watching. At the end of August a hurricane burst upon them which lasted
a day and a night, which dashed in pieces all the principal ones that were at sea so that not one
escaped. The other half that was before Nanto put into the river and took refuge in Anyameha,
which is a safe port ; if all had been at sea all would have perished. There are no other junks,
nor had they any other force than there was in these men, of whom there is not one, and the
rest have gone because they did not pay them. In the year 1524 they equipped a fleet of salt
junks which they took by force; and until the year 1528 they prepared fleets. The junks
went on decreasing until they left ofl doing this, and of the junks that escaped to Aynameha
there is not one, — all were defeated by robbers who after these appeared on the sea, who now
live on land with tbe security that they have given them; they must have some seven [f. 11 9 J
or eight junks. Now there are no others except it be those of these men. If they go without
victuals they do not equip fleets, nor have they jnnks of which they would wish to form them.
There is now no other strength than that which lies in the walls of CantSo.
In this fleet that the Chinese prepared to watch for onrs there was not one man of arms
of the soldiers of China : all were people from those villages and junks taken by force and weak
and low people and the majority children. Nevertheless every one of them is better than four
men of arms : it is a mere mockery to talk of men of arms of this country of China.^® In this
fleet that they sent to Nanto are some captains, it appearing to them that they could capture
Portuguese as in the year 1522. If this gentry had a taste of the Portuguese sword they
would soon fraternize with the Portuguese, because the most are people of floating possessions,^®
and with little or no root in the soil. This people of Cantao is very weak in comparisoii
with the people of the interior, who are strong. In this Cantao, — I mean in the district
of Cantao and throughout the province, — because it is a region distant from the rivers, they
quickly rise. They attack villages, and kill much people; this happens evei’y day in many
places, and they cannot do them any harm, and they send for men to the province of Oancy
which lies to the west of Cantao. They call these Langas or Langueas these are of a
somewhat better bearing ; nevertheless the whole is a trumpery aflair. The Chinese say that if
the Poz’tnguese should land they would summon many of these men ; and they cannot come
except by river, so that if a hundred came it would profit nothing, because when the
river was freed from their craft and our vessels were clear and began "to proceed under
bombards there is nothing that would appear within ten leagues. These Chinese of Cantao
when they go to fight with people who have risen never [f. 119 v] kill like robbers. They surprise
these abodes of robbers and kill an immense number therein, and bring their heads and many
others as prisoners : they say that they are robberS;, and there is no more need of proof. They kill
them all ima cruel manner. This they do every day. The people is so docile and fearful that
they dare not speak. It is like this throughout the whole country of China, audit is much worse
than I have said ; wherefore all the people long for a revolt and for the coming of the Por-
tuguese. So 'much for Cantao.
Thai 13 . the Island of Trade.' (See Introd.) a Of. Fa. Eioei in Hak. Soo. Mmdom, Introd p kss
tion of CMna^°"'' prohably making a pniming allusion to the large floating (literally) popuk-
w The writer seems to refer to some of the Laos (Shftn) tribes inhabiting Kwanghsl, and to have attached to
them the name of the Dragon Eiver.Lnng-kiang. ... iave airaenaa to
January 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE 0APTITE3 IN CANTON,
27
Tli0 island of Aynao has one cityS^ and fourteen towns.^^ lies within sight of the conntr v
of China. It has a good port,®® but has no timber,®'^ and for this reason has no boats. When any
people of Luoliim®® rise in junks and goto these parts to commit robberies they ask for hel^
from Cantao : they are a very weak lot. On the land of China facing Aynao as far as Can-
tao along the sea there are four cities and many towns along the whole sea-shore and on rivers.®*"
Into several ships can enter and into all large rowing boats can enter. Navigation is carried
on at all seasons. Along this coast there are many fertile islands that form a shelter from
every wind. This is the capital of the province ; and it must contain two-thirds of the pro -
vince. If Cantao be entered by the Tomqo®^ all this will be surrendered when the capital has
surrendered and been captured. This Aynao has many jades ; audit has coconuts and areca»
which all the rest of the country of China has not.®® In Cantao there is a trade in this areca
and coconuts, as also in seed-pearl in great plenty, which all the rest of the country of China
has not.®® As I have said, it has jades which the Chinese call horses : of these they bring num-
bers to this province, and many can be had hence for a small price.
This Cantao has some two hundred of these horses. The petty mandarins who cannot
aSord an andor®! liaye a horse; [f. 1*20] the mandarins of war also have each one his. These jades
are small, and are only pacers ; in the hands of the Portuguese they could be utilized equipped
with short stirrups and spurs. These Chinese use a halter®'^ and no bridle. Cantao has more
than twenty or thirty working saddlers ; persons who make stirrups are many. The people are
without number ; and anyone when he gains ten reals a day for a living praises God : after this
sort are all the workmen of China. Thus, as I have said, these with those of Aynao can be
utilized for the country. One of these horses is worth here from three to ten taels of silver.
Not a person, so they affirm, do you see going nor can go on horseback, — I mean through the
city.
The tutao, eompim and comquo are three persons who have charge of this province of
Cantao and Cancy : these are the head-men ; they reside in a city called Vcheu,®® which lies at
the border of both those provinces. This city belongs to Queanoy. They reside there most of the
time, because they carry ou war there, aud from there they govern both. Sometimes they come to
Cantao, and stay two or three months, now one, now another ; and sometimes two years pass
without anyone’s coming. In this province of Quecy a very large part is perpetually in a
state of insurrection, without their being able to remedy it. This is the cause why they stay
there the most of the time. This city lies to the west of Cantao a matter of thirty leagues bv
river, because there are no roads by land and the country is all intersected by rivers. They go
there in five days travelling post-haste with many people for towing, and come in three, going
night and day. The water flows from there to Cantaio. This road has a large city on the
border of the river which is called Cheuquyinfii.®^ The whole of this river can be navigated
by every kind of rowing craft. Along this road there are villages without number ; and on
any [f. 120v] occasion of war in Cantao these are set in commotion and send people-
Let our fleet go up the river, and I warrant that no one will come ; and anyone who should
come in force must disembark in front of this city near the town of this suburb or half
Kinugcliau-fu. (See Tasoo Calvo’s letter infra, f. 128.)
52 Williams {Mid. King. I. p. 175) says there are thiriem district towns in Hainan, 63 Hoihau.
6* This is an error : the interior is well wooded,
66 A copyist’s error, I think, for Ouchim or Cauchim = Cochinchina, 66 gee Yasco Calvo’a letter infra, f. 128.
67 By this contraction is apparently meant Tungkwan on the Tungkiang or East Eiver, at the entrance to which
is the First Bar. (See su$ra, f, llSv, and infra, f, 121 v.)
6* Orig. sendeyros. (Cf.i, IQiv supra.J All the horses of China, including those of Hainan, are very small.
[Of. Mid. King. I. p. 323.)
6» This is correct. See Mid. King. I, p. 175. 60 a mistake, which is repeated by Vasco Caivo infra, f. 131 v,
61 Sedan-chair. See Bohson-Jobson, s. v. * Andor.’ 62 Qj.
65 Wuohau-fflin JECwanghsi, at the junction of the Kwai-kiang and Lung-kiang.
6* Shauking-fd, regarding which see Mid, King, I. p. 173,
28
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[jAIilTTAET 1902.
a league Tip this river northwards. In fine, no one could come who would not he seized^
and especially as all navigate in the day and not at night, because the rivers in places ai’e shal-
low and in places are stony ; and if they came they would all lie at our mercy, even though they
brought more Lanquas®° than I have said.
Cantao has mandarins besides these,®® — the cheulii and the pochagy and amcliagy and togy,
whom they call eamcyj who reside permanently in this city. The ceuky comes every year. The
latter is afraid of nobody ; all are afraid of him. He comes in order to dispatch all cases and to
see what mandarin does evil. If the mandarin that does evil is a petty one he at once deprives
him of his ears, and gives information of this to the hingj if the mandarin is a higher one he
writes to the king regarding his crime. Thence comes the order that he he no longer a mandarin ;
because the king gives entire credit to him, as also to the iutao and the comquao. The campy m
I do not describe, who has charge of war. The tutdo commands in everything. If any letter
is to be written let it be to the because be comes each year and knows nothing of the
robberies that have been committed on the Portuguese. These are only expedients according
as they may serve. They also make presents to them in the case of every dispatch, without
taking into account the intdo nor any mandarin.
[f. 121] Martim Afonso de Melo came in the year 1622, At the entrance of the port he
did well.®® Of his entry and of some people that were killed there by artillery the news came
to Cantao ; they said also that he had written a letter, which, they said, was well-spoken. The
mandarins who had plundered the goods the previous year were angry at his coming, and
began to make a disturbance : they asked the cuhy what he thought, — whether they should
carry on trade or not. The cetiliy said, that trade should be carried on as before. They replied
that it should not j that they were afraid that with this trade there would come some harm
later on ; that they would lay hands on some place. The ceuhy answered them nothing, and
they departed in ill humor. They asked the same of the aytaOy who has charge of the sea and
of foreigners ; he replied in like manner. These two mandarins who asked were, one the cldoy
and the other ^Q.anchagy, who were the head-men of CantSo. These ordered the oyiao to go
and fight the Portuguese. This aytao was newly come, and did not know of the past. He said
that he couldnot, and pretended to he ill. They then sent there the fAquosy who has charge of
foreigners under the aytao : I do not know what he did there. These two mandarins, the
pookancy and the anchacy, they say that they bribed the pio of Nanto and the pachain of the
fieet that they should strive to capture some ship and exert themselves so that peace should not
be made : this took place secretly. It happened that by ill-luck and by the captains’ having
a poor opinion of the Chinese and not having their artillery loaded or ready, and as eaclr
captain fired on his own account, and Diogo de Melo having been first wounded by a stone-shot
so that he was stunned; and they say that all the people betook themselves under the castle
of the ships on account of the shower of stones. Thus they captured Pedro Homem: being
ready for the fiight, no one came to his help, and he was killed by showers of stones and blows.
The boatswain, boatswain’s mate and several sailors fought; but the other people did not come
to their assistance and the junks were lofty. Pinally, when they were captured in the ship
of Diogo de Mello, three hundred Chinese leaped into it to plunder it. After the people had
been taken to the junks they set fire to the powder magazine ; the ship was burned, and all the
Chinese perished, not one escaping, Hews of this came to the aytao, of how two ships had
been captured and the others had gone. He at once set out, and came accompanied by pipers.
He wrote that those people that had perished in the fire had been killed by the Portuguese.
He wrote to the tutdo, and the tutdo to the king; and there came the sentence that I have
already mentioned. The aytao with this victory, and with the bribe that the two mandarins
jSee note stt|>r4* regarding Refarding* these offioials see Introd.
Bead emhi, ^ Or, ** He made a good entrance into the port,”
JANdARr, 1902.] LETTERS FROM! PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
29
gave to liim and to blie tutdo tliat he should permit more Portuguese to come to China, these
two continued enemies of the Portuguese, and others who were rich.
Martim Afonso came by order to China with an embassy to ask for a fortress ; if they
would not grant it, to try if he might build it with workmen whom he had already brought by
land and by sea. It does not appear to me that he came with good orders. The Chinese will
not give a fortress to any foreign person throughout the whole world, how much more to us
who they think have come to spy out their country. Tome Pirez asked for [f. I21v] a bouse in
Cantao and in the island. All the advice of the king is that we have come to ask him for his
country ; because the country of China lies under a strange custom by itself, in that it does not
suffer a foreigner in the country under pain of death, except it is a submissive embassy,®® how
much more give them a house for trade. They do not like populous places to be created, in
order that they may not lay hands on anything ; and they order them to be made in evil places,
uninhabited and unhealthy, because they are very jealous of their country. So that by no
means in the world will they give it, except it be by force ; and if a house had to be erected
in the Island of Trade it should be secretly made strong. There would be found lime and
stone, masons and tiles and other needful things, and workmen. This will be difficult with
permission ; how much more so secretly, since in that island, to make houses of straw, before
they are finished half the people are dead. If he ordered that some kind of cartigo^o or strong
house should be built, which could not be done, at once war would be on hand, and provisions
stopped by land*, and on land sickness is bad. I do not know* how much they might suffer :
so that the matter was not well arranged.
Martim Affonso de Mello brought three hundred men. This was a very small body to carry
out the enterprise ; and I believe that all the people would have died of hunger and sickness,
there being in the end no result. With a greater force of two or three hundred men Nanto
might be captured, or a town that is much better, called Janeangem,^^ which stands on an
island surrounded by the sea, with a port and of great height, which lies to the west of Nanto
seven or eight leagues. It stands on the water’s edge, walled round, with a .large popula-
tion, close to the sea. This could be soon taken, without anybody’s being killed ; and from
there one could run up their rivers and destroy their craft, and put the Chinese to straits; for
from this island to the gates of Cantao it is very fertile, cultivated with rice, and having flesh
and all kinds of fish : it is capable of sufficing for twenty thousand men, and cheap. With less
trouble and more ease and without loss of life it could be done, than commencing anew the
country, which has so many cities and towns and villages bordering on the water ; there is no
need to kill the people, though it has to be done by force of some kind : when the Chinese see
that the Portuguese have taken possession of the fortified place, they are all bound to begin to
rise.
Going from Nanto to Cantao there lies in the middle of the river almost adjoining the bar
of Tacoa72 ^ large town also^® on an island that is called Aynacha. It has cut stone in the houses,
streets and churches, and in the jetty, of which could be made a [f. 122] fortress like that of
Goa. It has a port safe from all the winds, all the bottom of mud, a very safe port ; the main
force of the junks was here. This fortress lies above CantSo, Nanto dominates this town of
which I speak and another that is called Xnntaeim.^^ From here one could stop provisions
and place CantSo in extremity, and it would capitulate in any way that the captain pleased. I
repeat, that to capture CantSo en bloc^^ with a force of two or three thousand men is better:
0/- Gaspar da Cruz in Pnrclias, Filg. p, 197 ; Mendoza (Hak. Soc. ed.), pp. 46, 94.
70 I oannot explain this word. I am uncertain as to the identification of this island town.
72 Tungkwan. (See supra, ff. llSv, 119v.)
The oriff. has ** ou tres^* (" or three^’), wh^h is nonsense. I think we should read ouirosi,** 74 Shuntak^
75 The orig. has which I hare ventured to render as above, though I am very doubtful as to the
meaning.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Janitatit, 190^.
^^0
I say two or three thousand, not hecanse with less the ohjoot would not he attained, only thnt
it is a big affair, and there are the chai'ges^ of places, for w^hich Portuguese are needful. Six
thousand would not suffice to conquer with less than I have said and attain the end ; because
the Chinese would at once rise against the city with the help of the Portuguese.
Moreover with the craft that the Portugnese bring and those that shall be made here out
of their paraos in our fashion there will be enough to clear all the rivers. The rivers cleared,
the mandarins will have to surrender perforce, or will have to flee and leave the city ; tlicn
Cantao and its environs will at once be in our bands. This can be done by captains who shall
bring a force of seven hundred to a thousand men; and there must remain wdth him the craft
and large rowing boats and all the Portuguese people and Malabars ; and if be find any ships
he sliall send them to Couchim divested of the Chinese officers that he shall find in them,
because ten million will come. And if the governor will put matters in train for next year
Cantao wdll soon be in his hands with the whole province ; and he can leave therein a fortress,
and in suitable places leave Portuguese people and Malabars, and can return with all his
fleet laden with Chinese, — carpenters, ma.sons, smiths, tilers, sawyers, and of every other trade,
•with their wives, to be left at those fortresses ; for he can carry away in his fleet in jnnks from
the ebuntry ten thousand men without causing a scarcity, and every year four thousand could
leave without making a difference. This is the marvellous reason why for each Portuguese a
hundred Chinese can be taken for the fortresses.
Cantao lias within it a flat mount close to the 'wall on the north side on ■which stands a
house that has five stories.^® Within the slopes of this mount are six or seven churches w'hidi
have enough cut sto-ne to build in ten days a town with walls and houses; and the churchcH aro
without number; stays, beams, doors. From here one could dominate the city. Anotli(‘r
might be built on the edge of the water in the middle of the town where the mandarins disem-
bark, which could he erected in five days, because there is cut stone [f. 122v] in the streets and
donrts of justice sufficient to build a large walled city with towers. Another in the church
that stands on the river. Just as there are stone and timber and lime in abundance, so there
are workmen for this and servants. Nowhere in the whole world are there so many, and they
are good servants : for a small wage for food a hundred thousand will come. And out of theire
jiaraos can he made galleys, foists, brigantines ; of some can be made galliasses with few ribs,
because the rivers do not require the streugth that the sea does. So that all these things require
more time ; and if written orders should be sent to engage in the work the countiy is prepared
for everything. God grant that these Chinese may be fools enough to lose the country;
because up to the present they have had no dominion, but little by little they have gone on
taking the land from their neighbours ; and for this reason the kingdom is great, because the
Chinese are full of much cowardice, and hence they come to be presumptuous, arrogant, cruel ;
and because up to the present, being a cowardly people, they have managed without arms aiui
without any practice of war, and have always gone on getting the land from, their neighbours,
and not by force but by stratagems and deceptions ; and they imagine that no one can do them
harm. They call every foreigner a savage; and their country they call the kingdom of God.
Whoever shall come^now, let it be a captain with a fleet of ten to fifteen sail. The first thing
will be to destroy the fleet if they should have one^ which I believe they have not ; let it be by
fire and blood and cruel fear for this day, without sparing the life of a single person, every junk
being burnt, and no one being taken prisoner, in order not to waste the provisions, because at
all times a hundred Chinese will be found for one Portuguese. And this done, Nanto must he
cleared, and at once they will have a fortress and provisions if they wish, because it wall at
Tile is tiie still extant
to by Caspar 5a Cmz. (See
See Yasco Cako’s lett<
five-storied tower on Kwanyinsban near the northern gate of Canton.
Pnrebas, Pilg. Ill, p. 15:2.) ♦
IX infra, f, 127.
It i$ referred
Janitaey, 1902 j LETTERS PROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
31
once be in ilieir power; and then with the whole fleet attack Aynacha, which lies at the bar
of Taeoam, as I have already said above having a good port. Here the ships, which cannot
enter the river, will be anchored, and whatever craft they may have wull be burnt; and after it
has been taken if it seem good the town can be burnt, in order to terrify the Chinese, Before
this has been done let a letter be sent by a Cafire black boy ; and let it be sent in this
manner : —
I (then the title of the person wdio shall come) beg to inform the mid and the qM of
Cantao that so many years ago our lord the king sent a letter to the king of China and a pre-
sent by Tome Pirez, who w-as received by the grandees and others w'ho bear oflSce* He was
given a house in Cantao ; and from there was summoned by the king of China. He went, and
he saw him in Na^uy, Thence he ordered him to Pequim in order there to give him dispatch,
saying that there was the place for giving dispatches. We have heard nothing more of him.
In the year so-and-so there came a ship in search of him ; it paid its dues 83 id payments, hut they
armed against [£, 12SJ it to capture it. And in the year so-and-so there came in search of him
five janks laden with goods ; and the mandarins armed against them in order to plunder them.
Doing no evil on land or giving any offence, because the junks came separately from the sea,
they retired to other ships, and left the junks in port laden with many goods, quite full,
without taking anything out of them. And in the year so-and-so there came five ships with an
ambassador to the king of China; and the mandarins of Nato prepared one hundred^® junks of
robbers to entrap two of the ships by means of false messages of peace. They captured the two
ships; and the three that remained did not know how that the ambassador of our lord the king
had been put in chains, and his company, and all their property and clothes laken, and without
food in the prisons, like the property of robbers; the embassy having been thus received by
the grandees, and the present that came for the king kept, without wishing to send away the
ambassador. This is not justice, but it is the justice of three thievish mandarins, namely, the
ampooldm^ the anha'ngi and the lentocim^ and the jpio of Nanto, who for the robberies they have
committed deserve all to die. Because the king of China may not know of it, this has been
brought to my notice ; and I have come here, and very early tomorrow I shall be in CantEo to
see the city where such justice is done. Let the ambassador be sent to me before I arrive in
Cantao. When he shall have been delivered over to me then we shall speak of what is to be
overlooked and what are to be the consequences of that which has passed. And if you do
not desire this let the blame rest with you who receive ambassadors and presents, and in order
to plunder them put them in prison. This is written on such a day of the moon.*’
When the letter has been written and sent to ask for liberty on land for all, then enter
the river with all the rowing boats ; and if the answer is delayed, if it seem good, let fire^® be
put to the town, and burn all the craft that will be of no use for service of war, and all the
people that do not obey the ban shall be killed. It they are deprived of provisions for three
days they will all die of hunger. The city has a large provision house very close to the gate
on the west side within the [£. 123v] walls ; hut for dividing among the people it is nothing,
because the people are without number and each day buy what they have to eat. So that all
must die of hunger and are hound to rise against the mandarins; and if the people rise at once
the city will be in revolt. It will be necessary to be very careful not to receive reports of delays
if many paraos with provisions do not arrive at thn city. In Cantao there will be idle reports,
which are so many, and the population so large, that it cannot be realised. Above all, when
the craft has been destroyed in the river, there will not appear a single Chinese affair that has
not been burnt. With this and a like slaughter fear will arise regarding the worth of the
mandarins, and they are sure to come to blows with them. And this will have to be done, and
I "
Orig. has ** with *’)» which I take to be an error for “
79 The orig. has “ ojieio/' which I think is an evident error for ** o
82
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[.Tantjaet, 1902.
take less time than I have said ; because all the people are waiting for the Portuguese- Ini
the city provisions cannot reach them by land, as the roads are often in rebellion ; if they do this
before the arrival of the Portngnese, how much more after it. All the rice has to come by river ;
and it will be necessary to keep watch in the strait that is in the river up above to the north a
matter of half a league, by which provisions and help may reach them* Boats can be placed
there ; so that, the strait being held, so that nothing can come, all is in your power. If the
mandarins should think of fleeing, it would be to this creek: here is their salvation. In this
creek galleys could lie, and one can come from this creek to the city by land, as it is near.
There every mandarin arrives, and thence his arrival is made known ; and then he enters, and
horsemen come hy land to inform the mandarins of the city what mandarin has entered.
Done in the year 1634.
(To he continued,)
THE SPRING-MYTH OF THE KESAR-SAGA.
BY Rev. A. H. FRANOKE.
(Continued from p, 841.)
Additions to the Saga from other versions.
Preliminary Note.
The Kesar Saga is told dilferently in different villages. To arrive at a final solution of the
question, as to whether the oral tales (Icha sgrungs) or the Kesar Epic (dpe sgrungs) are the original
source with regard to Ladakh, it will be necessary to arrange something like a Kesar-survey of
Ladakh, i, e,y in every village the following material will have to be collected : — (1) the version of
the Kesar Saga, (2) the gLing glu (Hymnal of the Kesar Saga), (3) the marriage ritual oE.the village.
All this material will have to be compared with the Kesar Epic.
liist of Additions.
The following list of additions is not, in the least, claimed as a full one.
1. At the place where the Agus ask for a king, the following request is also added : Send us
nine kinds of corn-seed, and also horses, oxen and many four-footed animals.”
2. First detailed version of the story of the birth : — Grogzalhamo sat spinning in her room
while the hail was falling. As she was hungry just then, she ate some hail-stones, and soon after
conceived. When the hail came, all the horses fled : the mare Thsaldang was the last. All the dogs
also fled, the she-dog dKarmo was the last ; all the sheep fled, and the ewe Dromo was the last ; all
the goats fled, and Tsetse -ngangdmar was the last. Then came Agu dPalle and brought food to
the animals that were with child. Thereupon the mare Thsaldang gave birth to the foal rKyaug-
byimg-dbyerpa, the she-dog dKarmo to the puppy Drumbu-brang-dkar, the ewe Dromo to
the lamb mThsalmig, the she-goat Tsetse-ngangdmar to the kid Tsetse-ngaugdmar.
8. Second version of the story of the birth : -1 Mother Gk)gzalbamo heard within her a voice,
which said : « I must be born in the lofty sky ; please go to the lofty sky ! ” So she went, and gave
birth to [the] sun and moon. Then it said : “Sun and moon I am not ; I must be born on the lofty
mountain ; please go on to the lofty mountain ! ” So she went, and gave birth to the white ice-lion.
Then it said : “ The white ice-lion I am not ; I must be born on the lofty rock ; please go on to the
lofty rock,” So she went, and gave birth to the wild bird-king. In this way the narrative progresses,
and Gogzalhamo gives birfch to the horse rKyangbyung-khadkar in the midst of the steppe j in
the midst of the sea to the little fish Gold-eye ; in the midst of the meadow to the yak ^aBrong byung
rogpo; in the midst of the forest to the rat Kraphusse, in the midst of the field to the little bare
bird; also, in Stanglha to a golden frog ; in Barbtsan to a whiteirog.: and in Yogklu to a blue
frog. After all that to her child also.
^AOTART, 190*2.] THE SPRING.MYTH OE THE KESAE SAGA.
33
4. Third version of the story of the birth; — Over the whole earth it was dark 5 but at
Gogzalliamo^s house appeared a bright light. The child teased the mother in the same way as
Pongrub did the giant in III. 84-45. Finally it came out between the ribs, without causing the
mother any pain. The child was very beautiful, and had golden hair and wings ; yet the mother
could see nothing of its beauty. At its birth the fire blazed up of itself ; grand dishes were cooked in
the oven ; sweet fragrance filled the room, and jewels came raining in» The child grew in a day as
much as others in a month.
6 . To V, There came eighteen Andfre Bandliei who put the child in a kettle, in order to boil
it. The unintended efiect was that the child came out much stronger and more hardened than it
had been before.
6 . The young folk of gLing have gone hunting, and have killed nothing. Thereupon the
Street-child goes out with the sling, and drives a whole herd of game into the cattle-pen, where he
kills the animals wiii [his] knife, and outs off their heads. How appear the Lamas from the monas-
tery, and reproach him for killing animals. Hesar asks it they never ate meat. They say : Only
[that] of animals which have died a natural death,” He says, “ Diridir^^ and snaps his fingers.
All the animals come to life, and look for their heads. In doing so, they take the wrong heads in
their hurry, so that large animals get small heads, and vice versa. Then the whole herd runs away,
and the Street-boy says to the Lamas % ” Be sure not to forget to fetch the animals and eat them
when they have died.”
7. The Agus institute an archery-contest. The one who hits in the middle shall be king.
The Street-boy comes, and bits a tiny mark at an enormous distance ; but yanisheff again completely
immediately after,
8 . According to another version, it is Agu Khromo, and in one case the husband of
Gogzalhamo, who is said to have killed the devil-bird ; but this gives no logical coherence,
9 . (To III.) Advice for the journey to the earth :
If Bya kbyung dkrung ayima troubles thee,
. Cal) Byamo dkarmo to thy help ;
If ’aDre Iha btsan bog troubles thee,
Call Dzemo ’aBamza ’aBnm skyid to thy help.
J.O. a’Bruguma, a do^key '8 mother. This story is told after Spring Myth’So, VL 16. All
the guests, being drunk, bad gone to sleep. Kesar silently left the room and went to a neighbour’s
she-ass, that was with child. He caused her to give birth to a young ass at once by giving her very
cold water to drink. The foal be carries to the banquetting hall and puts it in the lap of the girl,
who is nearest the door. When she awakes, she puts it into her neighbour’s lap, and so on. Last of
all ’aBruguma awakes, sees the foal in her lap and tries to hide it, because the Street-boy has entered
the room. She succeeds in hiding it in her sleeve. The Street-boy says: ‘‘You will certainly be
scolded, because you are late for breakfast I ” “ Oh no,” she replies, “ it is only the poor people,, who
have their breakfast early in the morning, we do not belong to them ! ” Then by witchcraft he
cktised the foal to fall out of the sleeve and said : “ Look there, you have given birth to a little
donkey ! ” The girl is ashamed and wishes to keep him still ; therefore she prays him to come to’
anoth^ banquet. Of this we hear in Spring Myth Ho. VI. 17-69.
11 . To be h^erted Spring Myth Ho. !!• 36 : He who is beaten in the contest, will have iq goto
the Jand of gLing.
84 '
THE IKDIOr -JCNTIQXTAfiT.
[jANITAltY, 1902.
The Mythology of the Kesar Saga*
General Notes,
Up to the present^ when editing Ladakhi folklore of a non-Buddhistio character,
I have made use of the terms * Pre-Bnddhistic * and ‘ Bonpo ’ indifferently, because 1 did not
expect to meet with more than a single non-Buddhistic religion in Ladakh. Dr. Lanfer’s latest
publications of Bonpo MSS., however, make it advisable to separate Bonpo mythology from-
the msrfchology .of Ladakhi folklore j . because, although both of them may have much in
common, there appear to be fundamental differences between them. In future, therefore, when
speaking of the mythology embodied, for instance, in the Kesar Saga, I shall make use of the
term ^ gLing-chos,' i. e., mythology of gLing,
The material, from which’! draw my information on the'gLing-chos, has increased a. great
deal since the first publication in German of the fi,rst half of the Kesar Saga ; but I do not wish
my ideas on the subject to be taken for more than a theory.. At present, the existence of the
gLing-chos can only be supposed for Ladakh but it; may hereafter become evident that the
same or similar systems of mythology were known in Tibet and many parts of Asia*
Sources of Information.
^1) The Kesar Saga. It is related mfour parts :
(a) Prelude to the Kesar Saga, which tells tells of the creation of the- world
and of the birth of the 18 agus.
(b) First half of the. Kesar Saga-CSpring Myth), which tells of Kesa/s birth
in gLing, his wooing and marriage to ’aBrngnma.
((?) Secon-d, half, of the Kesar Sn^ga (Winter; Myth), which tells of Kesar’s'
journey to the north, the killing of the giant-devil, marriage- of the devirs^
wife to- Kesar and of ’aBruguma^s deliverance out of the hands of the-
king of Hor, who had abducted her.
(d) Kesar’s Journey to China, which is a different version of the Winter
Myth, and tells of Kesar’s marriage to the King of China^s daughter.
(2) The Ladakhi Marriage EitiiaU This was published mte, Vol.. XXX, 1901^
pp. 131 ff.
(3) Songs of the Nyopa. on, their, way to the bride’s house.
(4) The drinking song, which is of a similar character to the* marriage ritual.
[0 gLlng-glu.. This has- entirely the character of a hymnal of the gLing-chos*
B ,18 sung at the fiine of the Kesar Festival each spring. So far, the gLing-gla '
of only' two villages Has been colleo^d, e. e.^ oi fehyang and Ehalatse. Ijs will,"
perhaps,' be easy to collect a.large number of these songs,.' •wiich appear to be.
. of the greatest value for a proper understanding of the character of Kei^r.
The Cosmology of the gLing- choe. >
nearly all of tHe abaTe-inentioned sources three large realms are spoken' oi Compare : ’Spring
M^th Nd. IV. 20, 2,3,’ 26 ; Marriage Ritual ITo, 1. B. 1, 2, 3; gLing-glu of Khalatse No.. XXVII,;
gUng-gtu of Phyang No. I. ' . '
1. sTang-lha, Heaven (f*i{.,/the upper gods ’ or < gods ‘ above no etymology is wanted,
because the word IS cofloquial Ladakhi), Of this realm we hear in Spriny Myth No. II. ; Winter
Mj^No.'.V. 8-r8'; gLihg^lu'oi Phyang No. Yv,gLing^lu of Khalatse No. XXI., No’. XXVII.
1, 2. From aU these sources the Mowing information can be drawn : A king reigns in, iTahg-lha;"
JiTOASY, 1902.x THE SPRESTG^MYTH OE THE HESAR-SAGA.
85
called dBangpo-rgya-bzliiii (according to Dr. Lanfer rQya-byin, compare tinder ‘Names’).
He is also called sZyer-rdzong-snyanpo and ’aBtiiri-kliri-rgyalpo. The name of his wife
is bKur-dman-rgyalmo, Ane-bkun-dman^mo ox ^aBum-khri-rgyalmo. Both are called
almighty : compare gLing-glu of Phyang No. V.
They have three sons, Donyod, Donldan, Dongxub. The youngest is the most prominent
fignre. Lightning flashes from his sword out of the middle' of* the black clouds {gLing-glu of
Khalatse No. XXIX.). Thunder seems to be caused by the walking of the gods {gLing-glu of
Khalatse No, XXI.). Lon grub descends to the earth and becomes King Kesar of ^Ling,
The life of the gods is an idealized form of man’s life. They form a state according to the
Winter Myth No. Y. 8-13. Besides a king there -are ministers', servants and subjects; They live
in perfect happiness and become old without illness. They tend goats, called lhara, apparently
on the earth {Spring Myth No. I.). Kesar later on discovers many of the stolen lhara in the
devil’s realm.
The king and the queen often change their shape. The king becomes a white bird {Spring Myth
No. I. -3) ; the, queen takes the shape-of a woman {Spring Myth No. lY. 8),- of a Lzo { Winter Myth
No. I. 53).
2. Bar-btsan, the Earth. (No etymology is wanted, the name is colloquial Ladakhi for
‘'the firm place in the middle ’). Other names are : Hiryul, Land of Men (compare Spring Myth
No. III. 7); gliing^ Continent (in colloquial Ladakhi). It is remarkable that neither the Spring
Myth nor the Winter Myth tells us of beings,, which entirely look, like men. That the IS* Agus are
something different, is shown by their attributes.
The principal deity of the earth is mother sKyabs-bdun {Marriage Ritual No. I. B 2 ; Spring
Myth No. Yn.-l9). It is probable, that she is identical with brTanma, the goddess of the earth,
(compare Jaschke^s Dktionary)^ but at present nothing can be said for certain* y nor do we know, if
father bxTaupa is her spouse and ^aBruguma her daughter. All this will, perhaps, become plain
with the publication of the Prelude to the Eesar Saga. Mother sKyabs-bdnn rides a horse, called
bTsan-rta-dmar-oh-ung {Spring Myth No. YI. 22).
3. Yog-Mu, the Underworld (Ki,, the NAgas below). Of this realm we hear in Winter
Myth No. Y. 14-17 ; gLingrglu- of Khalatse No; XXYII. .8^ 4; Like sTang^ha Yog-klm also-
seems to be a kingdom. There is- a king, called lOogpb {Marriage Ritual B 8 ; Spring Myth
No. YII. 24, 28) ; there- are his servants and subjects, famous for their large number of children.
The- KXunso'or Kaginl ’are famous for their beauty ; Kesar is- warned^ hot to fall in love with them.
According to, all' the raaterial,- which has accumulated so far, it is impossible! to prove a dfetinct
antagonism between the gods and .the N^as. According to popular superstition,- girls have to take -
care not ‘to go near a well, where a male N%a resides. All the TST&gas have become protectors
of the "Buddhist feithaud show great enmity to- all non-believers, if- they can reach i^em,
. ®}ie Colours of the tliaree Realms**,
They are mentioned in Spring Myth No. IY.'20, 23, 23; No. Vll. 22, 30 ; No. SX. 1 ; Winter
Myjth No,, ri. -21, '22, 23; Thecolour of sTang-lha is white j it is^perbaps the' colour of the light;
B^rtbtsan is red : , perhaps oh account of the reddish colour of the ground ; Yog^^klu is blue : this
may be. due , to the deep^blue colour of many W est-Tibetan lakes. It may be in connection with this
system nf colours, that at the present day often three mchod-rten are erected, which are painted blue,
white and redi Also moat of iM^dhatTio show the white, colour. In* how far this system of colours^
may ,haye the of. Lamaism^-With ,its^ blue,, white; re<L golden-faced
occupants, cannot yet be shown.
36
* THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[JAKTTiLBy, 1902,
The King of Hor, called Gur-dkar is referred to in the prophecy {Sjpring Myth N’o. IX. 1-8),
when ’aBrngum^t takes a blue ribband and sits down on a blue carpet. This fact seems to suggest
that he may be. connected with Yog-klu in some way or other.
The Devil bDud,
In the gLing-glu of Phyang No. I., to the three realms of the world, as described above, a
fourth is added, the Land of the Devil hDud. We hear of the devil in Spring Myth No. I, 2-12,
where ho trie.s to carry away the heavenly goats and is killed. Apparently he comes to life again ;
for the first half of the Winter Myth tells of Kesar’s victory over him. The devil is in possession
of great treasures [plAng-glu of Phyang No. III.) and of a girl, who is kept in an iron cage {y^inter
Myth No, III,). As regards his size, appetite and stupidity, he closely resembles the giants of
European mythology and folklore. The colour of the devil is black {Spring Myth No. I, 2 j
Winter Myth No. II. 25). At first I was inclined to believe in a certain connection between the
black and blue colours, because the hair of the Ladakhi girls is called * turquoise ’ in some popular
songs ; however, this expression n^ay refer to the actual turquoises, which are worn on the head.
But also Kesar’s pigtail, which is certainly without turquoises, is called blue ; and the pool of the ’
mentioned in Spring Myth No. III. 27, is called black.
Other names of the devij bDud are ; fy:uxpp {Wir/^.ter Myth No. Ill, 2) ; CurulugUL {Winter
Myth No. III. 8) ; ’aPre-lha-btsaurbog (Spring Mythj, Additions, No, IX.) ; sDigpa {Winter
Myth 1^0. III. 26).
Of a very similar nature is Agu 21a in Spring Myth No. III. 34-46. He devours not only
Kesar, but also the sun and moon. He is in possession of the srin yzhu^ the .bow of the giants.
The deyil bDud livens in a castle in the north (hygug),. There can be no doubt, that the
word hyan^ means actually the north, because everybody understands it in this sense. Near the castle
there is the well of nectar (hdud-rtsi) and milk {Wilier Myth No. IV, 17).
TheAgus.^
^ Dr. Lanfer. in his criticism tejls me that the word ahhu^ from which the word ngu may have
developed, me^ns* uncle ^ in Tibetan. As 1 s.aid before, it wilj be safest to look at the Iiadakhi
version of the Kesar Saga from a Ladakhi point of view ; and in Ladakhi the word ‘ uncle ’ is never
expressed by akhu or agu^ but by azhang,
■Wia regard to this word I can only repeat, what I said in my German Ed. of the Kesar Saga?
In Ladakhi the word agu serves to express (1) a husband in general, (2) from a child’s point of view
one of the pi^noipal husband’s younger brothers, who is more th^n an juncle to the princimi husband’s
» lie k somet^g step-father, as the principal hftsband’s wife is his wife too.
•w ^ a. variation of the word pSawyjw*, father-brothers (Sprinff MytR,
^ Kesar. At present the word pha-epvn is always used in the sense of
‘undertaker, ^e have to burn the dead, but it is possible that ip ancient times the
relatives of the de^ had to take care of this ofdce.
It is quite true that neither the Spring nor the Winter MyfA tells ns anything of a possible
lelatioMhip between Kesar and the Agus. The ‘ Prelude to the Kesar Saga’ will probably throw ’
some bght on the question. The latter contains a list of all the 18 Agus with their characteristic
^ks. Many of them seem to possess more than a single name. This list was published ante,
As far as I can see, their attributes point to an ancient zodiac and to the days of the week'..
HeS'^adakb^ iS'-Aps, can, as I am told, be seen at Phagspargoi^a, Laboul, and at
January, 1902.] THE SPRING-MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
37
- The Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga.
This is the portion of my mythology, that has met with the greatest opposition. Not taking the
names into account, there were two reasons in particular, which induced me to believe in the possibility
of a Spring Myth : (1) The two forms of Kesar. One of them is ugly, and in this Kesar is born
(Spring Myth No. IV. 3, 4, 5). The other is beautiful, and its attributes are the sun and moon
(Spring Myth No. VII. S3). These two forms he changes continually, as is shown by the Spring
Myth. (2) Kesar’s ability to disappear altogether (Spring Myth No, VIII. .5, No. IX. 6, 7,
Additions No. 7).
According to Dr, Lanfer’s criticism, the Kesar Myths, as related above, are very abrupt, and do
not explain the motives for certain actions. They are. repetitions of certain passages of the Kesar
Epic, in which important ideas were forgotten. He gives an example : The story told in Spring
Myth No. VIII. 33-41 is according to his conception a weak reflection of a passage of the Kesar
Epic, given in Additions No. 10, With regard to this example, I must say that it does not hit the
point. The Ladakhis themselves distinguish between the two stories. There is no more similarity
between the two than there is between the story of Dongrub’s descent to the earth through hail a,nd
the story of Zeus’s descent in the golden rain. There is an endless variety of versions of the Spring
Myth as well as of the Winter Myth, changing sometimes considerably from-one village to the next.
Most of them are matter learnt by heart. But all this material is never learnt by consulting the
Kesar Epic. These are stories handed down in those villages from time immemorial. They are a
necessary supplement to the gLing-glu, which would be unintelligible without them. Now the story,
given in Additions No. 10, is not only a portion of the Kesar Epic (dPe-sgrmgs), bnt is a portion of
many oral tales as well (Kha-sgrungs) . (The Ladakhis themselves distinguish emphatically between
dPe-sgrmgs and Kha-sgrungs). In one of my MSS. of the the story, given under
Additions No. 10, is told at the end of the story of the banquet, that is, after Spring Myth
No. VI. 16, and the story Spring Myth No. VIII. 38-41 in its usual place. Thus one and the
same MS. contains both of them.
If it be a characteristic mark of the Kesar Epic to give motives for all the sudden disap-
pearances of Kesar, that would not induce me to believe in the previous origin of the epic ; it would
confirm my belief that there are fundamental differences between the epic and the oral tales. All the
oral tales agree on this one point, that Kesar is capricious to the utmost extent. He comes and goes
without a given reason, and likes nothing better than teasing.
That the form of the oral Kesar-stories, as we find them in the different villages, is not the
original, is shovra by their conglomerate character. They do not exhibit the.labours of m editor
but tell the same story several times according to different versions. Examples are ; —
(1) Spring Myth No, II. 1-28. The father asks his sons, who would like to go to the
country of men, and Dongrub decides to go. Now this story ought there to come
. to an end. However, the same tale continues (compare Additions No. II; Spring
Myth No. II. 36-42; gLing-glu of Phyang No. VII.) that he shall ■ go who loosea
in the contest.
(2) The full stories of Kesar’s birth on the earth (Additions No. 2, 3, 4) were told
in the following way ; The first MS. relates the birth-stOry (Additions No. 2), and
then, without any break or preceding notice, continues with Additions No. 3. The
second MS. at first tells Additions No. 4, and then continues with Additions No. 3.
Thus the child is bom twice in the same tale,
(^) Spring Myth No. VI. and No. VII. are two different versions of the engagement
^ story, told one after the other in the same oral tale. _
38
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Jakpaet, 1902-.
Now, it the oral tales (Kha-sgrunga) are repetitions -ot the Kesar Epic in spite of ail this it
remains a wonderful fact, that all those stories of wars and armies, which form the larger portion' of
the epic, are never repeated in the oral tales. As will be seen in the Winter Myth, the defeat of the
giant of the north, as well as that of the king of Hor, has nothing to do with armies and battles The
kimng of both of them is a private affair of Kesar. Nor do the oral tales ever tell ns much of human'
subjects of Kesar. The animals occupy a much more prominent place. A number of animals are
born together with Kesar (Additions No. 2, 3), and another number of animals lament over Kesar’s
departure for his Journey towards the north (Winter Myth No. I. 39-44). Looking at this passage it
rs remarkable, indeed, that ’aBruguma is the only: human being who mourns on account of Kesar’s
departure. I do not wish to offend anybody, but I must say, that I am simply unable to understand
a passage like that without accepting the possibility that it is meant to express the mourning of
JNature over the departure of the suu.
I am far from believing that every incident in the Kesar-saga ought to be explained on the
_ ground that the whole of it is a Spring and Winter Myth ; and I may have gone too far in mv first
outlines of the Kesar mythology; but I am afraid my critics are making the same mistake if thev
will not even accept the possibility of a Spring and Winter Myth in the Saga. ’ ^
In this connecting it is also of some interest, that sun and moon are attributes of Kesar’s
beautiful shape, and that according to gLing-glu of Khalatse No. XXVIII. Kesanis compared with
a fiower, blooming on all the high passes, and according to No. XXIX. ‘in the middle of the black
clouds Iightuiug flashes from the godly king Kesar’s sword/
The Lokapaias.
Lotopm. ■ Cp tothe pt« I hr, „,t „ith ft™ „il, ft ft,
Song No. I. B 4-7). This is the list of them : — s . t ompare
Tibetan.
English.
Sanskrit (BhyAnibuddha).
1 Region.
Donfad-ghibpa
Fulfiller of’.the^aim, he has
Amoghasiddha
North,
rDo^rji-MTtis-dp^a
Thunderbolt, courageous soul
Vajrasattva i
East.
Einehen-hyunpldan
Great price, possessing creatures.
Katuasambhava
South,
^Nangha~miKa-pas
^ rm • 1 • V * ^ -
Eternal light
Amitabha
W e.st.
■ n J M 7r -^luernn ana tnUian names correspond to a great degree We shall
~sf:s=" — -
I „„l, ,1ft ft ,ft, ^ “orSy" ft!tfcta.“ “
The Tree of the WorIcJ,
of it m. Marriage Ritual Ko V -VITT • i a *
in Yog-kin. its' top touches Stang^ha; it has six bmnc^s. ^
JiNHAET, 1902.] THE SPRING-MVTH OP THE KESAE SAGA.
3 ^
Animism in the gLing-ChoSc
Here I should like to meution the following personifications : shyeser, the wind ; shang-char-zUhui
the rain; sengge-dkarmo-yyuralcan, the glacier; bya^khyung^dkrung^nyirm, the sun; hyamo-
Ukarmo, the moon. With inyan, living in rocks and trees, I have met only in the wedding songs
of Tagmacig^
It is remarkable that several of these personifications are mentioned together with the represen-
tatives of the animal world. Compare Additions No. 3 ; Winter Myth No. I. 39-44.
The Pro -Buddhist Origin of the Kesar Saga in Ladakh.
In my German edition of the Kesar Saga I tried to make it probable that the Ke&ar Saga was in
existence in Ladakh at the time of the introduction of Buddhism into' Ladakh. Dr, Laiifer tells
me that I bad better fix. the culture-historical epoch of the Blesar Saga. He makes the following
suggestion : In Spring Myth No. I. 5-12 the use of the sling as a weapon is mentioned, and in
No. IV, 14, the use of a stone vessel. To this I may add that according to Winter Myth No. III. 25,
a stone sword is mentioned side by side with rifies and other weapons. This suggestion of the
stone age may be very useful under European conditions, but is not of any use for fixing the age of a
Tibetan tale. The reason is that the stone age has lasted in Ladakh up to the present day. I wonder
how many stone vessels there are in use iu my own private household 1 The sling of Agu dPalle
is no more a weapon than that of David, because dogs are not used here for tending goats. Goats
and sheep are called back with the help of stones thrown at them. I myself have seen a stone axe in
use, and in side valleys near Lamayuru a stone hatchet, called halam, is still in general use; so I am
told. Pottery and iron ware are well knowu in Ladakh, however, want of wood makes both these
articles extremely expensive, and side by side with pottery and - iron ware, stone ware cannot be
dispensed with.
I therefore stick to what I said before : tlia,t apparently the' Kesar Saga was existent in Ladakh
at the time of the introduction of Buddhism into Ladakh. The lines in Spring Myth No. Ill,
5 and 12, sangs rgyasla htanghai gri, a knife to stab Buddha,, were probably inserted at the time,
when enmity against Buddhism became general. Tbe passage in Whiter Myth No. III. 26 and
other researches- liave shown me plainly, that the passage in Spring Myth No. HI. 5 and 12 can only
be translated as I did. , . . -
In my German paper I had also mentioned the fact that Kesar is not at all scrupulous as,regards
the- killing of animals. Dr, Lanfer teUs me that this fact does not in the least prove the non-Buddhistiti
character of the Kesar Saga, because animals have been killed and are still killed all over Tibet. I
can only repeat what I said some time ago, that although the Ladakhi&are very fond of eating meat, it
is very difficult to find persons whn are ready to kill’ animals. Most of the meat" eaten by Ladakhia
is taken from animals which have died a natural death. The fact that everybody' is simply swarming
with lice is due to the fact that nobody wishes to kill these animals, ' - . .
. I hope the publication of the different gLdng-glu^ the Marriage Eitual, the Winter Myth and
]Prelude to the Kesar Saga, will justify my attempt to draw the outlines of the mythology of the
gLing-chos^ Whether the material of the Kesar Saga is originally Ladakhi, or whether it was
introduced into Ladakh from some other part of Asia, ^2 whether the materials contained in the folklore
of Ladakh are the original, or whether they are borrowed from the epic ; all this does not alter the
^ In oue of my former papers on the Kesar Saga {Globust Vol. LXXVI. No. 20) I made a mistake in saying that
the Ladakhi versions of the Kesar Saga were entirely different from the' Mongolian epic. This iaiEiake was caused
by a ihiBnnderstaiidmg. - As I had no means nf comparing my Ladakhi MSS*_ with the Mongolian epic,, I asked a
friend ta, look up the lajjijer, in th& Strassburg University Library. * He apparently got hold of the wrong book j for
what he told roe of woodmen ^d other mythological beings could^not well b,e reconciled with what I knew from
the Ladakhi version. Ur. L’anfer, starting fran my mistake, ’proves in a long-demonstraiiion of about 10 pages, that
the subject in'hathJs^thp samo;/ ’ - « , ^ ^ ,
40
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[January, 1902 ,
fact, that in Ladakh this material has taken the shape of a religion, which exercises its influence
up to the present day. I do not see why I should not write down the outlines of a religion, whose
influence cannot be denied by all who have lived in Ladakh for some time.
Goaeral Position of the gLing-ehos.
As has been stated, the Kesar Saga is not only known to Ladakhis, but is recited in a
great number of countries all over Asia. Until it has been studied in all of them, it will be
impossible to decide where is the original home of the Saga, nor by which road it has travelled from
one country to the other. European folklore and mythology also contains many parallels to the
Kesar Saga, as has been shown by Schott, Ersch, Gruber, Grimm, Jiilg and Potanin (according to
Dr. Lanfer’s critcism). There are certain mythological ideas which seem to be existent in a very
large territory all over the globe. Dr. Laiifer mentions the frequent use of number 9 ; great power
of the hero ; quick growth of the hero when a boy ; two rocks, knocking against each other; a smith,
teaching the hero ; all of which occur in the Kesar Saga.
If future researches .should enable ue to see the route, which all of these stories have followed in
their wanderings, the question still remains, why just these stories, wdiich do not appear to be
particularly amusing, have travelled all over the earth. I could well imagine that solar mythologies,
grown, perhaps, out of animism (and if stones were considered to be animated, why not the sun ?),
may have arisen in .different places of the earth. These mythologies may have prepared the road for
certain mythological tales ; and the relationship of the different mythologies may rest in the fact that
their originator, the sun, is everywhere the same.
(To he continued,)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XYIIIth CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
Ry R. a TEMPLE.
' ( Continued from VoL XXX, 186 ^)
1792. — Nu. Xiy.
Fort William, 30 JiTovember 1792, Read a Letter from Captain Kyd,
Captain Kyd, 28tli Novr,
Edward Hay, Esqr., Secretary to Government.
Sir, — I did myself the pleasure of acquainting you, that Captain Lindsay of the Ship Eagle had
consented to take my Baggage to the Andamans on his being permitted to carry the Company
Ophium on freight to Prince of Wales Island, on which account I promised to endeavour to have the
jfight Made a liberal one. The Master Attendant has I understand adjudged the fair freight of one
Chest to he Ten Rs. 1 should hope that it will on this occasion be encreased to twelve which as there
is but a small Number of Chests will not much encrease the Expence ; while by this agreement
the greatest part of my Baggage — and Servants with Six months Grain and Provisions for all my
Servants, with a great MaUy Trees and Plants, will be conveyed ajl of which would not occunv less
'than half a Pilot Vessel.
Fort WiUiam, I am, etca..
■ 28tli Noyr; 1792, fgigaed) a. Kyd.
Boprd agree that it will not be proper to charge the freight of the Ophium going to Prince
of Wdes Island with the excess pointed out by Captain Kyd, but they think it reasonable that
Oaptwn Lindsay should be allowed freight for his Baggage to the Andamans, and they determine
that the amount payable on this Account shall be 500 Sicca Rupees.
Ordex^ T^at a Treasury Order be issued in favor of Captaip Lipdsay for this Sum^
January, 1902 J THE ANDAMANS IN THE X^IIIth OENTTJRT.
41
1793. ~ No. I.
Fort William, 21st Janaaiy, 1793.
Bead a Letter from the Chief Engineer.
My Lord, — Agreeable to tbe Orders Communicated to Me through your Sab Secretary,
now do myself the honor to transmit a Copy of the Plan for repairing of his Majesty’s -Ships
at Port Cornwallis, and also return the Original,
I have the honor to be etc.
Port William, (Signed) M. Wood,
19th January, 1793. Chief Engineer.
Ordered that the Plan above mentioned be deposited with the Copy of it in the Secretary’s
OfiSce.
1793. — No. II.
Port William, 28th January, 1793,
Capt. Blair.
The following Letter was received from Captain Blair, on the 25th Instant, upon the
arrival of the Pilot Vessel, Cornwallis, from the Andamans,
To the Eight Honble. Charles Earl Cornwallis K. G. Govr. General etc. in Council.
My Lord, — Having written pritty [? privately] the 31st Ultimo by the Banger I have
little to add at present, but having received a Letter from the Honble. Commodore Cornwallis
inclosing a Dispatch for your Lordship, I with all expedition forward it by Captain Crawley
who returns with the Pilot Vessel he brought from Calcutta.
The Seahorse has been under water for Some Days, which I have no Doubt will effectually
destroy the white Ants and all other Vermine. This Vessel I expect will be ready to return to
Calcutta by the end of this Month when I Shall do myself the honor to address your Lordship
again.
The Natives continue inoffensive, the Settlers in General are healthy and the progness in
Clearing and Cultivating is a good brain (sic) [? in good train].
Port Cornwallis, 21 I am with great Respect Aca-
January, 1793. (Signed) Archibald Blair.
1793. — No. III.
Fort William, 1st February, 1793.
Captain Blair,
31st Dec.
The following Letter and its enclosure were received from Captain Blair by the Ranger,
and circulated for the Perusal of the Members of the Board.
To the Right Honorable Charles Earl Cornwallis K. G. Governor General in Council.
My Lord, — Agreeable to yonr Lordships orders of November 12th, 1792 I quited Galcutta
in the Union the 4th accompanyed by the Honble. Company’s Snows Juno CornwaUSs and
Seahorse ; having on board 360 Settlers, a great variety of Stores, and Provision for six months.
Nothing remarkable occured until the 24th when we were overtaken ^ by a voilent gale from
the Eastward off Cape Negraia, Attended with cloudy weather and almost incessant rain
' ; 21 [The. present Port Cornwallis.]
42
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[January, 1902.
and a very liigb. and confused sea. This caused a seperation but as I bad previously instructed
the Grentlemen in charge of those Vessels, in case of such accident to proceed direct for Port
Cornwallis and given them the situation of the Port with such other directions as appeared
necessary, I thought there was little to be dreaded from that misfortune.
I arrived at this place with the Union, the 30th of November and found in the harbour,
the H. 0, Snow Banger, and Dispatch Schooner. Lieutenant Wales with the Crew of the
Ranger and a few Laborers, had cleared a considerable space of ground, suflS.cieut to erect Huts
on for the Major part of the Settlers and store houses for the Provisions and Stores he had
also made a convenient ships Watering Place. For these services I distributed amongst the
Crew of the Ranger 369 rupees, as a gratuity, agreeable to the promise in Lieutenant Wales’s
Instructions.
On the 1st of December H. M. Ship Minerva arrived when I delivered your Lordship’s
Dispatches to the Honble. Commodore Cornwallis. At this period about 130 Settlers were
on shore, lodged in two private Tents and a large Hut. The evening was gloomy and!
there was a swell in the harbour without any apparent cause. About seven in the evening a
vessel in this opening of the harbour fired a gun and hoisted a light, which was answered by a
gun and blue light from the Union; this Vessel I have judged since to have been the Juno,
which has not yet made her appearance. In the morning of the 2nd the wind was strong, fi'om
North East, increasing and with it a very considerable swell. At Two it blew excessively hard,
when the Ranger was driven through a very high Surf which broke entirely over her in
4| fathoms. At Three, the Union, after parting one cable, followed the Ranger ; and by the
extreme violence of the wind and sea, with two anchors in the ground and drawing 14 feet was
driven up the bank into 6[? or]7 feet water. It affords me great satisfaction to inform your
Lordship, that the Banks which terminate the interior part of this admirable harbour are of so soft
a texture, that the Vessels have received no damage in their bottoms notwithstanding the exces-
sive and United force of the wind and sea. The loss in the Union is a fourth Rudder two
anchors and one cable, the Ranger one anchor, the Leeboard which was also driven on the
bank a boat. H. M. ship Minerva one anchor, and the Dispatch which drove on a sand bank a
trivial loss of copper. The wind made great devastation amongst the trees having toi*n many
very large ones up with the roots, and the branches from others which were in more sheltered
situations. This Hurricane and its consequences prove that the largest ships may run into
this harbour as a place of safety even in the distressed condition of having neither anchors
or cables.
On the 10th of December the Ranger was dispatched to Diamond Island by desire of the
Commodore, to bring Turtle, and the Leeboard accompanyed her to bring some for the Settle-
ment. H. M. ships Minerva and Dispatch sailed the same day for Old Harbour, and the Sea-
horse arrived and what appears extraordinary, this Vessel, though not exceeding the distance of
160 miles from this place, had only a gentle gale all the 2d being then in company with the
Oornwallis which arrived the 14th and Confirmed this Account. The 16th the Eagle from
Calcutta bound to Prince of Wales Island touched here and sailed the 17th when the Viper
arrived from Old Harbour. Lieutenant Roper mentions that it blew pretty fresh at that
place the 2nd from S. W. but not so hard as to have done any damage. It therefore appears
that the Hurricane which we had here the 2nd which blew from Northeast to East with
excessive violence, and as it subsided veering to South west had been confined to a small extent,
not having been felt 60 leagues to westward, nor at the distance of 40 leagues to Southward.
The Ranger from having very bad winds and contrary currents, did not arrive until the
27th she brought 41 and the Leeboard 24 very fine Turtle ; and the Viper was immediately
dispatched for Old Harbour with 34 for the Commodore,
JANXJABr, 1902]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
43
The Stores foi' the Settlement being discharged from the Seahorse her masts ballast and
Stoies being also taken oat, she shall be sunk in a day or two hence, in such a depth as to be
intirdy under water at full tide; five or six days in that situation will efectually destroy the
white Ants and all other Vermin. Being not yet prepared to receive the Provision and Ammu-
nition on shore, I am under the necessity of detaining the Cornwallis ; but I expect to have
the Storehouse finished a fortnight hence when no time shall be lost in dispatching both
Vessels to Calcutta.
It gives me concern that there is so much reason to have doubts about the safety of the
Juno ; having besides her compliment about 90 Settlers and a large proportion of the Provi-
sion for the Settlement. Impressed with the idea that the Vessel that appeared oJS this Port the
evening of the 1st might have been wrecked in the neighbourhood, I sent the Leeboard to
examine to northward and Southward, immediately after the gale ; and cince, the Commodar
has been so good as to examine the coast between this and Old Harbour, and Lieutenant Wales
all the northward as far as Cape Negrais.
I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship that the Settlers continue healthy, and
that there is a tolerable progress made in the tedious and laborious work of cutting down the
trees, and the thick entangled underwood. The clear space extends from the Northwest to the
Northeast point of Chatham Island and the general breadth about 100 yards, by 600 long. The
soil is excellent and the general surface being planer, it is better addapted for cultivation, than
the land about Old Harbour. There is reason to conclude, from the tenacity of the soil, and
the vicinity of the highest land of the Andamans which attracts the clouds,; that this part of
the Island will be well watered even in the dry season.
At present there are several Rills of excellent fresh water in [? and] the Wells are abun-
dantly productive. On the north end of Pit Island, I have also made some progress in clearing
with my own People, having a space of about two acres containing a small kitchen and nersery
Garden already pretty well stocked with fruit trees from Calcutta and Old Harbour, and
several kinds of vegitables are now appearing from the seed.
The settlers are now well accommodated in a double line of dry comfortble Huts, the
european Overseers and Artificers are in private Tents. There are besides those three Bun-
galows just compleated, a Smithy a Pottery Kiln ; and a temporary store house for Provision
half finished. I am happy to add that we have met with no molestation from the Natives who
now and then appear on the Reefs, but show no inclination towards an interconrse : they do
not even interrupt our fishermen who are so successful as to afford a tolerable daily supply to
the Buzar of excellent fish ; in general sufficient for all the Settlers.
Repeated instances of misbehaviour and a growing spirit of insolence in the Europeans
belonging to the Pilot vessels has induced me to send Robert Denham seaman as a prisoner to
Calcutta in the Ranger and I heg leave to inclose Captain Crawley^s letter to me on the Subject.
This example I hope will bring them to Order, without obliging me to use further severity.
I am with great respect My Lord
Port Cornwallis, Your Lordships most obedient humble Servant
December 31st 1792. (Signed) Archibald Blair.
Enclosed in ditto.
To Archibald Blair, &ca &ca &ca.
Sir, — The constant Mutinious disposition of some of the Europeans belonging to the Honble*
Company's Snow Cornwallis, has given me a great Deal of Vexation for this some time past But they
are now come to such a length that J feel myself .under the necessity of. applying to you for assist-
ance, to keep them to their Duty.
44
THE MDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[jAl5rXJAIlY, 1902.
Robert Denliam has this Day behaved so 111 that I request of you to Order him to be taken out
of the Vessel as an example to the rest. His crime has been creating Riots and Disturbances on
Board absolutely refusing to Obey my Orders or acknowledging my right to Command Him useing
very impertenent and threatning language to me on the Quarter Deck and Beating one oi the People
before my face and in Direct opposition to my orders. It is the Man Who During the Passage
behav’d very 111 to one of the Passenger Girls, and Who I had not Complained of He Promis’d
better behaviour.
H. C. Snow Cornwallis, I am Sir
Port Cornwallis, Your most Obedient Humble Servant
27tli December 1792. (Signed) 0. Crawley.
Ordered that a Copy of the last Paragraph of Captain Blair’s Letter Dated the 31st Ultimoi^
relative to Robert Denham, of the Snow Cornwallis, be sent with a Copy of Captain Crawley’s
Letter to the Master Attendant, and that the latter be instructed to cause a particular and strict
enquiry to be made into the Conduct of that Seaman reporting the result to the Board, and the-
Punishment he thinks due to his Conduct, as it shall appear at that examination.
Captain Crawley having also generally mentioned the constant mutinous disposition of some of
the Europeans belonging to the Honble. Company’s Snow Cornwallis, the Master Attendant is to
desire Captain Crawley to point out the Men to whom he alludes, and an enquiry is to be made into
their Conduct also.
The Result must be reported to the Governor- General in Council, and the Master Attoudant
will deliver his Opinion of the degree of Punishment which they appear to him to merit,
Ordered that Instructions be sent to the Master Attendant and Instructions to tbo Acting
Marine Paymaster, that Oapt. Crawley’s Allowance as Commander of the Cornwallis is to cease from
the end of last Month.
Read again the Governor General’s Minute containing Propositions agreed to by tlie Board,
-and recorded on the Proceedings of the 5th of November.
Agreed that the Appointment of Captain Alexander Kyd, of the Corps of Engineers
to the temporary Command at the Andamans be published in General Orders.
Agreed that the Chief Engineer be desired to Nominate a Subaltern Officer of the Corps of
Engineers to accompany Captain Kyd, on duty, to the New Station,
Agreed that the Commander in Chief he requested to order a Detachment of Sepoys to be
Commanded by a Careful and Intelligent Officer of Infantry who shall assist Captain Kyd in
making his various Arrangements and take charge of the Settlement in the Event of liis temporary
Absence from it.
The Detachment is to consist for the present of One Subadar, One Jimmadar, four Havildars,
four Naicks and Eighty Sepoys for the protection of the Establishment at the Andamans.
The Commander in Chief Recommends that Lieutenant Edmund Wells may be nominated
to the Office of Commissary o! Stores and Provisions on that Establishment.
Agreed and Ordered accordingly, and that Ms Allowance be fixed at Sicca Rupees 259 per
Mensem.
Ordered that the Cornwallis ’Pilot Schooner be discharged from the Pilot Service and appoint-
ed to the Andaman Station and that Directions be sent to the Master Attendant to deliver her over,
trith her Stores, to the Charge of Irieutenant Wales of the Bombay Marine who now Oommanda
the Ranger.
January, 1902.] THE AI^BAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
45
Agreed that the Command of the Ranger shall devolve on Lieutenant TRomas, of the
Bombay Marine, he being the present Senior Officer of that Vessel, and Ordered that the necessary
Instructions be sent accordingly to Lieutenants Wales and Thomas by the Secretary to the Govern-
ment. Ordered that the people belonging to the Pilot Service be removed from the Cornwall
Schooner, and that Lieutenant Wales be Directed to provide a proper Officer and a Grew for that
Vessel, to have her fitted out for Sea with all Expedition and Compleated with Six Months provi-
sions and Stores.
Ordered that Similar Directions be sent to Lieut, Thomas, with Respect to the Ranger.
1793. — No. IV.
Fort William 11th February 1793.
Capt. Eyd 9th Feb.
The following Letter was received on the 9th Instant from Captain Kyd, and a Treasury
Order was issued in Compliance with his Request.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have to request that you will make Application to the Governor General in Council in
my name for an advance of Ten Thousand Sicca Rupees, for the purposes of Making advances to
the Sepoys and Artificers now going to the Andamans which Sum to be deducted from the advance
of Cash, to be furnished for the expence of the Settlement, on my departure.
I have the honor to be &ca
Fort William 9th February 1793. (Signed) A. Kyd.
1793. — No. V.
Fort William 18th February 1793.
Minute and Resolutions of Detail Concerning Captain Kyd’s Appointment
to the Andamans.
The Governor General in Council Resuming the subject of Captain Alexander Kyd*s Appoint-
ment to be Superintendent at the Andamans as recorded on the Consultations of the 5th of Novem-
ber 1792 and 1st Instant now passes the following, resolution.
That in lieu of a Detachuient of the Strength Specified in the Orders of the 1st Instant, the follow-
ing be fixed, for the present, at the Recommendation of the Commander in Chief, as the Strength
of the Detachment, of Native Infantry to be Stationed at Port Cornwallis under the Command of
Tj’eutenant Edmund Wells, whom his Lordship has appointed on that duty.
1 Lieutenant Commanding the Detachment.
1 Sergeant with a Staff Allowance of 20 Rupees per Month
1 Subadar.
1 Jemadar.
4 Havildars.
4 Naicks.
2 Drums,
80 Sepoys.
3 Hand Bhestees.
Staff Effective ) 1 Drill Havildar NE Staff with an Allowance of 5 Rupees per month.
non Effective >• 1 Sircar 1
)l Native Dbctor / Effective Staff .
46
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[January, 1902.
That an allowance of Sonat Rupees 30 per Mensem be made to the Commanding Officer of the
Detachment for Iron, Steel, Charcoal &ca.
That the first Supply of Cloathing for the Detachment be furnished by Indent on Lieutenant
Mouggaoli from the Surplus Cloathing in Store, and that the Contract price tliereof bo Credited to
the offreckoning Fund.
That the future Stoppages for the Detachment be reckoned by the Commanding OHicci'y wJio ia
from tihence to furnish the Annual Cloathing.
That full Batta be granted to ilie Officers and Men, whether European or Native, Composing
this Detachment.
The Commander in Chief acquaints Government that he has directed the Acting Secretary to
the Military Board to signify his Lordships wish to the Members of that Board, that they would })ro-
pose Such an Establishment of Writers and Artificers as may be Deemed necessai*y for the duties io
be performed by the Commissary of Stores and Provisions at tbe Andamans.
Resolved that, in the present State, of the Settlement, and until some progress has been made
to wards a regular Establishment, the Undermentioned Artificers, with the Annexed Rates of Viiy be
allowed, under the direction of the Superintendent, at the public Expence, but that, as Several
Classes and descriptions of such Artificers will, in time, be enabled to earn a Livelihood by laboring
for individuals, it be made an Article of Instruction to the Superintendant to discharge them from
the Service of the public whenever he finds it consistent to do so, and that they can Subzist IVoin their
own Industry.
Establishment of Artificers &ea,
Europeans.
1 Head Carpenter
•••
...
100 rupees
3 Carpenters
...
...
...
... @ SO Rs. 90
1 Head Smith
...
00
1 Cooper
...
...
40
4 Overseers of Works ...
...
...
e .r
... @ 35 Hs. 1^0
1 Sail Maker
...
Natives.
40
i Head Carpenter
...
20
20 Carpenters ...
... ® 14 230
12 vSawyers
...
...
... @ 10 120
1 Turner
...
10
1 Head Smith ...
...
20
12 Smiths
« .
...
... @ 10 120
2 Brassmen
20 '
1 Tinman
...
...
10
2 Sicklegars
...
20
1 Mestry Painter ...
•••
...
14
2 Painters
20
1 Mestry Stone Cutter...
«
* «
20
6 Stone Cutters
...
@ 10 60
1 Head Bricklayer
••• ’
20
15 Bricklayers
...
...
... @ 10 1,50
Janttart, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
47
1 Mestry Brick Maker ..
...
1 2 rupees
10 Workmen
• • •
...
100
6 Potters or Filemakers
... @8
48
4 Grammies
• • •
... @ 6
24
10 Gardners
... @ 7
70
8 Washermen ...
...
... @8
64
10 Fishermen
- t*
... @ 10
100
4 Taylors
• # •
...
...
... @12
48
3 Barbers
...@7
21
1 Shoe Maker ...
...
12
2 Ohucklers -
...
» 9 *
... @ 6
12
1 Baker
• ••
12
3 Assistants
0 #■
... @ 8
24
5 Hand Bhnstees
Lascars,
. . @ 9.8
47.8
1968.8
1 Serang
...
• ••
16
2 first Tindalls
...
• •
... @ 11.8
23
2 Second Do
• • •
...
... @ 9.8
19
40 Lascars
Bildars.
... @ 6.12
300
B58
8 Sudars
•
...
...
... @ 12
96
170 Bildars
...
... @ 6
1020
1116
B)s. B452.8
Resolved that Ensign Joseph Stokoe, of the Corps of Engineers be appointed to Accom-
pany Captain Kyd on duty to the Andamans, and that he be entitled to draw, from the 1st Instant,
the Allowance of Sicca Rupees 240 per Mensem, being the same as that which is granted to Engineer
Officers Superintending public Buildings.
Ordered that the Military Auditor General be informed that the following Allowances are to
be drawn, from the 1st Instant by the Superintendant at the Andamans, the Engineer, and Mr-
Wood On Medical duty at that Settlement*
Captain Kyd the Pay and foil Eatta of his Rank, whatever that may be, while employed on the
present Service, and Allowance as Superintendant Sicca Rupees 1,000 per Mensem*
Engineer Stokoe the Pay and full Batta of his Rank, Allowance as above mentioned Sicca
Rupees '240 per Mensem,
48
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
[Jantjary, 1902,
Hr. Wood Surgeon fixed Allowance Sicca Rupees 300 per Mensem.
Resolved that the Superintendant be authorized to draw Monthly the following Establishment
of Office, from the 1st Instant,
For 1 European Writer ... Sicca Rupees 150
1 Native Do. ... 30
2 Sircars' @ 20 each ... 40
Allowance for Stationary ... ... ... 30
250
Ordered that the necessary Forms of Abstracts and Bills for the Detachment,, for the Military
officers, and for the Artificers, be furnished by the Military Auditor General.
Resolved that, in the present State of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis the Accounts shall be
kept distinct under the two Heads of Military and Marine, the first comprehending, the pay and
Allowances of the Commandant and Staff and all Military Officers, the Detachment of the Military,
and ail Artificers, the Expences of all Military Stores furnished from the Arsenal, of all Provisions
issued at Port Cornwallis to the Military and Artificers, the Second Comprising the pay arid
Allowances of the Officers and Crews of the Vessells attached to the Station, the Expence of all
Naval Stores issued by the Naval Storekeeper in Bengal for their use, and of all Provisions issued at
Port Cornwallis for the Supply of the Marine.
Resolved that, in Addition to the Sum of 10,000 Sicca Rupees already advanced upon Account
of Captain Eyd, the Superintendant, the Sum of Sicca Rupees 25,000 be issued to him from
the Treasury to make up the Estimated Amount required for 4 Months to enable him to discharge.
Monthly, the pay Abstracts and Bills of Monthly Allowances to the Military, and the Montbly pay
& Wages of the Officers and Crews of the Marine Establishment, the Vouchers for the former
to be sent round by the Superintendant as Opportunities offer, to the Pay Master of Garrisons and
Artillery, who from these Materials will make out regular Setts of Disbursements, and forward them,
with the Vouchers, for Audit Debiting himself to “ Cash ” for the Amount admitted on the Dis-
bursements and taking Credit by ‘‘Military Charges’’ for the same. In like manner the vouciiers
for the Officers and Crews of the Marine are to be Sent round to the Marine Pay Master, and
undergo the Audit of the Civil Auditor, who is to furnish Captain Kyd with the Forms for drawing
the Bills and Abstracts for the same.
Should any Contingent Charges occur, either in the Military- or Marine Branch of the Expen-
diture, the Superintendant is to accompany the Vouchers thereof, which must be attested upon
Honor, with the fullest Explanations of the necessity for incurring the Charges. These Explanations
are to be kid before the Board, with the Charges themselves which can only be admitted and passed
on the authority of Government.
Resolved that, as Specie for some time to come can be of little use to Individuals at Port
Cornwallis the Superintendant be authorized to grant Bills of Exchange, drawn at par upon
the Bengal Government at 30 days sight, for any portion of the pay or Allowances of Indivi-
duak, which they may wdsh to pay into his Treasury, and to remit to Bengal by that means.
The Sttpermtendant will be debited for the Amount of Such Remittances on the General Books
of this Presidency.
January, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth GENTUHY,
49
Besolved that fche Commissary of Shores and Provisions at the Andamans be directed to
Indent upon the Arsenal at Fort William, for the Military Stores Required for the Use of that
Settlement; the Indents to be Coantersigned by the Snperintendant and submitted to the Milio
tary Boards in Bengal for their Sanction.
The Store Keeper will be furnished by the Secretary to the Military Board with ail the
forms, which regulate the Officers of Ordnance in making their Books and Accounts, and is
directed to adhere Strictly to them under the control of the Military Board.
Besolved that the Provisions required for the Use of the Settlement be indented for, from
time to time, in the same manner, upon the Garrison Store Keeper, who is not however to pro-
vide them but by an Order from Government either direct or through the Military Board.
The Commissary is not to issue any Provisions, except on regular Indents Countersigned by
the Snperintendant ; and he is to keep, Separate, the Indents which are for the Supply of what
is to be placed under the Head of Military, and what belongs to the Marine, Branch of the
Establishment.
Ordered that regular Returns be made by the Commissary of Provisions, quarterly or
oftener if opportunities of sending them occur, to the Secretary to the Military Board for their
Information, of the Balance of Provisions remaining in Store.
The Commissary is to he in all respects accountable to the Military Board for his Receipts
and. Issues of Provisions, in the Same manner as for the Military Stores and to attend to the
Same forms in keeping his Accounts, which are not however to be blended.
Resolved that no Military or Naval Stores shall be dispatched from Bengal without having
Undergone the prescribed Survey, nor shall any Provisions be dispatched for the Use of the
Settlement at Port Cornwallis, without having undergone the previous Inspection and Survey
of a Committee of the Military Board. Regular Reports and Surveys are also to be taken and
made of their Condition upon being landed and Received into Store at that place.
Besolved that the Accountant General of Bengal shall be furnished Annually, after the
Close of each Years Books, with the following Accounts by the Undermentioned Officers
respectively, —
By the Military Pay Master General with an Account of the Amount Admitted
by the Military Auditor General upon the Annual Disbursements of Port
Cornwallis on Account of Military Charges, Established and Contingent, —
By the Marine Pay Master with an Account of the Amount Admitted by the Civil
Auditor, as above for Marine Charges.
^ By the Naval Store Keeper with an Account of the Value of all Naval Stores Supplied
for the Marine Establishment in the Course of thd Year, deducting the Value of
* the balances ; and
By the Secretary to the Military Board with a Similar Account of all Military Stores
supplied in the Course of the Year, as well as Similar Accounts of all Provisions
so Supplied, distinguishing, as nearly as may be practicable, the Value of the
Issues and Expenditures, to and for the Military and Marine Branches of the
Establishment.
Besolved that, from these Materials and Such other as the Accountant General may find
it necessary to call for, he be directed to state Yearly as soon as possible after the close of the ^
Annual Books, the whole Expences of the Establishment at Port Cornwallis under the District
50
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JaJ?uaey, 1902.
Heads of Military and Marine, in order that Government and the Honble. Court of Directors
may be kept Constantly informed of the Charges of that Establishment, and of the Increase
and Decrease therein.
Resolved that Lieutenant B. H. Colebrooke, Assistant to the Surveyor G-eneral,
be directed to take Charge of that Office, and Authorized to draw the Establishment Annexed
to it from the present Date.
Ordered that a Copy of the above Minute and Resolutions be Recorded in the Military
Department.
Ordered that another Copy te sent to Captain Kyd, with Extracts from the Board pro^
ceedings on the 5th of November 1792, and 1st Instant relative to his Appointment to the
temporary Command at the Andamans.
Ordered that Captain Kyd be informed that the Allowance granted to Mr. Wood, who is
on duty as Surgeon at the Andamans, not providing for Medicines or Instruments &ca, Such of
these as may be occasionally wanted at the Andamans are to be obtained, as they have been
hitherto, by Indents on the Hospital Board.
1793. --NTo. V.
Fort William ISth February, 1793.
Copy of Captain Ryd's Commission as Superintendent at the Andamans.
Agi'eed that the following Commission be granted to Captain Kyd. — The Right Honorable
Charles Earl Cornwallis Knight of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Governor. General
and Commander in Chief Peter Speke William Cowper, and Thomas Graham Esquires
Counsellors of the Presidency of Fort William in Bengal and its Dependencies To all to whom
these Presents shall come and Greeting Know ye that we reposing especial Trust and Confidence
in the Fidelity Prudence, and Circumspection of Captain Alexander Kyd, in the Military
Service of the United Oomp iuy of Merchants of England Trading to the East Indies, have
Nominated made Constituted, and appointed, and by these Pi-esents do nominate make, Con-
stitute, and Appoint the said Captain Alexander Kyd, to be Superintendanfe and Com-
mandant of the Military Force Garrison, and Settlement now formed on the l&land called
the Great Andaman and Situated in the Bay of Bengal, likewise those Islands and Depen-
dencies known by tlie Names of the little Andamans, The Cocos, The Preparies, Nur-
candaam, and the Barren Island, also to suporinteud and Command all other islands and
Places Contiguous thereto, and lying within the Parralells of 10 and 15' Degrees of North
Latitude anid2 and 95 Degrees of Longitude East from Greenwich, and all Harbours Towns
Garrisons, Forts, Fortifications or . other Military Works or Posts- that now are or maybe
hereafter erected 'upon the said Islands, to bold them, in the Nam© and for the Use of the
United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies, and to keep and Maintain
the safne against all Enemies or Intruders whomsoever, He is Nominated, made, constituted,
and appointed, by these Presents, to Control and Command all Officers and Soldiers, belonging-
to the Military and Marine Establishments of the said United Company, all' Euro])eans and
Native Artificers, Labourers and Servants of every Disoription in the Pay or Eniploy of the
said Company, and all Settlers, and Persons w'ho now are, or hereafter may be, permitted to
reside at, or be in any Manner attached or belonging to the Settlernont and Dependencies
aforesaid and they and each of all and every such Disoription or Discriptions of Persons are
and is hereby required and directed to obey all legal Orders issued by the said Captaiu'
Alexander Kjd^r And, in general, he is to do and Perform all and every such Acts and things
January; 1902.]
NOTES ANB QUEEiEB.
ot
Es Eppertain to the Deities of his Office and Station as CnmmaTidant, and Supei'intendant of the
said Settlement and Islands, in Conformity to th** Instructions that have been or mav be given
him by the G;>vernor General in Council of Fort William aforesaid Given nndor Our Hands and
the Seal of the sa>d United East India Company in Fo!‘t William this Eiohteenth day of
February in the thirty third Year of the Re'gn of our Sovereign Lord George the third, by the
Grace of God of Great Britain, France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith and so forth,
and in the Year of our Lord One thousand Seven hundred and Ninety three,
Cornwallis.
Signed Peter Speke,
William Cowper.
Thos. Graham.
Registered in the Secretary’s Office By Order of the Right Honorable the Governor Gene*
ral in Council.
(To be continued,)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
KAPING — KEPING - KtTPONG,
In Yol. XXYII. p. 22Ji* f;, I have given a
number of quotations on the Malay coin and
bullion weight kfipong and have since come
across some more information on the same and
kindred words.
In the MS. work, Asia, eio.^ by T. B., 1669-79,
occurs, fol. 132, the foil Aving passage : —
1669'-79 — ‘'They [at Janselone] have noe
Sort of coyned monies here, save what is made of
tinne is melted into Small lumps, and passe
very currant provided they be of their just weight
allowed by Statute: and are as followeth : One
Small lumpe or Putta valueth here 3*^ Eng®?. One
great Putta is 2^ Small ones Yal: penny
En®;^, is theire Currant moneys and noe
Other, but if wee bringe Silver or Gold massy or
Coyned, the rich men will trucke w‘? us for tinne
and give Some advance 10 or 15 Cent upon y^
moneys. When wee shall have a considerable
quantitie of these Smal pieces of tinne togeather:
wee weigh w^'^ Scales or Stylyard 52 pound w* and
I : and melt it in a Steele panne for y ® Purpose,
and runne it into a mold of wood or clay : and
%hat is an Exact Cupine*. 8 of w°? are one
baharre weight (of Janselone) or 420: English
pound weight. In any considerable quantitie of
goods Sold togeather wee agree for soe many
Babarre or soe many Cupines, when a Small
parcell, then for soe many Viece : or soe many
great or Small puttas ; 4 great puttas make a
Viece 10 Small ones is a Viece.”
1 Apparently some form of ^Uhts, tlie Malay oasb :
ef, Samporfs for Songp^Ss in Stevens, Guide, p. 127, and
anU, Yol. XXVII. p. 7. Maxwell, MaUy Manual, 1882,
This statement affords a table of weights for
Junkseylon in 1669-79, taking the vise (viece) at
its most persistent value of 3^ lbs., as follow^:"-*
2^ puttas small make* 1 putta large
4 puttas laige 1 viece
16 viece 1 cupine
8 cupine 1 baharre of 420 lbs.
A century later Stevens, Guide to East India
Trade, 1775, p. 127, gives the following tables; —
Jonckceylone.
3 Punchorfs^ 1 Foot
4 Poot^ 1 Yis
10 Vis 1 Capin !
• 8 Gapins 1 Babar
The Bahar in the above cases must have been
about 476 lbs.
Tocopa.
5 Pingas** 1 Puta
4 Putas 1 Yiss
10 Yiss 1 Capin
8 Capin* 1 Bahar
In 1813, Milbum, Commerce, Yol. If. p, 291,
trepors: — “They [at Junkceylon] have certain
pieces of tin, shaped like the under half of a
cone, called poot, which are used on the island as
money, weighing about three pounds ; these are
also their weights.” His table is as follows ; —
4 Foots 1 Yiss
10 Yiss 1 Capin
8 Gapins 1 Bahar of 476 Z5’s.
In 1835 Kelly’s Cambist, Yol. I. pp. 108 f., 121,
copies this information, but makes the bahar of
Junkceylon 485 lbs, and that of Tocopa 476 lbs.
So far then we have the history of the putta
and cupine of T. R’s account of Junckseylon.
p. 142, has panjuru as the lowest of “ the silver coins
used in weighing gold.”
THE raBlAK ANTIQUARY.
[JAKOAJaf, 1902
S2
The Malay terms are pat ah, a fragment, and
kaping. But Lis statement that the j}atuh of tin
was worth 8d. sterling was probably not meant
to apply to wholesale purchases, as that would
make the tin to be worth 60 Spanish dollars the
laliar, which we find from fol. 134 he did not
pay for it ; — “ What else wee brjnge hither are
JRyalis of 8 : w^? wee alsoe trucke for tinne, att
rate of 28 dollars p^’; baharre ready moneys
and 40 upon trucke for our Goods ” Taking the
Spanish dollar (Eoyal of 8) at 5s., T. B paid in
cash at the rate of l%d. for the ^aidh^ and of 2d,
in goods, for wholesale purchases, one presumes.
But Milburn says, loc, cir., that the tin in his day
sold at Junkseylon at “from 12 to 16 Spanish
dolls per pecuV* Now’’ 3 ^icul make 1 hahar :
therefore at 36 dollars the bahar the price was 2id
the patah, and at 48 dollars it was 3d. the patah,
w^hich sup)ports T. B. in his statement.
It is worth noting here also that at 3d. the
patah the value of the viss of tin works out to
2s» 6d., the then aiDproximate value of the Siamese
ticlcal, the standard of value in Siam, of which
Junkseylon formed a part. It was this value
that most likely settled the value of the patah for
retail payments.
In 1827 Wilson, Documents of the JBurmese
says, Appx., p, 61, “the tical and tin piece were
the oun'ency of Tavai and Mergui, but the former
has been superseded by the rupee. The rates for
the rupee and pice^ may be expected to vary, but
the following was in use at the date of our autho-
rities (1826) .
12 small pice make 1 large one or kebean
40 kebean 1 Madras Buppe
^ 0 . 1 Sicca Rupee
do. 1 Spanish dollar’'* •
This works out the value of the kebean -of tin
to be 17 to the penny. Kebean no doubt repre-
sents sorfee form of keping or kaping, but here
refers to the ktipong as distinct from the hoping.
Thus from the following extract from. Kelly’s
Cambist, Yol. II. p. 348 : —
Bort Malborough in Sumatra.
Gold and silver weights.
30 Coon dees {hondar^] make 1 Keping
S Kepings 1 Bingit [Sp.
dollar]
Moco Moca and Ft. Marlborough.
. 4 Koopangs or Soocoo® make 1 Mas [mace]
4 Has ' 1 Pauh
aVs Pauh 1 :e,ingit
Seems to represent the word pichis and no doubt
represents the patah : it may also be a misprint for
** piece.”
The scale in all the cases is probably meant to
refer to the same standard, the diffei’ences arising
out of the relation by weight and value to each
other of the several metals used for mea.suring
bullion.*
Under date 1639, Mandelslo, Trtwds, B. T.,
p. 107 f , has rather a diliicuR reference to Malay
weights in somewhat similar terms: — “A drug
they call Saroyboura [edible birds’ nest s, sanmg-
burung"]. These are only Swallow- nests, which
they j&nd on the Rooks by the Sea-side, and are
of such esteem in Oliina, that they sell them
for three or four Crowms the pound. There are
two sorts of them, the white which are in much
request and are sold for six, seven or eight
Campans the China Oatti ; but tlie grey a.re
not so dear and ax’e not vforth three or four
Ca mpans the Cat ti, which amounts to not above
eleven Sols, or a M amide of Oambaya ....
The Portugucze heretofore bought there [at
Patani] fifteen or sixteen Ijorned Beasts in a
year, and carried them to Malacca, paying a
Oampan a head for the expoi’t.’’
Now, taki]ig the lb. Av. to be three quaz'ters of
a China catig, then at 3 Crowns the lb., the catty
would be worth ^>1 : at 4> Crowns the lb. it would
be worth 26a. 8c?. Then it follows from the state-
ments that the campan was worth from 3.y. Ad. to
45. 9d. at the rate of 6 to the catty, or 2s. Od to
3s. 7c2. at 8 to the catty. This rate is something
like the probable fact, as at the present da.y in the
Andamans clean white edible birds’ nests are
bought up for the Chinese at Rangoon for their
weight in silver : i. e., at Re. 1 per tula, or say at
£2 the lb Av, and £2 6s. 8d. the catty. Whereas
the next statement that Mandelslo makes, via ,
that 3 to 4 campans are equal to 11 sols or mamide
is impossible ; because the mahmudi varied from
3d. to 44'C? , which was no doubt the value of 11
sols (sous) also. This makes the campan about a
penny or less.
«
Now, on Kelly’s statement the keping would be
the eighth of a Spanish dollar, or say and the
kfipong would run about 40 to the dollar, *. e.,
about \\d. each. Mandelslo evidently meant
the kfipong by Jiis “ campan,” and probably
mixed up with it some local form of the kftping,
from what he had heard or read that the k€ipong
w:as worth. These considerations confirm the
opinion that Wilson’s kebean also refers in
some confused way to the kfipong as a measure
of value.
R. 0. Tempuk,
® Buku = quarter.
* For an examination of Malay bullion weight see
Vol. XXVII. pp. 87fP, ' '
February, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE OAPTIYES IN CANTON,
LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
WRITTEN IN 1634 AND 1536.
BY DONALD FERaDSON.
(Concluded from p, S3,)
[£. 124] Copy of another letter that the same Christovao Vieyra wrote from China.s®
Sir, 81 — Looking constantly at your letter, 82 I am much relieved of my infirmity. With the
strength that your honor gives me I am moved to take the opportunity to write, Sir, in brief: the
reading will not take long, repeating, Sir, in this city, in which, Sir, I say, were you but in
India, so that the governor would send Bytor da Sylveira®^ with the fleet that goes each year to
the Strait,®^ conveying therein three thousand men and carrying Malabars in order with them to
terrify the people when they see these Malabars. With the help of the Portuguese they would
go on until they conquered half the country of China, if there were there enough people to
maintain so great a city and so many towns, so weak a people are they, and they have no kind
of defence.
Into this river of this city can enter only ships of two hundred tons, and every galleon
however great, by reason of their drawing little water. The whole of this river, Sir, is muddy
and is entirely free from rocks, so that even if it be left dry it does not matter; because the
river is veiy high the city would remain dominated under these ships. When the sea is on the
flow they can put planks from the galleons and ships to the land by which the people can go
out. By this river are placed the houses of the suburb, having a protection in order that tlie
water may not overflow all, which protection is of stone filled in with earth of the height of a
man or half a man, and in places none. In all parts there are very fine ways paved with fine
stone, which stone would serve at present for fortresses. Fire should be put, Six', to the end
of this suburb, whereby it would go burning all along the river, so as to leave all clear for the
artillery to play, and because if it were not put [f. I24v] there the Chinese would shoot with
arrows. As they would have the protection of the houses, it would be necessary to put fire -to
them that all might be clear without any house remaining.
Withal, Sir, let it be well obsei’ved that the principal landingrplace is in the middle of fcliis
suburb, where is a house of the mandarins when they are going anywhere they go there to
disembark and embark ; at which house there is a reception of such. The which house
is enclosed around by a wall made of earth rising to the height of a remoBsao^^^ where in this,
place could assemble a number of men with an order to destroy the houses all around in order
to leave a place for the fortress to be made, in order to place artillery there, making loopholes
in these walls, in order to place therein great bombards, until the completion of the fortress
that must be erected in that place. With the fortress standing over against the river on the
one side and the gate of the city on the other, making a very strong and fine breastwork, which
would go on approaching the gate of the city, so that the city would be entirely dominated,
80 This heading, added by the copyist apparently, is, like that prefixed to the first letter, erroneous, this second
letter being by Vasco Oalvo,
I' have been unable to discover to whom this letter is addressed ; but, from what the writer says further on
the addressee would appear to have been the commander of a ship sent to the Gulf of Tongking to try and open up
communications with the Portuguese prisoners in Canton. (C/. Introd.)
82 I have no information regarding this letter, nor when or how it was dispatched.
8* The writer was evidently not aware that Heitor da Silveira had been killed in February 1531 in the storming
of the island of Beth, — one of the darkest pages in the history of Portuguese India. (See Whiteway ’s Rise of Port,
Tower in India, pp. 235-227.)
The Strait of Bah-el-Mandeb. Heitor da Silveira had commanded several expeditions to the Red Sea.
85 The yamen of the hoppoj doubtless, the site of which is now occupied by a Roman Catholic cathedral, (See
Mid, King, I. p, 166.)
8fi A remessUo (augm. of rmnesgo, javelin = lOi palm'os or spans.
04 :
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[February, 1902.
because all is ground fiat as the palm of one’s hand, with artillery at one end and at the
other. The which breastwork must be in the manner of the bridge giving passage to a rivulet
that runs between the wall and the suburb ; and in order to enter the, city there is a very fine
stone bridge ; and the breastwork would have to be joined to this bridge. This breastw^ork
w^ouid go towards this gate and lead from the bridge, and would have to be the means of access
to the fortress itself, where the governor must reside.
As soon, Sir, as the disembarkation shall have taken place at this spot, observe well that
it is near the gate of the city. If the city do not surrender, three caTfiellos must be placed
there, and the gates, which are two, must be destroyed. Both of them consist of two, one is
front of the other. These gates, Sir, are overlaid wifeh copper. As soon as they enter tliey
must make their way to the house of the ^ocliegi/, which is the principal house that there is in
this city, and is the house where is the king’s revenue, where will be found much silver, more
than can be reckoned, and also much gold and merchandise. This house is the chief of this
province; for in this house from morning [£. 125] until night there is nothing done but weigh-
ing the silver of the rents that come from all the officers ; in which house must be placed two
or three hundred men with a captain to remain stationed in the city until the fortress shall
have been built. And likewise a fortress will have to be made within the city where is a small
mounts^ with some churches. It has in itself stone for making the fortress ; which fortress
must be situated above the wall that goes towards the north, which is the main land, with a
tower of four stories all full of artillery which can fire towards the north aud west and east, and
also towards the city. All points will thus be defended by this fortress, and the city placed and
restrained under this fortress ; in which fortress. Sir, should be stationed a hundred men ; the
city will then become so strong that not a bird will be able to descend that will have an oppor-
tunity of escaping. The which hundred men, Sir, should be changed every three or four
months. They should go, Sir, with the fleet that they may make a profit.
It will also, Sir, be needful to go and seize a factory that is called the Ooncli0faa,88 whence
will escape a thousand prisoners, at least if the mandarins do not kill them through fear lest
they rise in the city and kill the mandarins also in consequence. It is also fnll of silvex', which
is moreover collected in dues for the king and the fines of the prisoners which are on a large
.scale, much silver ; which property, Sir, that shall be in this factory, shall be removed from this
to the house of the pochegy, where must be those men to erect in the meanwhile the fortress. Let
them collect thex’e all that has been taken ; and in like manner they shall go to two other factories
of the king, which also have much silver of the dues that are exacted; the which two factories arc
called by name ^yhay and Pdnhaem.s^ And if this property is found, all shall go to the
■pocMgy, who will have to guard it there until all is settled. Let them be advised that in case
they should find no silver, and should find within those houses, which are large, any man, he
shall be questioned regarding it, as it may be buried in some place so that it may not be found ;
because in those cities that are attacked [f. 125v] by robbers they do this, that is, bury it, and
leave as a blind four or five thousand taels, in order that the robbers may not go searching-
everywhere and happen to find it, ^
And inquiry should also, Sir, be made for the ricegodowns, which are seven or eight houses
where are stationed three petty mandarins like receivers of customs, the which houses have
m them millions upon millions of piculs of rice under the management of the mandarins and also
other people, the which rice if they could sell it to the people of the country, they would make
more than forty thousand taels of silver thereby. For which purpose. Sir, there should be
placed thirty men with a captain, and they should remain guarding this rice until the city and
afiairs shall have settled down, without any of that rice being touched, which if it should happen,
bm, there would be no remedy. At present if rice and provisions did not com e in from without
Tbe peak of Ynehsiii, near the fiye-storied tower referred to above S fA 7a I
ne orsg. baa alkes, wbieb, Sr. Lopea sujfg'ests, is a oontraction for alVmmrifes,
February, 1902.] LETTERS FRO^ PORTUGUESE OAPTIYES IN CANTON.
55
tLe whole population of the city would die of famine. Then, Sir, it would be necessary to open
up this store of rice and sell this rice to the people that are in the city, and, even if it should be
worth a good deal, somewhat cheap, on account of the people's not being able now to buy h
anywhere ; because of all the populace the most, Sir, that live in this city are all craftsmen and
merchants and people who all live to carry on trade. For the people, Sir, who are rich and have
lands live in th^ villages where they have their lands, and lands here are worth their weight in
money. This is the reason why the people would die of hunger if rice did not come from
without for sale j because this city could not sustain itself for three days without the people’s
dying, because the population is large.
Let them observe well.
And also, Sir, some of this rice should be given to the masons and carpenters and smiths
and workmen that shall be engaged on the fortresses, giving them each day three faiianis®^ as
their wage, which is twelve reals a day, and they will be content ; because here the mandarins
give them for their services two fanams, and if they do not work give them floggings in atrice.®^
Wherefore, Sirs, these workmen would be well paid without taking or spending a single ceitiP^
[f. 126] of our lord the king’s. With this rice alone a hundred fortresses could be built in this
country ; as every mandarin’s house has stoae, supports for the stories of towers, and as much
as oue would wish of anything, so many would not be necessary.
And also, Sir, orders must at once be given to quickly close up with stone and lime all the
gates that lead to the north, and also those on the west and east, leaving in this city only this
gate which the people shall use, which must be connected with the fortress ; and the captain-
major should return to the place where he disembarked, with all the people except the three
hundred men who shall remain in the city in the house of the pocliegy. It is a great aflair, and
all shut in by the fortress ; and the keys of the city should be given at night to this captain
who shall meanwhile remain there while the fortresses are being built ; and in the morning they
should be given to him who shall have charge of guarding that gate and shutting it } and at
night they should watch and beat the drums as is the usual custom,®^
And also, Sir, arrangements must be made with the people of the country, to distribute
them and appoint a man as head of that same country. The tallaco®^ of the. wall would watch
the people that lived iu those streets, because such is his custom and style. They should also
be given drums, which they would get at the houses of these mandarins. In the morning
they would come to give their report, as is the Cjustom, to that captain who- would be in that
house; that ‘‘such a part is safe”; then others would come, and say “ such a part is safe,”
and they would give the keys to open the gate- It would also, Sir, be necessary to leave undis-
turbed the style of the country with regard to going on the knees to the captains and also
to every other person who has any charge, as such is the custom of the country and it must not
fall into abeyance. The people are bad, and so as a consequence they must be flogged if they
are not prompt at that which they are ordered to do : otherwise it will be a ti’ouble to endure
these people ; for the mandarins do nothing else from morning to night, and kill them, and
yet can do nothing with them.
Tiie oontraotion/os in the orig. must, I think, stand for fanZes, It occurs again near the end of the letter .
The orig. has *‘coma palhas,"’ lit,, “ like straws.” In Portuguese “ d lume daspalhas ” means" “ in the twinkl-
ing of an eye, in a trice and that seems to be the writer’s meaning here.
A coin worth ^ of a real,
G-aspar da Cruz in Purchas, Pily. III. p. 173 ; Mendoza (Hak. Soo. ed.), I. p. 86.
If a Chinese word is really intended to be represented here, the last syllable, as I have said in Introd., mast
stand for k:mg, “ a watch of the night/'
56
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Febeuary, 1'902.
If it should happen, Sir, that they should place there some boats and should
[f . 126 t] shoot from them, let them go out and capture them, for any force would be able to
capture them. When they saw that they came out for that purpose they would not wait,
because their arms would not allow them to await the attack of the Portuguese. The swords
are after the fashion of ours, some three spans in length, of plain iron, without any point. For
armour they wear quilted bajos and a helmet on their head made of tin. They shoot arrows,
and that not rery well. This is their manner of warfare ; and these. Sir, are those who are
pressed for this. For the common people do not know how to do this ; they simply shut the
doors, and do not trouble any further, aud bury what silver they have, for they have no
household articles, only an old table and a chair : everything else of silver they bury.
And this, Sir, is not the case with the common people : they have nothing in the way of
sword or arrow ; only when any rising takes place the people shut the gates, and everyone gets
inside his house ; and whoever is most capable, him they obey. In fine, Sir, these people, by
means of whom the mandarins maintain the country, are of this fashion, which description I
have given in brief. Every man who is taken prisoner is condemned to death ; but when he
has been four or five years in the prison there come other mandarins, and if the prisoner has
silver for a bribe they write respecting him to the king, and the great mandarins free him from
that penalty that rests upon him, and sentence him to banishment in perpetuity ; and the sons^®
are likewise liable to this banishment. It is comparable, Sir, to the men who in Portugal arc
banished to the islands. To the man who is like the hangman these men give each month a
picul of rice to eat in his house with his wife* And so of other doings,®^ if they recur, they
make exiles of these men likewise. These men of this city they banish to another province, and
those of other provinces they banish to this. In this province there are distributed ihrongliout
the cities, towns and villages, and employed in guarding the gates and prisons and going along
the rivers, in order that they may not rise [f. 127] in the cities, thirteen to fourteen thousand
men. In this city there are constantly some three thousand men guarding the gates of the city
with captains. As to which, there is not a Malabar that conld not fight with forty of tlieso
men and kill them all, because they are just like women: they have no stomach,* simply outcries.^®
It is with these people that the mandarins maintain this country, which is a world in itself.
Wherefore as soon as the fl.eet should make sail to come to this city tljere is not a man-
darin that would await in the city the fleet in the river: the mandarins would certainly hurry
out by the gates; of this there is no doubt that it would be so. In tlie middle of tin's river
is a church of the Chinese which stands on the outskirts in the middle of the city®^ (it is about as
big as the fortress of Oalequu), which has already been made into a fortress, only they are to
erect the wall and construct towers for it, the which should form a strong fortress with towers
or bastions ; wherefore with this fortress standing there with twenty or thirty men the river
would be blocked and everything cut off, because from there the artillery would be able to
dominate all sides, both towards the city and towards the river upwards and downwards. ^
This is the reason why artillery must he brought from India, so that it will be possible to do
great things against any people whatsoever, •
When the people in the city have settled down, then, in a short time, after not more than
two to four days have passed, they should tskeparaos, and dispose themselves in foists if they
96 The orig*. has Jos/* which I take to stand for Jilhos. '
- 9^ The orig. has which should represent /eifos ; hut the sense is not very clear.
opinion of the Chinese, as quoted in Introd. to Hak, Soc. ed. of Mendoza, p. Ixiviii. Couto
it* ra V * ‘ ^eater part of the heathens of India fight as nmoh with their tongues as with their
hands. (See also quotations in Sohson^Jehson^ s, ev, * Oucuya, Cuouyada.^)
’* I refer to the rook on which, in later times, was erected the Hai Chv, fSea Peaill Fort or
^tchFoBy. It is referred to above by Ohriatovao Vieyra (f, 122 v). See also Gaspar da Orus' in Purohas Pilg.
XIX. p. 195, * ^
*99 See sketch of fort in Nieuhof .
* CaJiton ci% was bombarded by the British from Dutch Folly Fort in 1856-57.
February, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
57
siiould be available, and go np the river, at the same time taking a quantity of artillery, and
go burning as many pay^aos and junks and other things as they find in the ^ay of towns and
villages, causing great destruction and leaving nothing in existence, in order to put terror into
the people; so that, even if the great mandarins came from above with some men, they would find
no boat, nor would they find any food for the people [f. 127v] to eat. How much more do
I believe that no one would or could descend ; because if the robbers are left there they would
be bound to rise throughout the country, and to go plundering and killing everybody when
they knew that this city was taken. They might also come to take refuge here; and the
country would be put in such a turmoil that there would be a general alarm, so that the people
would be certain at once to rise throughout the province, and there is not a mandarin that they
would not kill. Wherefore let war be waged cruelly wherever they are able. Since the king
of China is bound to lose these three provinces, it will be necessary to make an agreement with
his captains. It will be impossible to obtain sustenance, or to maintain the country, or to
carry on the government, or to pay taxes to the king ; because it will not be possible to sow
or to carry on trade : wherefore, an agreement having been made, it will turn out greatly to the
profit of our lord the king that the king of China should give him a ship laden with silver every
year, in order that the whole fifteen provinces may not be imbr oiled, or lest he be removed ; and
so trade will be carried on as before.
And moreover, Sir, by the island of Viniaga the road goes direct to four or five cities of
this province and many towns and villages half a league in extent with much population ; the
which cities are large and contain rich people and much silk, and all iron and tin come from
there. And thus, Sir, it is a great trade that the king carries on with this, Sir, who obtains
from it a large revenue. The which cities are situated along the coast with the sea beating on
them ; and these cities would give as much revenue as the king has in the country to our lord
the king, and would also be obedient so as not to be destroyed and that the population may
not see themselves ruined. And they must not consent to their being governed by a man-
darin of the country, but only that they make choice as to who shall be their captains, content
to give the half of the revennes to our lord the king. For there is not [f. 128] a city that
would not give forty or fifty thousand cruzados each year. I do not speak of towns ; but the
towns would have to do likewise, and would give according to the revenue twenty thousand
and thirty thousand cruzados in tribute, and they would give a shipload of silver to our lord
the king without the spending in this country of a ceitil of our lord the king’s ; only they should
take it to India to defray the expenses and freights of the ships for Portugal.
These cities — • one can go to them in all seasons, — as well in winter as in summer, it is
all one ; because all must be fine galleys and foists and vessels — everything that is rowed ; and
all go along the rivers and amongst islands, as the Chinese here navigate all the year round,
both in one direction and in the other. And the province of this Cantao and that of Foquem
are divided there by one of these cities that is called Coicheufu.^ Then in the province of
Foquem there is a city that is called Oamctieu it is a fine and large city. It stands on the
sea, and is rich in silk and tafetas, and in camphor and much salt, and is of great traffic, and has
in it a great number of junks, which can come and go in all seasons. These go from this city
in all seasons, and take from fifteen to twenty days by this route from the island. This is a
beautiful route, having many towns and villages. There is also another arm of the between
this land of Cantao by which they go and likewise a good route. Regarding all these matters
it will be needful to question the Chinese. And there are many other rivers by which they go
to other places.
2 Chiuehau-fu.
s ChaDgohau (OIiiDoheo or Chinctew). See Introd.
58
[S’fiBEDAEY, 1902.
THE INDIAN ANTIQXJABT.
Also, Sir, on that coast of that Coljay^ where you now are^ there are three cities, which
are called by the names of, the one Loychen, the other Lencheu» and the other Quancheu
they are there situated further in, because the arm of the sea that runs between the islands of
Aynao [f. I28y] washes these cities, and around are many towns and villages ; and they are
large cities with many revenues, and they also have some seed-pearl. The which perforce would
have to submit to the power of our lord the king, and mandarins of the king cannot be allowed,
only if it should be that an agreement be made as to what his captains should do, by wdiich
perforce they should give three thirds of the revenue to our lord the king and one third to the
king of China, in order that these cities and towns, all of which will be easy of capture, should
not be burnt or destroyed. This could he done by five or sis hundred men with thirty or forty
sail, all foists, with artillery for waging war.
For in this city that is called Quaneheufu there are great mountain ranges,^ and in tliese
mountain ranges are collected a large number of robbers,^ who have twice attacked this city
and plundered it completely. The which robbers, when they learnt of the taking of this city,
would be certain to come down and attack it now that it had no one to govern it (foi the man*"
darins would undoubtedly fiee) j and in towns and villages also they would assuredly rob and
kill. Until their own captains make provision for this these people would not refrain from,
coming to beg for help from the captain-major, asking also for Portugaese to go and govern
that country, that it may not be destroyed by the robbers ; because the people have no means
of defence ; only most of the people would join in bands to plunder, because the greater ])art
of them are a fickle people, restless, all engaged in trade, a vain crew. As, Sir, there are rich
people there, so also there are people that cannot get enough to eat : this is the reason why all
are thieves.
Wherefore, Sir, as soon as this city shall have been made strong by fort[f. I29]resses in
those places that are needful, and there shall have come from India troops to all these cities
that are near the sea and on the rivers, there should be built in each city a strong fortress
where should be placed a captain with fifty men to govern the land and collect the revenues
for our lord the king, with the people of the country also. The which Portuguese who shall
be there must take charge of all, and are all certain to be rich, which will be the case by the
custom of the country. These Chinese are sure to be faithful when, Sir, they shall have become
reconciled to the Portuguese ; and also in the towns as well fortresses must be built, and there
must he constant intercurrence of boats going and coming. The more the people and th€>
greater the profit, so much the more one must go on getting.
At first, Sir, let fire and sword be carried amongst them vigorously, for so the euemy will
require from the first j and as soon as the captain-major shall come to enter the river let
this place that is called ISTanto be destroyed, where are stationed captains of war with some
two thousand men of those that have been banished. Because of its being the frontier, and
because foreigners come there for trade, there are stationed there some junks : let all be taken
and burnt, and that place be all consumed by fire, so that the people who ar^e there may have?
no chance. And so coming up along the coast there is a village of people which the boats must
be ordered to burn, and the good ^araos must be captured, and if there should be junks let them
he burnt, not burning the pamos which will be useful for going up the rivers. And so comin<^
further forward where there is an island that is called AynS^cha,^ they will get fishermen
* I cannot identify this place, which, judging from the towns mentioned below, should bo in the Gulf of Tong-'
jdng near Hainan. The copyist may have blundered over the name.
® See lutrbd.
6 These three names are easily identifiable as those of Luichau and hienchau in south Kwangtung and Kiung-
chau in Hainan. {Cf. ChristovSo Vieyra’s letter supra, f. 119 v.)
^ The lit-mu-llug ridge. (See Mid, King, I. p. 175.)
* The wild mountaineers of Hainan are even now only semi-subject to Chinepe authority.
» Anunghoy. (See f, llSv.)
FEBEtTAHT, 1902.] LETTERS EPuOM PORTUGUESE CAPTITES IE CANTON.
59
who know the entrance to the bar; the which island is i^opulated and has on it many
junks. The boats [f. 129v] and foists must go and burn the junks if they have not fled ; and
there are also many paraos : they must not destroy these paraos, which at first will be very
necessary, as every one of these pai'aos can carry three hergos^^ and five or six Portuguese men,
not counting rowers. All this, Sir, should be destroyed, in order that all may be made clear,
so that the ships that remain at the bar may find all safe, and the boats will be able to come
and go every time that shall be needful. Without fear of any harm’s being done to them from
any direction they will be able to come and go. Noting, Sir, that all has been well considered
and no mistake can be made in anything : as in these terms and by Christovao Vieyra has been
set forth, let everything, Sir, be well looked at, not departing from what is said here. Let all
be destroyed, and let not these enemies remain to cause trouble.
From this province, Sir, when fortresses and everything else have been settled, they should
go to Foquem, which is a province by itself, and is of importance in the matter of silk and
merchandise that is canned on in it ; the whole year through they come and go, and all the
cities and towns are near the sea. When there has been formed a fleet of galleys and foists to
the number of forty or more, in which might go six or seven hundred men, they should make
a demonstration there, by which they would make all tributary to our lord the king, all these
cities and towns, and take away every year as tribute a shipload of silver: they can do no less-
In order that the land may not be destroyed and lost the revenues must by agreement be
divided in half with our lord the king. As this people has no means of defence, when they
hear a bombard roar they are sure to go and place themselves on the mounts and see what the
Portuguese intend to do. It may be seen how great wealth there is without its having to be
fetched, nor would it be exhausted: they could simply carry it [f. 180] openly to Portugal.
Another India would be won, and of as great profit ; and in time much more so, as more people
would spring up ; and thus they would go on gaining more and would subjugate more ; and so
all the Portuguese would become very rich, which the country permits of. Moreover they must
go to this Foquem by the side of the island where they carry on trade, where there are cities
and towns and villages and hamlets belonging to this city and province and also to Foquem.
With this fleet all intercourse is carried on, both from this Cantao to the land and also that of
Foque, The whole, Sir, with one stroke of the sword they may make tributary at once, and
there must be caused great destructions in the burning of junks, which this Foqu§ possesses to
the number of millions,^ ^ and also by sending bombards into the cities from the prows of the
galleys and foists. Even if they come to beg for mercy, do not let them grant it to them, Sir?
at first, so that they may know what they can do and the power of our lord the king in the
country, in order that the full tribute may come in, without their refusing at any time what
their captains order. For this they must have acquaintance with what they can do to them.
Moreover, Sir, in the sea ofE this Foquem are the Iiequeos,^^ every year sell merchant-
dise at Pataue and Soyao and in the time of the king of Malaca used to go to Malaca. They
are many islands, and where the king is, is a very large island ; and it cannot, Sir, be less,
because the people are civilized and build very large junks. The which islands have much
gold aud copper and iron and many articles of merchandise that there are in Malaca and
Patane ; for they bring and have damasks and much silk and j>oroelains. From this province
of Foquem to reach the first islands takes three days of sea. These Lequeos come every
day to carry on trade with this country of Foque, and from Foquem they go secretly
[f. 130v] thither to carry on trade. In which place in time they may come to carry on trade
with them, and they come hither to carry on trade ; and there would be seen, Sir, business
being transacted in this city from all parts, — from Pace and Patane ; and by means of the
A short cannon. Oj, the Chinese saying quoted by Caspar da Oruz fPurehas, TUg. III. p. 173).
^2 The Liukin islanders. (Further on he repeats the information here given, in almost identical words.)
60
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBRIJARy, 1902.
■wood of Syam there will he formed here another Casa da India}^ because this country has great
want of this wood of Sya, which at present is worth much here. Other articles of merchandise
can be dispensed with, but not this wood.^^
Let these letters, Sir, be shown to the captains-major ; let them not be kept secret, Sir ; for if
Jorge Alyarez^s had shown the letters that he took to Dom Estevao,^® and they had known about us,
I am confident that we should not have remained here in this prison either dead or alive. AVithin two
years either the governor would have sent, or from Malaca something would have been ordered by
means of which we should have been rescued from here; because much service will bo done to our lord
the king in seeking for every means to deliver us, Sir, from here. Therefore, Sir, I trust that your
honor, when these are delivered, will not wait for orders from Portugal from our lord tlie king to come
to this country, but that your honor will settle it with the governor in India. For, however great tl)e
wishes that the king of this country has, our lord the king is not in error as to bis having tiu^se
wishes ; only we are astonished that no force has come against this country for so many years back : we
do not know the reason. So, Sir, in one way or another, with six ships, as will be seen by other letters,
all can be accomplished, Sir, while engaged in our release.
In one way or another, by whichever, Sir, they shall come, as soon as they shall arrive at that port
let the juribassos at once prepare letters regarding us : let them not order. Sir, to kill ; asking for us
very boldly, because they have come for that purpose ; [f. 131] and that as there Tvas reason tor a great
force to come so it had arrived in that port to ask for us very insistently. Because these mandarins
are afraid of us, Sir, that we know the country, that is the reason why they do not release us and
keep us in this prison, it being the strongest that there is in this city.
I am not able, Sir, to write more fully because my hand is painful with wounds that keep opening,
and because of its not being further necessary, since Christovgo Vieyra does not fail to describe
everything else.
Done in this prison of the Ancha^^ in the tenth moon and on such a day of October .is Praying
our Lord to guard you and to carry you in safety wherever your honor desires.
The servant of your honor,
VASCO CALVO.
This man, whom your honor should take as guide, is a respectable man. Ho was a man that
had property, and was a long time a prisoner, but freed himself and was banished, and took an opportu-
nity of going to Malaca. He is, Sir, a man worthy of honor’s being done to him, and ho is a capable
man as regards this country. Let there be given him, Sir, sustenance in Malaca, and to the juri-
basso what are necessary.
Sir, — This proYince of Cantao will have under its rule in a circuit of two hundred leagues
well built cities and towns and villages. The whole is built on the flat ground, placed beside rivers.
Tbe India House in Lisbon.
1 * Tbe ong. has thrice “pgo” (bread) for jpao. The wood referred to ia that known under the names of
agilttf eagle-wood, lign-aloes, etc. (SeeTule’s Bohson-Johson, $, w. ‘ Calambac ’ and ‘Eagle-wood.') The ChineHc
used the wood for incense in their temples. (See Mendoza, Hak. Soo. ed., I. p, 5S, who copies verbally from Gaspar
da Cruz. In the tMBiation of the latter in Purohas, however, at p. 196, the word aguilla of the original has been
wrongly rendered “ civet. )
See Introd. regarding this
^ who, as montioned in the Introdnotion, succeeded to the captaincy of Malacca on the
t ^®^^’’“'^®'««a'fotIndiaatthebeginningof lS89,andheoame governor of India
« The year IS not given; hut itwas probably 163^ asthe letter was finished inNoreniber 1536.
Febeuart, 1902.] LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE OAPTIYES lA’ CANTON.
Cl
the lioiises adorned with woodwork. The proviiice of Poquem is smaller, and has two cities less.^s
[f. I3iv] It will have under its rule a circuit of one hundred and sixty leagues. It is a very hne
tiling, and the cities and towns are also situated after the manner of this Cantao.
These two i 3 ages in which are described these 'jn-ovinoes must not be detached, because they
accord with these things that are here about to be written down.
I, Sir, have the Ibook^^^ of all fifteen provinces, — how many cities each province has, and
towns and other places, — all written at large, and the manners and customs that prevail in the
whole country, and the government thereof, as of all else, and the cities, hotv they are situated, and
other places, and also the profits of our lord the king. UeingSi a man, Sir, given to study, I know
how to read and write the letters of the country ; for I am sick, and I see the Chinese and learn the
letters.
This page of drawing, 22 Sir, is the province of Cantao, all of which shows the rivers, the cities,
which are ten, 23 all given by name at the foot of this page, and a city that is called Aynao,2i wliich
when one comes to this port lies on the left hand. The whole is islands, as, Sir, you will see there,
on the which islands is a populous city and three cheos25 that are under the city, and ten towns, each
of which towns is larger than the city of Evora and has ten times as many people ; and another town
where are stationed captains of war like those that are in your guard. From these islands to this city
of Cantao will be fifty or sixty leagues.
Because, Sir, there are fifteen26 large cities and very large' towns it is a rich affair with large
revenues and with palm-groves and arecas. By reason of these arecas and palm-groves it is the best
thing that there is lin the country of China, Where also they fish for pearls : in no other part is
there any, but only on these [f. 182] islands. The which islands, Sir, border on the south side on the
kingdom of Cauehim ; and from this land of Cantao to go thither there is an arm of the sea, which
with a fair wind may be crossed in one day, and with an adverse wind in a day and a half.
Wherefore, Sir, when a fortress has been built in this city, these cities will immediately rise, and
the majority of the people will take to robbing and killing one and another, because there will be no one
who governs them nor whom they have to obey, because the mandarins will either be killed or will flee,
since the people are very poor, and are ill-treated by the mandarins that govern.
These islands and cities, Sir, have no means of help ; and when a fortress has been built in the
principal city, with five hundred men stationed therein, and with much boatage to scour the arm of the
sea with other five hundred men, they will become submissive to obey our lord the king ; because from
the method of raising the revenues that they are accustomed to pay to the king, great riches on a
Large scale will be derived from these cities and these islands when the country has been settled, for
the revenues are very large.
You must know, Sir, that it was more difficult to take Goa than it will be to take these cities
and subject them, by reason of the people’s being very weak to a large extent, and they have no
loyalty towards king nor father or mother ; they go only with him who can do most. Which thing
so good is in consequence waiting to be taken possession of. There is also great plenty of ginger :
this province has much ginger very good, and cinnamon which is not very fine.
G-aleotto Pereira says (Hakluyt, 11 ., II. p. 68 ) that there were eight cities in Ffikion and seven in Kwangtung ;
whereas Gaspar da Cruz (cap. 5 ) attributes to the former ten and to the latter eleven cities ; while Mendoza (Hale.
Soo. ed. p. 23 ) makes the numbers tbxrty-three aud thirty-seven.
20 What happened to this book, it is impossible to say,
^ The orig. has esia,” which I take to be a copyist’s error for estando.
This seems to have disappeared with the original letters.
See footnote supra. The island of Hainan seems to be meant.
25 Chin, chan = department or district. {Of. Barros, HI., II. vii.) The three chans in question have
already been mentioned by name.
26 0/. Ohristoviio Vieyra’s letter supra.
62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHY. [Eeeruary, 190ii.
With which, Sir, I leave this subject of this Aynao, [f. 132v] and return to this city of Cantao,
which is the capital o£ this province: that is to say, here reside the chief mandarins, all the acts of
justice are dispatched here, and the revenues. Consequently it is a hue and populous city, and is a
thing very suitable for the force of our lord the king to perform bold deeds therein. It is of tlu'
fashion of the city of Lisbon ; and a galleon that entered this city would make it surrender, because'
it would place the city under its power, and not a man would appear when the artillery Hred : not a
man would appear, neither any that governed the people nor any of lower rank in the city.
A fleet having come with three thousand men, they should build a fortress in the city, liolding
it for our lord the king; the which fortress they should make where Christovao Yieyra writes, witli
a breastwork going tow'ards the gate of the city, of three or four stories, wdiich would dominate half
the city. Within the city they should build a fortress on a mount where are some churches of tiu'
Oliineso. The which fortress should be of the fashion of that of Calecu ; it should control the wall
that goes towards the north by a large tower that would play on that side, and the city would b('
entirely subjugated. In which place there are stone, wood and tiles enough to build twO' fortresses with
the masons of the country* and servants like the sands on the sea-shore. There should be stationed
in this fortress up to one hundred men, and the keys of the city must be given at night to the captain
of this fortress ; the gates that lead to the north and east and west should be closed, and the entrance
should be on the side towards the river.
There must also be appointed porters, — at each gate a Portuguese and fifty men of the country
who shall have charge of the gate. These people have a wage : every day two fanams should l)c paid
to them, which will be according to the custom of the country. They will liavc to know who «‘ntors
the city, and what he comes to do, and they must come for the keys in the morning to the fortress
that is inside the city.
Above this city where two rivers are formed must be built a fortress made with high walls with
much artillery and with two hundred [f. 133] men and boats ; so that if any people should say tliat
they would get to them by the river27 they may have no way by which they can come to this city.
For, Sir, it is more difficult to sustain Goa than it would be to sustain this province • and besides (Uir
lord the king’s having great riches all the rest of the people will be rich, because the country affords
room for all, by reason of the many offices that there have to be in the country.
Wherefore, Sir, at first it will be needful to have some of these large paraos of the country, whiid?
are sufficient for that purpose ; and they must scour as many rivers as there arc there, and burn as
many boats as they shall find, and junks. If at present this were burnt and destroyed they would die
of hunger, because they would have no means by which food could roach them ; and if tliey had arn
way they would not dare to go by it, for the reason that there are ]‘ohbers overywliere. In tlio whole
world there will not be found a country of such wealth and so easy to bring under power as fhis, ami
not much power either; and if the power were great, how much more wealth would l>e obfained.
At first, Sir, they must be severely punished with artillery ; for speaking of it now they j)ut their
finger in their mouth amazed at such a powerful thing, by reason of being a peojdc tliat have no
stomach, and from the time they are born until they die they take nothing in their hand but, a knife
without a point to cut their food, saving, Sir, the people that act as soldiers, who are oni])loyed in
guarding with those captains the ports and rivers from robbers, and that they may not build large
junks, so that the people may not ri^se and become robbers; because they live in great snb]e<d.ion, a?
Christovao Yieyra relates in these letters, in which, Sir, he has given a full account.
Wherefore, Sir, there will be created in this city another Casa da India, nothing being brought^
from Portugal, but there being taken hence a shipload of silver and gold for the purchase in India
of cargoes for the ships for Portugal and for expenditure in India. There would go hence copp(fr,
27 The orig-. is here not quite intelligible.
February, 1902.J LETTERS FROM PORTUGUESE CAPTIVES IN CANTON.
63
[f* 133 t] saltpetre, lead, alum, tow, cables, all iron work, nails, pitch; all these things are in such abun-
dance, that it is astonishmg.28 Here could be built every fleet that would be required in India, —
galleys, galleons, ships. There is much wood, carpenters of the country as plentiful as vermin, and also
smiths, masons, tilers, and other workmen in amazing numbers : not a Portuguese need put his hand
to stone or wood in the building of fortresses.
With all the pepper from Pace, from Pedir, Patane and Banda^^ would be formed a large
factory of riches here. When the country has settled dov?n they should flx the pepper at fifteen or
sixteen taels, and no one must trade in it but only our lord the king. And also, Sir, they should take
all the articles of merchandise from Syao, such as wood,^® and give them other articles ; because the
factory must be full of merchandise of the country and also the merchandise of those parts. A great
amount of riches will be made; and it will not be necessary for the men of arms to trade in these goods^
because the country is so large and of such great profits that if there were a hundred thousand men
all would have a post, and by the custom of the country all these carry with them very large bribes
and gifts.
Prom here, Sir, they would proceed to the province of Poquem, the which province has eight cities
and seventy towns and villages of three thousand inhabitants.^! I speak of only an aifair of walls. If
they go there with a southerly wind they can return when they wish, because there is always the
monsoon, and they can enter the rivers. Wherefore, Sir, there should be ordered from here the captain-
major with thirty sail, namely galleys, foists, and every row'ing boat, and any galleon ; and as tribute
from these cities, towns and villages they would take galleys laden with riches. With six hundred
men all this could be done.
Because, Sir, every city would pay by agreement forty to fifty [f. 134] thousand taels of silver,
the towns twenty to thirty thousand taels, and they would take away goods and bring merchandise.
They would pay this tribute in return for their not destroying the country and that the people may
not rise throughout the province killing the mandarins and plundering the factories of the king which
are all full of silver. For every city has a factory and a chief mandarin and other three who govern
and have charge of justice; every town has a factory. It is a good thing this province ; and if they
ran along the coast with a southerly wind with pilots of the country they would soon come to the
province of Chaqueam, which has eleven cities and eighty towns.'^^ is a very rich province with
many and large revenues; it has much silver and much silk. With six or seven hundred men they
would bring away tlie fleet laden with silver, all tribute.
Of this coast of Poquem, Sir, lie the islands of the Lequeos three days’ journey from Poquem,
They are many, and are rich in much gold and copper and iron. They come every day to carry
on trade in this country of Poquem. These people in the time of the king of Malaca used to go to
Malaca to carry on trade, and now they go to Patane. These islands of the Lequeos are a good thing
and also a big affair. They lie in the sea three days’ journey from this Poquem. There is much gold
and many articles of merchandise, and they come every d^y to carry on trade in this country. They
were accustomed to go to Malaca in the time of the king of that country; now they go to Patane to
carry on trade. They also use much pepper.
Martim Affbnso do Mello, Sir, came rightly ordered to make peace and deliver us and build a
fortress in such a place. They gave bad information to our lord the king, that all would be settled,
because he brought an ambassador and came for the one that was here.^^ It was the misfortune of
many that so great disorder should he caused as took place in thus sending two ships with young men,
^ Cf, Diogo Calvo^s letter given in Introd.
29 The orig. reads apparently ** oandcs," which seems to be an error for hmida.
80 Here again the orig. has pSo fovpao.
81 Cf. footnote $upm. Mendoza (Hak. Soc. ed. p. 23) credits Fukien with 83 cities and 99 towns.
83 Q-aspar da Cruz (chap. 5) credits Ohehkiang with fourteen cities ; while according to Mendoza (Hak. Soc. ed.
P . 24) this province contained 35 cities and 95 towns.
88 I am not sure that I have correctly rendered the original, which is somewhat obscure.
64
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[FEBRTTAEYy 1902o
who should never have come [f . 13-lv] on any account. By reason of which, Sir, each ship fired on its
own account, when such a large number oi junks came' in disarray and proceeded to attack the ship ol
Diogo de Hello without his firing on them a single bombard shot or a man’s drawing liis sword from
its sheath, saying in mockery that they should arm themselves against the Rumis.^^ Pedro Homem
came to the help of Diogo de Mello, and proceeded to place himself among the junks without firing a
bombard shot. The junks, Sir, were high, and they hurled showers of stones upon them, and killed
Pedro Homem and Diogo de Mello in the sliips, and other men ; and the rest of the people they
brought to this prison, afflicted as God knows. They remained thus for a year, at times beaten by
this jailor who has charge of these prisons. The mandarins expected that other Portuguese would
come ; but when the monsoon passed they took them to be put to death, indicting shameful punish-
ments on theni.3°
The whole world, Sir, would not be enough to capture one of our ships, how much more two, if they
showed them their teeth. My brother, Sir, remained in this port three months besot, having also to
feed more than ten or twelve men, without their being able to gain an cutranco to him, because he
showed them his teeth ; and he went away, as, Sir, you know there, his people remaining captives in
this city and in my possession more than ten thousand taels. The whole was taken from me, where-
by God saved me by reason of this property.
Wherefore, Sir, if the governor should allow this province to remain thus in so groat prosperity
without having any determination regarding the coming hither, there might well be ordered from
Malaca and from Page five sail well armed and with merchandise to ask for ns, there being made at
the same time proposals after the tenor of those set iortli in the letters of Cliristovao Vieyra, and there
must bo written three letters to the oeuy, the paelieney and the anchaey, and to the aitao,’^<J that
our lord the king has sent them for that purpose for the ambassador and people who are in tho prisons,
who have been twenty^^ years [f, 135] in this country without either the king’s or tho mandarins’ dis-
patching them ; and that if they arc not willing to give them up our lord the king will take another
course. As soon as they arrive they must send for these mandarins that guard the port, and say that
they have brought merchandise if they wish to trade in it, and will pay their dues as they did at first ;
and if they wish to come to this city they must destroy it entirely with artillery and set fire to thcui,
that they may enter tho houses on the river and those of wood both in tlie city and outside, without
there being anyone to prevent it. There is no one there that will await the assault of the Piringis.
Always asking for us in all the letters that are written, and let it be tbe first matter, lest they
strangle us, for they have great fear of our giving information of the country ; because if they should
cease for a little to ask for us they would at once strangle us, as tlicy are afraid of us.
If it should liappcn, Sir, that it seem well to send an ambassador, taking no notice of what has
happened in tho country, the governor should recompense him. Tlie mandarins would receive liirn
with a present of camlets and Velvets and large sails for equipping brigantines. They liave deer and
rabbits according what are found; including no birds in the present, because they do not care
for that kind of thing but large mirrors, coral, sandalwood, and other things that seem good.
Let this, Sir, be observed if bis captains would in this matter do service to our lord tho king,
and all the time carry on trade so long as the ambassador is going and coming* These letters are
written in duplicate, so that if the one set is lost the others will remain
Turks. (See Hohson-Johson, s, v, ‘ Eoom.’) Sfc Gkriwtuvao Vicyra’s letter mjira, f, lOU.
Theorig'. has “ asia o,” which I take to be a copyist’s error for A slight exajyfforatiou,
‘^8 The orig. has “ seQ<^o^’^ which may be an error for seg^o « segmdo. The whole paragraph, however, is very
confused.
8® Tho Portuguese were accustomed to send falcons and other birds as presents to tho Asiatic iirinoes. In China
with its Wealth of bird- life, such gifts would naturally ho out of place.
If both sots rcacho;! tho hai»(b of tho PortuguoGO authorities it is strange that neither is now iorthooming.
FsBRUARy, 1902.]
A PANDIT’S YISIT TO GAYA, 1820.
65
[f. 135v] The custom of the country is for them to call their country the country of God, and
every other people outside the country they call savages who know neither God nor country, and
that every ambassador that comes to their country comes to yield obedience to the son of God and
other absurdities, Sir, that would take a long time to read. I, Sir, as I have -said, am much atflicted^s
in body with twinges and pains.; and lam not afforded the opportunity of writing with one of our pens,
but with a Chinese pen, not being able to write. a more detailed letter. Christo vao Vieyra has written
with one of our pens, because he is in good health.
Done within this city of Cantao in the infernal^^ prisons the tenth day of November in the year
1586. Commending you to our Lord to carry you from this China, as your honors wish.
While, Sir, these w^ere being written I was constantly on the watch lest some Chinaman should
come andffind us writing ; for we are on our guard, Sir, even against our servants, because they are
inclined more to the Chinese than to us.
With all the letters, Sir, that come ‘to be written, there are so many letters, that no more space
is spent on this, as you have much more, Sir, that is written, than man can ask for.^^
Let-all the letters large and -small be preserved without any being torn or lost of those that shall
go for that purpose.
VASCO CAIiVO.
EXTEACTS PEOM THE JOURNAL OF COLONEL COLIN MACKENZIE’S PANDIT
OF HIS ROUTE FROM CALCUTTA TO GAYA IN 1820.
Colonel Colin Mackenzie, whose antiquarian labours and researches in the Madras Presidency
in the ^arly years of the 19th century are so well known, was transferred to Bengal in 1819 as
Surveyor-General, and took with him his Pandit, a Jaina of Southern India. In 1820 this Pandit
performed a pilgrimage to Gaya and Parswanatha, and kept a J ournal of his route which was, partly
at least; translated into English and published in the (Oriental Magazine and Calcutta Beview for
1823. As this work is now rare, and the notices of the*Jaina monuments, written eighty years ago,
by a member of the sect are ef considerable interest, it may not be out‘of place to reproduce it entire,
with the omission only of some of the translator’s footnotes, which are hardly required now-a-days.
J. Burgess.
November 28rd, 1820. — Qn the 12th day of my departure from Calcutta, in which time I had
travelled by computation above 70 kos, I arrived at Madhuvanam,^ a place of great sanctity in the
estimation of the Jaina sect. It is -said that in former times this place was 'Called Madhura vanam,
‘ the elegant grove, ’ where various kinds of fruit and flower trees were preserved. South of
Hadlxuvanam is a lofty hill, called Sumediiapairvattam, upon which arc sculptured about twenty
impressions of the feet of the Jaina Tirthakaras, or divine sages of the Jainas, who obtained MolcsTiam
or salvation upon this hill. In consequence, .great .numbers of Jainas used to come to this hill, from
distant countries, and paid their worship at the shrines of 'their saints.
In the course of time the hill was overgrown with wood, and the residences' of the Tirthakaras
being no longer distinguishable, the pilgrimage was discontinued — at last a Jain king, named Sre^ika
Maharaja, cleared away the jangal, and discovered the places where the Tirthakaras had resided, at
Tim Uz\ ** Son of Heaven/’ is one of tlie titles commonly applied to and used by the emperor of Cbina. The
term ** Celestial Empire’* commonly applied to China by westerns is derived from tiem^haUt ‘‘heavenly dynasty.*’
( See Mid* King. I. p. 5; Mendoza, Hak. Soc. ed. p. 76.)
The orig. has “ clhado" which seems to be an error for crivado.
The Chinese prisons are still called “hells.” (See Mid. King. I. p. 514; Mor., Mng.-OUn, Diet., s. v*
“ Prison.”)
*4 I am doubtful of the correctness of this rendering.
1 Between Pachtt and PSlaganj. —T.
66
TEE INBIA‘E ANTIQUARY.
[February, 19u2.
whicli he placed the twenty sculptured feet. In the centre of the ‘lull also he built a Jin^layam* or
Jain temple, with the image* of ParsTanatha Tnrthakara : on the north of the hill, near the fool,
he erected two other Jin&layaniS) one dedicated to Ch.aiicirRprRbliB' Tirtliaikjarai and anotliei lo’
Par^vanfi,tha Tirthakara and finally he constructed a Dhanmafe^la, or Chanltri, close to the
temples, for the accommodation of trarellers. Steijika ruled at Rajagiri, and during his- reign,
the hill Sumedha-Parvata attracted an immense number of Jain pilgrims.
After the race of Sreijiika Maharaja had ruled for sometime, the BauddhasS increased
and took possession of the country, and obstructed the Jain travellers. Their fall vas succeeded by a
state of anarchy, in which the petty chiefs of the country compelled the pilgrims to pay a heavy toll.
When the principal temple was destroyed by the Bauddhas, the image of Pi^rfevan^th, was carried
ofi my a Zamindfir, who ke^Dt it in his house, and subsequently showed it to the pilgrims at a fixed
rate. This practice still continues. When the Jains assemble in. considerable number, and the
sum demanded is paid in money or goods, the image is sent abroad to the place where the trawllers
halt, and set- up under a guard for the worship o f tbeJainas who have collected : the image Joeing
erected is worshipped by tile people, and various ofierings are presented of greater or les& value — the
whole of which is. appropriated by. the Zamind^r ;.and when the ceremony is concluded,, the image is
restored to his charge.
There are two sects of the Jaiiia religion, one called Digambara, the other Swetdmbara : the
images of the Digambaras are plain and naked, but those of the Swetd^mbaras are richly oi’ua-
mented.
In the year of the VikixHna-sakam 1825 (xi. D. 1769) there was a rich merchant of theSwo*-
tdmbara sect at the city of MuTshidabad, and going to Madhumnam, he perceived that the feet
of the Tdrthakaras or gods, upon the hill of Sumedka Parvattam were nearly obliteraiod s having
no family,, he applied his wealth to the service of. religion,, and he renewed the Fudams or foot, hi
an elegant style, building over each a small mantopain or shrine, .with four pillars ; and a Hkhara
or peak. On the centre of the hill he built a Jindlayam or Jain temple, where he phicod tin* 24
images of the Jain Tirthakaras. The temple, waa surmounted by four pinacles, and enclosed by a
wall ; and since that period, Jagat Sjeth and other Swettobaras of Makhsudabfid, luiv(‘ contribute.!
to maintain a Gauda Brahman at Madhuvanam, to perform the ceremonials of tlieir faith ; and u
JSfaubat-khdna, or, band of drums and trumpets, to sound twice a day at the hours of worship, lu
like manner the Digambara Jainas, who were at MursMdabad, entered into a subscription, uud
erected another temple of their om\, close to the temple of the Swetambaras, in which they placed
about 100 small marble images of the Digambara gods, with the establishment of the Naubat and u
priest of their own caste to attend and perform the proper rites ; they built also a Dltarmaid/a or
Chaultri, for the use of travellers. — The said Digambaras established another temple upon the hill of
Simiedha Parvattam, in wkichthey placed- 33 marble images of the- Jinas ; among them, thnuf arc
very large* On the north of tire hill is an unfinished temple; It is said that in the year S. S.
(A. D. 1762) a priest of the Jainas named Kolapxtd Laksbini* Send^oMrya arrived at this
place, and built a or inner part of the temple, in which he estalilislml an image uf
ParSvanSttha ; ‘but his funds failing, ho determined to revisit his home, to collect a supjdy *, he
accordingly went to his country, but. dying thei'e, the work remains unfinished.
There are two divisions. of the sect of Digambaras: one is called ViSpantbi, and the othet
TSierapantM.2« The pilgrims of the Vispanhti sect worship with flowers and fruits, and tiJTcr
different kinds of sweetmeats ; but those of the Therapanthi division present no flowers nor fruits.
They ofier sacred rice called aJeshata, sandal, cloves, nutmeg, dates, mace, plums, almonds, drv
cocoauuts, and sweetmeats, etc. These things they place before the images, after which, standing
before the temple, they leap and dance to their own songs, the nouhathhdna resounding all the time,
and passages of their sacred volumes being read by a priest, Wheii they advance to present their
2 By these, however, the writer intends evidently the Muhammadans. T
2a C/. iltiie, Yol. VII. p. 28*
A PANDIT’S YISIT TO GAYA, 1820.
67
February, 1902.]
they He a cloth over< tlioir luouths, so as not to allow the breath to escape : the ceremonial
is tixe sanii' in most respects for the Digauibaras and Swetambaras.
Half way up Hie hill of Sumedha Parvatam is a pond, called Sitakund, on the bank of whicli
IS a smtill teni])le, with a stone bull that is called BUd-ind ; all travellers, as they pass, worship this,
goddess with chandanam or rod ])owdcr, and offer fruits, sweetmeats, betel and areka nuts : they
vheu bathe in th(i }wh> 1, and thence proceed to the upper part of the hill to visit the feet of the Tir-
thakaras. From Sii 'i-kund iiows a spring, which Forms a small stream that passes by the east side
of ilui daiu hnnples. ddu* UigamhaTas have erected a bridge over it to their temple. On Sumedha-
parvat grow n amorous teak trees of great size; the thicket is tenanted by several kinds of animals,
wild hogs, boars, tigers, and porcupines: but it is said that the beasts of prey never appear to any
travellers, the latter being protected by the Jaina gods. Tlie breadth of the hill is three gaits ; it
takes three days For travellers to go round' the hill : the pilgrims usually halt some time at Madhu-
vanani.
Th<‘ Zamiiidar oF this place lives in a mud fort at the village called Palaganj, thj*ee kos from
Madhuvanam ; he is of Hm race of the sun and Rajput caste : his name is Suprasinh ; one of his
cou>ins, Mutt.asihh, resides at the village of Katarasi, live kos east of Mildhuvanam ; another cousin
mimed Ih-iilivisiiih, lives at the village oiillod Jaraya; and another a female cousin called Dasamaiii
Kiinl, lives at a village called NTavagarh, southward of Madhuvanam six kos ; she has no husband
nor children, the other three have Families. Of the money received from the pilgrims, half goes to the
chief at Palagauj, ami the other half ivS divided equally amongst his three cousins.®
The most numerous resort of pilgrims is in the month of Milgh, or January, at the full moon
when the Vasanta Ydini is held at Madhuvanam. Jain SanyAsis or pilgrims, who come in the
month of Asiiadha or June, remain for four months according to thQ '8 an to^as,
'the names of the twenty Padams or feet of the Jaina gods, which are placed on the hill of
hJunndha-parvutam, are tlie following :~~(1) Ajita Tirthakara Padam ; (2) Sambhava ; (3) Abhinaii-
danu; (4) Sumati ; (5) Pudmaprablia ; (G) Suparsva; (7) Chandraprabha ; (8) Pushpadanta ;
(U) Sitala; (10) 'BrcyAihsa ; (11) Yimala.; (12) Anauta ; (IS) Dharma; (Id) Santi; (15) Kunthu ;
(16) Ara; (17) Malli; (18) Muuisuvrata ; (19) Nemi ; and (20) ParswaiiAth Tirthakara Padam.
The peop!<> <jF the place call it PA-rBwenath Kshetram, and give the name Sekharajaya to Hie
hill. At the unmuil meeting, the people of the Zamiudars establish Thraias, and attond armed
with swords and muskets. The inhabitants of the neighbouring villages bring'- -firewood, grass, milk,
rice, gld, pcplH^i\ number of dholts to carry old people, women and children up the bill.
Along with the iravellers, who ascend the hill, proceed a number of beggars, blowing their bankas or
horns, rotind instruments made of brass ; to these mendicants the pilgrims, when they perform tboir
worship, give alius.
It should have been mentioned that, at the beginning of the ascent, is a small shrine with two
images wliere worship isdirst paid; aiidtliat adittle way higher up is a StvetA-mtoara temple dedicated
to tno KsketrapAila or guardian of the' place. Prom- the 24:th January to 1st February, 1
passi‘d my time wiHi some Jain travellers who had come from Dehli to the pilgrimage of Madhuvanam.
‘Fiicv iuum* witli 2H camels, -10 hackaries, 15 horses, and with 50 peons. Most of the above* was
gathcn‘d from an old pilgrim of the parly of this 'Bwetfimbara caste, who w'ns well acquainted wlHi tlui
history o! the flaina religion.
Febrmiri/ 2nd. I had residedatPaiaganj, a village about three kos from Mddiiuvanam until
this data, In order to oliscrve* what was- going forward there with more attention. On this day
i departed, and ]»roceoded through the jangai of Jharkhand to Yaidyandth, which I reached on the.
Fourth day. It being about 20 kos from Madhuvanam,
-5 In 1827 the diviBioa BOOms to have been PAlgtmj Saimae, Jarayfl SJ annas, Navagarh SJ, and KatarAsSannas.—
qmrt, Opivnt. Maij, Tol YHL p. 101. Soo Me at the ond of this paper, — J. B.
68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
Februaky, 1902 .]
Vaidyan§,th is also a holy place. In the centre of the village is the temple of Vaidyan^tth
with a Frahdram or wall round it, in front of wliich is another temple of the goddess
Parvati, On the tops of these two temples are erected the Sil'hara7ns or spires on which are placed
gold or gilt vases. ‘When I arrived there was performed the ceremony of Sivaratri, a festival
of Siva, when white turbans are bound over the gold vases of the temples. During that ceremony
thousands- of travellers bring carboys, containing water from the Gahga river, procured at Grangautri,
Ha^^idw^r, Pray^ga, IJttarabaliini, and Gang^sagar. With this they make the ablushekam
or aspersion of the god, the V aidyanuth Xiihgam, and worship him with sandal and flowers, etc.
Any person who brings the water from each of these five places, and presents tliem for three years to
tiie god Vaidyanath will undoubtedly obtain his desires. It is said that the pilgrims
bring every year one lakh of carboys and present them. North of the temple of Vaiilyan^th Swami
is a temple cahed Sit^ Rtoaswami, in wliich are placed five images called Kharata, SatTOghnaj,
Bama, Laksiimana, and Sita. On the north of this is the temple of the goddess Chandl or
B^li, where sheep and goats are offered in sacrifice. On the ‘SOuth side of the temple of Yaidyanath
bwami, is the temple of Bhairava JLSla in wliich is an image : all the travellers as they pass
exclaim ^ Bhum Vaidyanuth’ or ‘ Bhairavalalji.’’ This last resembles a Bauddha image, sitting in
the posture called Padmdsanarn, The statue is of the height of 4 cubits, and wears a yogapatia
( Yajmpavita) or cloth bound across the breast. The people say that this image is the ^khazdneht or
.treasurer of the god Yaidyanath- Swami. On the north of the village ie a large tank.
February 10th. — Arrived at^BMgalpur, having left Yaidyanath on the 7th.
Bhagalpnr is a large towm, fwhere the Collector and Judge reside. In the city is a Jain temple
in which is placeda or the sculptured feet of the god Vasuptijya Tirthakara, who obtained
moksTiam or salvation, at this place. It is said that this temple was established formerly by the king
Srenika MaMr^a, and in front of that temple stood two pillars or turrets® built with chundm and
brieks, of the height of two cocoamit trees. It is said that about four centuries ago there was a
merchant, named ICanikya Chand, of 'the Jaina sect, who dwelt at this city : he built four pillars
of the same size at this place, and laid a terrace upon them, standing upon which every morning
after he rose he could see the hill of Sumedha-parvat, and so visit the temples of that sacred placed
Of the four pillars two have disappeared entirely. The other two are still in good condition, in front
of the feet of YAsnptijya Tirthakara. At the bottom of the pillar on the left-hand is a bil or
hole, into which it seems a man ean pass : the Jain pilgrims, after worshipping the sculptured feet of
V^supujya proceed to the mouth of that hole, and cast into it cocoanuts, cardamoms, nutmegs, and
sweetmeats, etc. It is said thatfthere are many Jain images in that cavity, and that all the ancient
sages were accustomed formerly to go into the cavern to visit those images. On the east. and nortli
of the temple of YasupUjya are two tanks, and between them i>s a mango grove, where the pilo^rims
encamp,® - ^ ^
^ Fehrjumj 15th. From Bhagalpar I went to Champapur, one kos, on tke bank of the river
baiigS.7 There are two temples of the Jainas, one of which was dedicated to Vftsupttjya ; the other
temple belongs to the SwetSmbaras. It is said that, sixty years ago, the Swetambaras of Murshid-
* A form of ^iva, one of the twelve great Linffams, See HamiltoTi Vnl T n i«n. u x
b e regretted that he should have so metamorphosed names — thus* v tr>.. T . ^
The twelve great Uugama are MtUik&rjaDa at fesailam, lithttfila at ufjain OmMra on ^ K ~
near TTijain, Somanatha in KatHtwad. Edmeavara on the island WlV» w iari^dii, Amaresvam
Bhlmaaankara probably at Draoharam, Taidyandtha in Bengal, Kedatesa on the mmaiava^^^'?’®^^ To
and Gantame^a unknown. — J. B Him laya, Yisve^vara at Banaras,
‘ Magazine and Oakuita Review, Vol. I. (June 1 S 23 ), pp. 770.775
mentioned i^he “ “1“ freqnentiy
February, 1902.] 4 PANDIT’S ^ISIT TO GAYA, 1S20
69
abad made a subscription and built the said temple, in which they placed some of their 'Swetambara
images : and also, close to the temple, they built a Dharmasdla or charitable chaulLri fur the use of
the travellers, since which many of the Swetambaras come auiiually to this place to visit their gods.
February 18th, — Left Champapur and jiroceeded to Uttarabahiiii where the river Ganga runs
from east to north. In the middle of the river is a rock, on which is a temple of iswar.s At
the festivals of Siva, many travellers come to this shore, fill their carboys with the water of the
river, and carry them to Vaidyaniltli.
19th, — I set out ‘from Uattaribahini, and arrived at Mongir. Ten kos east of this is a small
hill, at the bottom of wdiicli are five Kundas (or pools) called Il§»makund, Lakslimanakund,
33b.aratkund, Satrnghnakundj and SitS»kund. These Kunds are enclosed with masonry : the lengtii
and breadth of each is 12 feet. The old people of the place say, that in ancient times, w'hen R^ma,
Xiaksiimaiia, Bharata, Satrughna, and Sit§< the consort of B.^ma, were travelling to the forests,
they arrived here, and formed the five wells for their ablutions, whence the Kunds go b^ their names.
Amongst these five kunds, the water of Sit^kun^ is very hot : if any person touch the water, his hands
will be scalded.^ Tbe R^makuiid water is very cold. The water of the three other Kundas, or of
Ijakshmaua, Bharata, and Satrughna, is of moderate temperature. The pilgrims, who go to
Vaidyanath come to this place to bathe, and give alms to the Pandas, or proprietors. There are
sixty of these Pandas. Early in the morning, these people issue forth on all sides and look out for
all travellers and pilgrims, whom -they conduct to the Kundas and receive money for their trouble.
February 28th, — From Mongir I proceeded by Stlraj Garh, Balgudar Shaikhapur, Kakandi,
and Jamuna, to the city of Bihar. On approaching the city, I found some stone Bauddha images at
all the neighbouring villages, but the people of this |)lace call them by the names of Mahadeva and
others, being ignorant of what they are. There are about twenty houses of Swetambaras in this city,
and two Jaina temples, one of the Digambara, and the other of the ^wetambara sect. In the temple of
the Digambaras there are placed seven copper images and one of stone ; and in the temple of the
Swetambaras are five stone images and fifty of copper and brass. Bihar is chiefly inhabited by
Musalmans ; and there are forty Dargahs, and twelve Masjids. The Nawab, whose name is Miyah,
lives here ; he has a Jagir of about five thousand Rupees a year; and has one naubatkhana before his
palace, four elephants, twelve horses, and one hundred servants. It is said, that in former times this
city was called Visakhapur. When the Jain king, Siddharti Baja ruled ^Ksliettriku'g.d, there was
another king, called Visaklia Raja, of the race of Ugravamfea, who arrived at this place, and
established a city, which he called by his name Visakhapur : he resided here, and ruled the vicinity.
At that time, Srenika Maharaja reigned at his capital of Bajagiri ; and these three Idngs were all
related by marriage and were all on friendly terms. After the death of Visakha B^ja, his son,
named Parswa-sena, quitted dominion, and adopted the Dihsha^ or profession of an ascetic. At the
same period, VardhamauLa Swami, the son of SiddMrtlia Raja, adopted also a holy life, and
performed his devotion on the banks of the river called Surjaka-Nadi, south of the hill of
Sumedha-Parvata. After twelve years of austerity he became a Mah^jny^ni or wise man ; and
the Devendra [Indra], the lord of the deities, appeared to him, and worshipped him.
When P^rSwasena, who had been performing his penances at Visakhapur, was informed
of Vardham^na Swami’s having obtained the divine rani? of Tirthahara^ he was highly mortified
and enraged ; but being helpless, he restricted the object of his devotions to the rank of Ganadhara,
the second rank under the Tirthakara, In this the deities were not disposed to place him, as he was
a man of great ignorance. Devendra, therefore, assumed the shape of an old Brahman, and wrote
8 This is better known as the Faqir’s rook of Snlta-nganj or Jangira. The temple on the summit is dedicated
to ^iva, and a sort of college of Dasniimi Gosains is attached to it. They have been there for thirteen successions
of Pontiffs or Mahants .... a mumber of figures and sculptures have been out on the granite blocks, which
form this rocky elevation. They are chiefly ^aiva, though some are Vaishnava, and a few Jain — T.
9 The hot water of SitAkumh on one occasion, raised the mercury to 130®, whilst the temperature^ of the air
was 76°.
TO
THE IHDI4N ANTIQUARY.
[Febeuart, 1902.
a diiueuir. on a palm leaf, wliicli lie took in hii^ hand, and traversed the earth, intending to
confer the dignity of Uanadhara on any one, \Yho should expound the stanza. At that time there
was a Saiva Brahman named Gautama at the village of Gaiitamapur, who taught tlie Mstras to
about 500 disciples. Devendra showed him the verse, and he was equally unable with the rest to
ex} (lain its sense; but this he would not admit, and contented himself with saying, that he would
not expound the stanza to the person who brought it but would readily do it to his master, Deveu«
dra cluillenged him to visit his master, who was, he said, but a little way remote.
Gautama, unable to retract, followed him full of shame and fury : his scholars accompaiiied him
Devendra touk them to Vardham^na Sw^mi, in whose presence Gautama and his pupils became
sensible of their ignorance and error, and were accordingly enrolled amongst his disciples. Gau-
tama, who was a man of learning and wisdom was made Gamdliara by Vardhamana himself, and
consequently is the chief of the Ganad haras, P^rSwasena thus again disappointed, prayed next
to have a heaven of his owm ; and the deities, compelled to obey him, at least in appearance, created
one for liim which was purely illusory. Devendra soon put a term to this with his thunderbolt ;
and P^r&wasena was hurled to the earth, more humbled and enraged than ever. He therefore deter-
mined to attempt the downfall of the Jaina religion; and, with this view, he composed the Mida
Sdsfra, the doctrines of which are, in fact, those of the Musalmaus, to which P^rfewasena was
converted, an»l laboured to convert others. Besides the Mulct tiidstra, he composed, it is said, the
Parsi Ustyhcintu and the Mashhei'i Furcina,
March 4th, — Left the city of Subah Bihar, and thence jDroceeded to Bahad, four kos. In the
centre of the tillage are two temples of the Jamas, in Avhich are placed fifteen images of cop]ier, and
a stone image and also the sculptured feet of Gautama Swtoi. On the w’est side of the village
is a mango garden in which I found a large Bauddlia image, in the Padmdsana posture. There are
fifteen houses of Jainas in this village.
5f7i. — Leaving the village Bahad I went to P^-vapuri, nine kos. South of the village is a
large tank in w-hich is a temple with a double wall. On the peaks of the temple is placed a gilt vase,
and inside ai-e two small feet of stone. It is said that these were made by the feet of VardLamana
Swami, who obtained salvation at this place. A bridge across the tank leads to the temjjle ; and
on the west of the tank is erected a circular platform, forty cubits in cirenmference, uj)on which aris
also sculptured the feet of Vardham^iia Swami. Besides these remains, there is a flower gai-den
ill the village, in the centre of wliich is an open building called the Havaratna Mantapa. On
three sides of this Mantapa are erected three S^las or Halls ; each hall can accommodate about
fifty persons. North of the garden is another in which is found a Vimuna, or octangular
car, built with chuiiam and bricks, of the height of a tall cocoanut tree. It is formed in
three stories; the middle story is a pavilion with four pillars, where are placed two feet of Vardha-
mtoa Swami, upon a seat behind which is a Jaina image of marble ; and in front of which are three
images of bellmetak On the four sides of the Vimina are built five 'iidlas or halls : around it are
planted several kinds of flowers and fruit trees as plantains, limes, oranges, etc, A Swetambara
Sanyasi resides in the garden, and performs the worship of the feet and images. Travellers who go
on pilgrimage to Sumedha Parvata come to tins village on their route and worship here, lii the
Vicinity of this village, and in the country henceforward, the poppy is extensively cnltivateiL
Southeast of P^vapuri, five kos, is the village Gohun, which, it is said, was in former tiiacis called
Gautamapur, from Gautama being born there.
1th, Prom Pavapuri I went to RajAgiri, six kos, west of which is a small fort, built by the
Moguls, but now in ruins. Southward of that is a lofty mound, where stood, it is said an old fort
built by Sreiiika MaliSr^ ; the length and breadth of the mound are one mile, and the ruins and
ditch may be stdl distinctly traced. North from hence about a mile are twelve Kmvdas or water
pools, amidst which runs a river called the Saraswati. Five pools are on the east side of Ibe river and
seven on the west : amongst them is a pool called Brahmakund, the water of which is very hoi ; and
Fieruaey, 1902,]
A PANBIT’S VISIT TO GAYA, 1320.
71
southwest of that, is aiioilier pool, the iengtli of which, from soiitli to north, is thirty feet, and the
Invadtli ten feet, enclosed and banked with stones. On the western bank of this are constrinded Hve
condaits, winch bring the w'ater from the adjoining hill into tlie reservoir : the water that descends
is so liot that the hand cannot be immersed in it. Anotlier hill, called VaibMra, proceeds from
that already noticed, ranning two miles west : on the range are two Jaina temples. It is said, that
in former times G-autama SwAmi obtained the rank of Gaacidliara upon the said VaibMra-parvat,
in consequence of which the temple and image of him were here erected. To the west is the hill
called Vipulagiri; it is two miles in length from east to west. Aftei travelling amongst these hills
some way, I came to an open place, strewed with the ruins of a city for about four miles, from south
to north, and two miles from east to west ; on the four cardinal points of this mined city are four
hills. On the east is the hill of ITdayaclaala, where formerly stood twenty-four temples of the
Jaina Tirthakaras : of these the temple of Par&wanath is the only one remaining. It contains a
large image still w^orshipped. The hill on the south of the city is called M^nikyagiri, upon w’liich
is situated a Jaina temple. On the \Yest of the open place is the hiU Suvarnagiri, on which is
another Jaina temple; and on the north side is the hill Vipulagiri. It w’as amidst these four hills
that Sreiiika MakarAja founded his capital, giving it the name of BAjagrilia, or Giripur,
subsequently inodilied as The temples of the Jains winch are on the above hill were
erected in his reign ; and the wall of the city may be traced amidst the ruins. Among these hills,
at some distance at the foot of the hill of Suvarnagiri, is a mound of singular appearance. It is
said that in the government of Srenika Maharaja, his hhazdneht or treasurer, named Sagaradatta,
had a son named SAlabhadra, who w'as the incarnation of a celestial spirit. The father, therefore,
built a lofty house at this place, consisting of seven stories and ornameiited with the most costly
materials, in the upper floor of which his son was reared. SAlabhadra never left this place during
his life, and was here attended by the spirits of heaven. A temple is now built on the nuns of the palace,
in which stands the image of the boy Saiabbadra. It is said that there is a book called the M/ti-
bhadra Chari ira^ in which his life is recorded. On the declivity of the hill Suvarnagiri is an
excavated temple, cut in the lull, with agate : the length of it is forty feet, the breadth fifteen feet ; and
inside of it are placed a Jaina image and a stone couch. The people say that in the time of Srenika
Maharaja, the royal treasure w’as left in tliis cave. At present it is occupied by a Dairagi. Between
the hills Udayachala and M^nikyagiri is a pool of w%ater cut in the rock, the length of which is
four fathoms, and breadth two. It is about six feet deep and is called BS^natirtlia. When Iia,ina
was travelling in the forests, his wife Sita suffered here much from thirst; in consequence of which
llama took his hdna or arrow, and rent open the hill, from which the water immediately flowed, and
has ever since continued to exude.
Two kos from B&natirtlia is a jungle called Tapovana (or grove of devotion) where the
Bishis performed their penances. They then established three Kundas or pools of water, called by
their names Agastya, Vasishtba, and Valmika Kundas. In the month of May, pilgrims come to
these pools, hear the Sthalapurdnam, or local legend, read, bathe, and give alms according to their
means. In the Sthalapiiranam, it is mentioned that there were eighteen pools in the Tapovana. In
the present village of Rajagiri is built a Jaina temple, within which are ten images of marble.
After the death of Srenika Maharaja, his son Kunika was raised to the throne, and ruled
the country for eighty years according to the laws of bis father, klif; son Abhayakum^ra received
jDiksha or became a pilgrim and ascetic.
His son Abhayaghosba succeeded to the throne ; but being a minor, he was unable to protect
his dominions and the native chiefs rendered themselves independent.
After some time, the Bauddhas overran Magadha-deSa, and destroyed all the temples of
the Jainas.
Lately, or about thirty years ago, some Jain travellers from Dehli arrived at Rajagiri ; and
perceiving the ruins of the Jaina temples, they were induced t(r repair some of them ; since that, the
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[Febkuary, 1902.
Bwet^mbaras residing at (Patna) have made a subscription, aiiil repaired many oi‘ the
ruined hnnples at Rajagiri and P^v^puri. At present there are sixty houses of Bralmians at
R^jagiri, wIh^ perform the worship of all the Jaina temples and receive presents from the Jain a
travellers who come to this place. Those Brabtnaus are not originally of this country. Thoy say^
that about years ago, when a prince named Chatra Sinha reigned at B^jagiri, no Brahmans
were to be found here. The prince sent, therefore, to the Maratha country, and, liaving invited about
120 famdies of the Brahmans to his capital, granted them lands and establishments. Since lliafe
period, their descendants have resided here, and have performed the daily worship of all the temples.
11th. — Leaving Rajagiri, I went to the city of Gray^, where 1 arrived on the 12th. This is a
veiy holy place in the estimation of the Hindus. In the centre of the city is a large temple, where
the Vishnu-pada, or feet of the god Viskiiu, are sculptured, the soles being carved to represent
the 'Sahtha (or shell), Chaim (or discus), Dhw((ja (or flag), Anhtkt (or elephant hook), Gadu
(mace), Padnvt (or lotus). The feet are placed on the north face of the temple. It is said by the old
Gayawala Brahmans that about forty years ago, the Rtoi of Bhandu Rao Holkar, Ahaly^ Bai,,
visited Gay^, and erected a large temple to the Vishnu -pa da. The length of the temple is
twenty yards and the breadth twenty feet : on the top is placed a gilt \ase. The temple has
iwo gates, one on the east, wliicli is the public gate, and one on the nortli, made with copper plates.
In the iToiit of the temple, she erected a pavilion with sixteen pillars, wliere a large hell is suspended.^
w’hicli is struck by the worshippers before tlicy enter the temple. In the vicinity, on the side of the
hill, in a pavilion, where eightooii places arc levelled out of the rock, at which the Pltidas nvo, otTercML
The Pfi}fla is a ball made up with rice, Hour, and milk, of the size of a lime. Eighteen of those are
severally presented at each altar, along with sandal, flowers, sacred rice, and T'tla, or oil seeds. These
Puidas are oticred for the sake of the souls of their ancestors. South of this nuintapaui is built a hall
for the accoruiuodation of the pilgrims.
East of the temple of VisAi^u-pada is the Math, or convent of the ascetic Satya Bharma
who is a priest of the Vaishi?.avas. Here are an image of Hauumaa, and a Phanmsdta^ or hall
for the use of travellers.
Xonli of the temple of Vishnu-pada is erected a stone pavilion with twenty pillars. Tlio
travellers who come to place the Pindar on the feet of Vishnu, dress the food at this pavilion.
East of this is a Garuda-sdla or gymnasium^ where the Gayawala.s exhibit athletic feats. North
of it is the temple of Gadadhara, in wliicli is placed au idol of Gadadhara : the rigid hand of tlio
image bolds the weapon called the gada or mace. East of this temjde is the river PMlgu, to which
a Ghiii. or flight of stone steps, descends, euibellished by a stone ixivilion on each side.
West of the temple of Gadadhara is a ruined mantapam, in which is an image of Bhairava.
North of that is a marble imago of the Rani Ahalyabai, in tlie shape of an old woman iioldim»' a
japu-mdUt or string of beads in her right hand. On the left side of the image is the image of t(ie
goddess Lakshmi. Close to this is another temple with the image of the goddess Kali.
On the north of the temple of Gadadhara is a Bairagfs convent, in which is built a small lemi)le
with a lihgam. This establishment consists of a superior, and about ten kshyas or disciples.
South of the Gadadhara temple, are placed three images called Madhusudana, Gariapati
and Sarya Nar^yaua. These are in three rooms separately : east of which is the convent of the
followers of SankaracMrya, a renowned priest of the Hindus in former times.
The river PMigu runs also to the north of the Gadadhara temple; and between the river
and that temple is another Ghat or stairs, upon which is a large pavilion for the use of the travelliiir^-
Bair^gis. ' ^
'0 Of. Mag. Yol. IT. pp 68-73.
February, 1902.]
A PANDIT’S VISIT TO GAYA, 1820.
73
North-east ol the same temple, at some distance, is a holy tank, called Stirya Kundaj, enclosed
with a wall. Pilgrims bathe and pindas at this pool.
Eastward of Gaya is the river PMIgu. It is said that when the five Pandavas weie
travelling to the woods, they arrived at this holy place to visit the feet of Vistniiu, when the third
person of them, named Phalguiia (Arjuna) gave his name to the river.
There are two public gates to this city, one on the south, and another on the north : on the west
is a ditch. The length of the city is about three miles, and the breadth is one mile ; it is built on
an irregular and rocky base, so that all the houses of the city are not on a level, Fromerly there
were about 700 houses of the Gay^wM^ Br^limaiis, but at present there are not above 300 houses.
Gay^ is a celebrated and holy place for all the tribes of Hindus j in consequence of which, many
lakhs of travellers come hither from several dominions. The Gay aw alas employ agents to conduct
the pilgrims, sendiug persons off about ten or twelve kos distance to meet and bring them in.
West of Gaya two kos, is a hill called B^ma Sila upon which is a mantapam, in which are the
feet of Brahmfi., and close to it two images. East of the mamapam are placed five images at the
foot of a Ravai tree, where the pilgrims offer cakes.
South-east of the said mantapam is a square stone, upon which are sculptured feet with the
marks of the Kurma (or tortoise), Fadwa (or lotus), Matsya (or fish), Scmklia (or shell) : close to
these are broken images. The people say all these marks belong to the god Rtoa. In the low^er
part of the hill is a pond of water, called Brahm^ Kuiida : all the pilgrims bathe in this pond before
ascending the hill.
North-east of Bama Siia is a hill called Preta Sila, on which is placed a Liiigam : in front
of the Lingam are some broken images, where the travellers perform their funeral ceremonies, and
give the Pmda, At the bottom of the hill is a pool of water, the banks of which are built with stone
and chiimam, and surrounded by a wall: it is skirted by a flowergarden. Some time ago, a person
named Lala, who was the Diwan of the Nawab of Lakhnau, arrived at this place, and constructed
this tank, where travellers usually bathe. South of this hill is another square tank called XTttara-
manasa Kuij^a, or Pafielia Tirtiia ; the breadth of the square is fifty feet ; stairs lead down to it ;
and on its bank is built a temple of Mahadeva. In front is a pavilion, in which are placed the
following images of stone : — (1st) Sita-devi, (2nd) Sfiryottarini, (3rd) Asadevi, (4th) Chitrak
Mayi, (5th) Gauri-Safikar, (6th) Durga, (7th) Vighneswara, (8th) Parvati, (9th) Kuvera.
Besides these, there are five images called Chandrama and one Lingam. All pilgrims perform
the funeral ceremonies, and give the cakes, in front of these images, at the foot of an Asvattha tree.
East of Gaya, at some distance, is a hill called Sita Ku^da : on the descent of the hills is a rnan-
^pam, with images of Bamaehandra, Slta, and the Lingam. All the pilgrims perform their funeral
ceremonies, and offer the Findas before this Lingam. On the wall of that manUpam are carved nine
images, one of Yama, and eight of the goddess Gatiri or Parvati. Fronting the image of
Bamaehandra is the place of Brahmastan, where are the feet of Brahma. About two kos from
the hill Sita Kuiida, on the river Phaigu, is situated a temple, in which is placed the idol of th»^
goddess Saraswati, where the pilgrims offer Findas, South-west of the teruple ox Saraswati k
a ruined city of the Banddhas, with the remains of an ancient fort. It is said, that in former times,
when the Bauddhas had possession of the country, they destroyed the old cit;s of Gaya, and
established another city called Bauddha Gaya, of which these are the vestiges ; they erected
here a large BauddMlayam or temple of Buddha, with nine storeys, making the lieight of th(*
temple 108 feet. The gate of tlie lower storey tvas five yards high,^ and eight y«ards broad, so that a
man could pass, riding on an elephant. Much of this temple is still standing. Inside is a seat of
two yards broad, upon which rises a smaller one, and upon that sits a Bauddha image of the natural
stature. The people say, that there was another stone image of Buddha, vhich has been carried away
by the Bairagis of this place, who keep it in their convent. On the second storey of the temple are
three round platforms, upon one of which grows a large ASvattha tree : at its foot are four images of
74
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Eebruaby, 1902,
stone called Braiima, Ba^macliandra, Gatiri&ankar. and Gane&a, Travellers offer Pindas
here ; and on every Saturday the women of the Gayawalas come to this place, performing the
worship of the said tree, and of the images. The inner wall of the temple is painted with
many pictures. In former times there were placed 108 small images or stone, and 108 vases,
on the nine upper storeys of this temple; and a lakh of small, but elegant images and vases
were ranged about the temple : these have all disappeared, some being destroyed by time, some
removed by the Bairagis, and some carried off by English gentlemen.
In front of the ruined Bauddha temple is a stone pavilion, in which is a round seat of stone, four
feet in breadth, on which are situated two stone Padas, or feet of Buddha. These feet are sculp-
tured with representations of the shell, discus, mace, lotus, flag, elephant, hook, vase, and Swastika
(a particular diagram). The length of the feet is three spans, and the breadth one span. South of
the building are three small temples. The first is occupied by a Bairagi, who did penance here in a
former life: it is dedicated to Siva. The second temple contains a Kalasa, or round vessel of stone,
upon which are engraved the images of the Buddhas : the people of this place, however, call it
MahAdeva, and on every Friday offer worship to it. In the third temple are placed five male idols of
stone, and one female image. These look like Bauddha images ; but the people call them the five
Pandavas — the female, Draupadi, their wife. In the vicinity of these images stood an old broken
stone pillar, yard high, and cubit in circumference. North of this is another temple with a
stone image, but of whom, no one knows. To the east of this is a square enclosure with one gate,
and within it a stone image called Baleswari. In front of this is bnilt another square wall, with
three gates ; and in the centre is a large Qhah'a^ or round slab, the breadth of wliich is two yards
and span thick : on this slab are carved forts, elephants, camels, horses, and many curious reliefs.
The people worship the Chalcra, North from this is an elevated pla^hrm, surmounted by three
pavilions with pinnacles : they enshrine three images, Jagannath, Bamachandra, and Mahadeva.
It is said, that in the year of Yikrama Saka 1857 (A. D. 1801) in the full moon of the month of
Bhadra (August), a person named Gangawari Seth arrived at this place from the wife of Kushal
Chaud, treasurer to B8>ulat Bao Siudhya, and established the above three gods and placed a stone
inscription there.
During the government of the Bauddhas, having destroyed old Gaya, and broken the images
of all the temples of the Hindus, they carried the Gayawaia Brahmaiis to their now city, or
Bauddha Gaya and put them in confinement, to compel them to transfer all the ceremonies of
pilgrimage to the latter place. In this way some of the Gayawalas were destroyed ; bnt some escaped
to distant countries. The Bauddhas established themselves, and ruled here for about 700 years in
the Vikramasaka.
On the south-west of the Bauddha temple is a large mound of rubbish, where the king of the
Bauddhas, it is said, had his palace : the people hence still give the name of Bauddha Rajagnha.
or the palace of the Bauddha Bdja, to this high ground, on which are yet visible many ancient and
curious stone buildings, images, and pillars. The Bauddhas also constructed a large fountain
between the temple and river, for the use of their women. The masonry of the reservoir was six feet
in breadth and eight feet high ; it is in ruins now. Throughout the whole neighbourhood, Bauddha
remains are abundantly to be traced amidst the brushwood, which covers the site of the city. When
the government of the Bauddhas had ceased, all the Gay^wAlAs that survived returned to the
former GayA and repeopled it. Travellers then resorted to the ancient Gaya ; and the city of the
Bauddhas was deserted, and overrun with jungle. At last a Bairagi, who arrived at the ruined
city of Bauddha Gaya, found the dilapidated temple, and he took up his abode on the gate there.
He performed his Tapas, or penance, for about sixteen years, when the goddess Annapurna appear-
ed to him, and enquired the motive of his austerities. He thanked the goddess and communicated
his wish to live where he was, and to be able to grant food and charity to all travellers and beggars -
accordingly the goddess Annapurna gratified his desires. The Bairagi, in consequence, built
a convent on the north of the ruined Bauddha Gaya about one kos, on the high road between Gay^
February, 190 * 2 ,]
A FANBIT^S TiSiT TO GAYa, 1820.
75
and Calcutta, where, accompanied by some Sishyas or disciples, he resided, shewing hospitality to
all beggars and pilgrims, by the favour of the goddess Annapurna till he departed this life*
His chief Siskya, or disciple, succeeded to the Math, and, accompanied by six or seven Bairdgi
disciples, continued the practices of the founder. The Eaja of the country hearing of their circum-
stances, then made a grant to the Bairdgis of the ruined city of Banddha Gaya, as Molzlassah or
free gift. In consequence of this, a number of poor people were invited by the ascetic to Banddha
Gaya ; and they cut down the woods, built houses, peopled the city, and lived in it under the autho-
rity of the Bairfigis. The same Mahant, or superior, built another Math in the town of Banddha
Gaya, and divided his residence between the two.
After him, the third Bairdgi of his order succeeded to the superiorship ; and observing the
charity of his predecessors, the neighbouring Ziamindars granted him four villages in Jaghir.^i
The Journal stops here, at the end of the third instalment, whether from the translator having
given up his task, or from some other cause. Possibly the remainder, containing the return journey,
was not found to be of equal interest, — J. B.
iN’ote.
From an account of a visit to Mount P^rlvanlith, by an official, in the Quarterly Oriental
Magazine^ Yol. YIIT., for Dec, 1872, pp. 97-13*2, and signed ‘ A. P.’ we glean the following additional
details : —
“ At PMganja the devotional duties of the Jaina pilgrims who Hock to this remote spot from
every part of India, even from the furthest pmvinces of the Dakhan, commence. The Zamindar,
who has dubbed himself with the title of is considered by that sect as the guardian of the holy
lands, and has in his possession a small image of P^rsvan^-th, which every pilgrim pays for
worshipping before he proceeds to the temples at the foot and on the summit of the mountain. The
manner in which he acquired this charge . . . was thus related to me by that person himself.
Several centuries ago, an ancestor of the family, whom he called Nawadeva Singh, came from Eohil-
khand to perform his devotions at Banaras. There . . . he was one night visited by a god’ >
(whose name was forgotten) . . who “ declared to the pilgrim that his devotions had been well
received, and that if he would travel eastwards, he would be invested with the sovereignty of Mount
Bikhar, Accordingly Nawadeva Singh . . . made himself master of the lands lying at the
foot of the mountain. After a residence of some years Pa.rBvanath . , . appeared and revealed
to him his satisfaction with his conduct, named a certain pool, at the bottom of which he would hnd
an image of himself, and declared that henceforward prostration before the R^ja should be a necessary
prelude to a favourable reception within the sacred precincts.”
The writer points out that this Zamindar belongs to the local Bhtinya tribe and had no
claim to Rajput origip. The old Raj of Elliarakdiha had been of Brahman caste, and the revenues wex®
probably collected by the more influential Bhflny^s. Rflmdar Khan expelled the family of Mura
Narayanadeva of Kharakdiha, and the taxes on travellers and pilgnms were collected by Bhilnya
Ghfltwals, These, under the British settlement in 1783, procured their independence as separate
proprietors under the perpetual settlement. Thus the gMiwciU tax was converted into a private
claim.
The Rajfl shows a small stone image, found in the tank : its rude appearance and smal] size (not
being above 8 inches high) show that it was made at Palaganja, — possibly by the inventor of the
story. He had two other images : one inscribed with the name of Bindraband of GwMiar by whom
it was given to the and another which had recently (1824) been sent from Dehli by a Mahajan ,
in whose charge the old idol was broken while being carried from PMaganja to Madhuvanam. The
broken image, which is the most beautiful, measures 1 foot 3 inches high, and is cut out of a single
piece of black marble, the eyelids appear closed, and it has two rows of necklaces round the neck.
11 Oriental Mag, Yol. II. (August 1823) pp, 173-173,
12 Xoc, cit, pp, 100-1Q3,
76
THE INDIAN ASTIQDAEY.
[February, 1902.
SXTEACTS FEOM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIIth CENTUEY
BELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY R. 0. TEMPLE.
(Continued from j). 51.)
1793. — No. VI.
Fort William I8tk February 1793.
Ordered that the follotving Letter be ’written to Captain Blair by the Secretary.
Captain A. Blair On Service at the Andamans.
Sir, — Captain Alexander Kyd, who has been appointed Superintendant at the Andamans being
now on his Departure from Bengal, I Iiaye Orders from the Governor General in Council to
acquaint you that according to the Notice in my Letter of the 12th of November last you are to
deliver over the Charge of the Settlement to him on his arrival.
It will be a Matter of course that you make over to him at the same Time the public Corre-
spondence, Papers and Accounts Appertaining to the Station you have held to the New Settlement
and any Balance of the public Mony that may remain in your hands,
I am
Sir,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
Fort William (Signed) Edward Hay
18th February 1793. Secretary to the Government.
1708. - No. VII.
Fort William 18th Februaiy 1793.
Instructions to Captain Alexander Kyd.
To Captain Alexander Kyd.
Sir, — 1. You have been advised of Your Appointment to the temporary Command of the New
Settlement at Port Cornwallis, and the Secretary has transmitted to you a Copy of the Resolutions
that we have passed on points of detail Connected with the Duties Assigned to You,
2. We now transmit to You a Commission, directing the general Authorities with which You
are vested, and We desire tliat you vill proceed to the Andamans with all Convenient Expedition.
3. The enclosed Letter to Captain Blair contains Orders to that Officer to deliver Over the
Charge of the Settlement to You on your Arrival, when you will enter on the Duties of the Station;
Attending to the following Instructions.
4. Our principal design in making a Settlement at the G-reat Andaman being to
establish a Naval Arsenal in the Bay forming the North East Harbour of that Island,
and recommended by Commodore Cornwallis as particularly eligible for the Rendezvous and Aceom-
iLiodatiun of the National Fleets that may hereafter be employed in the Protection of the Com^^any’s
possessions in India, it will be Necessary that,, after examining well the Capacity of the Place for
those Purposes, you should ascertain, without Loss of time, what means it possesses to effect them
and what Aids will be required from this or Other Countries, so that there may be no delay, that is
not unavoidable, in Accomplishing an Object which we deem to be of great public Utility and
Emportance.
5. You will observe that the Harbour is to be equal to tlie Recejjtion of Fifteen or Twenty
Sail of Line of Battle Ships, and, among Other necessary Considerations, incident to the Choice of
it, You will attend to the means there are of Conveniently obtaining Supplies of Wood and Water.
Febetjaby, 1902.]
THE AlTDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
77
6. It will be also requisite that a large Spot o£ ground should be Chosen, in the most healthy
Situation for a Hospital, and an extensive Kitchen Garden adjoining to it, provided at the times with
a Measures Assortment of the Tropical Fruits (sic) and of the best kinds of Vegetables for the Sick
and Convalescent and a proper place of some extent to be cleared for pasture, and Subsisting and
keeping up, Constantly, a Stock of Cattle.
7. Another object of your Attention will be to fix upon a Spot where the necessary Store
Houses may be built, and the Apparatus had for Careening Ships, and we wish you also to ascertain
and inform Us where abouts you would propose to Construct a Wet Dock, if that should be thought
Necessary at any future time, On the most approved plan adopted in the Harbours of Europe where
the Situations, as at Port Cornwallis [Port Blair], are unfavorable from a want of Water Owing to
the Rise of the Tides : —
8. You will likewise have in View the building a Suitable Granary, Baking Houses with Mills
for Grinding, — a Brew House or Distillery, Curing Houses, — Working Houses for the Sail
Makers, Coopers, and all Artificers of different discriptions, and places for the Stores of the Several
Departments, Also Quarters for the Officers and Men when [? upon] a plan Duty on Shore (sic), — and
every other Accommodation that properly belongs to an Establishment of so much Consequence as
that which we design for a Naval arsenal at the Andamans.
9. Having now given You Such general directions as appeared to us necessary Concerning the
Arsenal, we are next to desire that you will prepare and lay before Us a plan of Fortification for its
Defence, and the Defence of the Port, Whether in the Absence of a Fleet, or for the protection of
any Number of Ships booked [? locked] (sic) up in the Harbour by a Superior Force.
10. The Works you recommend are to be the most Solid and durable, and at the same time the
least expensive, in their Construction, and they are to be so planned and Situated as to be as able
[? capable] of being defended by a Small Body of TroojDS until relief, in some way or other, can be
afforded to the Settlement in the Event of an Attack.
11. Your further Duty will be to chusea Si^ot On the adjoining Shores, or in the interior
part of the Main Island, upon which an Establishment may be formed for Supplying the necessary
Stock of Cattle, and alimentary Grains for its own immediate Support, the use of the Garrison and
Settlement in general, and the wants of the Navy, as far as Circumstances will possibly admit, with-
out looking [or] trusting for Assistance in these respects, from Bengal, or any Other part of India,
and We wish you to consider the object of providing gradually for the wants of the Settlement, in
Such Instances, without Aid from Other Quarters, as materially Connected with the Views of
Government in maintaining an Establishment at the Andamans bnt if you should at any time require
Supplies of Grain, Cattle, or Other Articles, for present or future Subsistence, you may occasionally
apply to the Super intendant of Prince of Wales Island, to the Collector at Chittagong,
and to the Chiefs of the Company’s Settlements on the Corromandel Coast who will be
furnished with instructions to Comply with Such Applications.
12. You will frirnish us with Copies of Shore Applications from time to time, and advise us
to what Extent they have been severally Answered.
13. Such Military Stores and Articles of Subsistance as may be required from Bengal will be
Supplied, in the mode pointed out in the Regulations transmitted to You by our Secretary, as
already noticed in this Letter.
14. We desire you will prepare a place of Security for Native Felons that may be
sent from Bengal to labour on the Works, and you will Report to us occasionally, what
Number can be received.
15. In clearing the Islands and Shores of the Underwood, or exuborant forest Timber, you
will be careful to Set apart Such of the latter as may be applied to the purposes of Ship-building in
73
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Febrtiaey, 1902.
the Neighbourhood of the Port, And to preserve Such of this kind of Timber, as will Answer for the
Fortifications or Buildings to be erected, or for the Service of the Navy.
16. It is to be presumed that the Island affords no internal Water Carriage, by which firewood
can be conveyed from one part of it to another, and no improper Waste should therefore be admitted
in cutting down the Wood (adjoining to the Bay) that May be fit for that Use ; but particular spots
of ground should be allotted. On which the Wood May be collected to Answer the Occasions of
the Settlement,
17. In establishing and keeping up an intercourse with the Natives you will naturally
take care that the utmost degree of forbearance is observed to secure them against Illtreatment or
Violence of any Sort whatever, and you will never permit force to be employed against them, but in
Cases of the most urgent necessity for Self defence You will, on the contrary, endeavor to conciliate
them by kind Usage, by distributing among them trifling presents, and Such Articles in use with
Us, as they May ask for, and can conveniently be Spared, and you will leave them in the undis-
turbed possession of their Shores and fishing places, on in other words, in the Same State of Free-
dom, in every respect, as that in which you find them, granting them protection, and yielding it
especially in the instances of Acheenese or other Native Cruizers, or any European Vessels j touching
on the Coast for the purpose of trepenning them and making Slaves. And in the Case of any
Europeans being detected in these inhuman practices you will insist upon the immediate Eelease
of the Natives, and having procured it, You will exercise your direction, (s/c) as Circumstances shall
appear to you to render expedient, in securing or not, the persons of those Most forward in carrying
out this infamous Traffic, and send them Preseners to Bengal. But it will be very proper that
you should first take the best Means of having it generally understood that such a Commerce is
disallowed, and that the Consequences will be very Serious to those who engage in it.
18. We wish you to direct the Surgeon, upon Duty at the Andamans to furnish You half
yearly for Infonrj.atiou, with a Diary of the Deseases that have prevailed or do prevail, in the
Settlement, including in such Diary the Remedies and Treatement which he has found Most effica-
caous for their Cure, and Such further Remarks as may tend to ascertain the degree of healthiness
of the Climate and Port, and the Means most Conducive to the preservation of the health of the
Europeans and Natives employed on the present Service.
19. It is our pleasure and Direction that for the Maintenance of good Order and the Adminis-
tration of Justice among the European Artificers, the Lascars, and Indostan Labourers in tbo Com-
pany’s Pay and for the punishment of Misdemeanei’s and faults Committed by them in the Settlement
and places over which your Authority, as specified in your Commisbion, extends, Recourse shall be
had to the Articles of War for the Company’s Troops, and all disputes and offences occasioned or
done by the said persons shall be tried by the Process and Rules laid down for the Proceedings
of Regimental or Garrison Courts Martial, due notice having been previously, and generally given
To all European Artificers &ca As above mentioned, of their being liable to be tried Accordingly, and
You will Consider this Order as applying to other Indostan Natives, including the Servants of
Officers and others residing, or being within the Circle of your Authority.
20. With respect to Crimes committed by European or Sepoy Commissioned Officers or by the
Commanders and Officers of the Vessels belonging to or hired by the Company, at your Station,
you will make it a Rule to Report them to us or the Commander in Chief, according to the disorip*
tion of Persons offending, whether in the Civil or Military Service, and either Send them, at your
direction (sic) in Arrest or as Prisoners immediately to Bengal, or detain them in Custody until you
receive Orders and Instructions concerning them.
21. In the case of your occasional absence from the Andamans, or in the event of any
accident depriving the Settlement of your Services, the powers and duties of the Superintendant
as specified in your Commission, and these Instructions, are to devolve to Lieutenant Edmtind
Wells, or the next Senior offi.cer,
Febetjart, ]902]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTUHY.
79
22. From the period of your Arrival at the place of Your distination you ’will report, either
directly, to ourselves or through Our Secretary, from time to time, as opportunities oSer, the pro-
gress You have made in fulfilling the Duties of your Station, and You will also not omit to Mention
and enumerate the Animal, Mineral and Vegitable productions of the Islands, as the
Same shall fall under your Notice, or the Notice of others belonging to the Establishment,
28. We have only to add to these Instructions that we wish you, upon employing the Vessels
allotted to the Andaman Service to give particular Orders to the Commanders to Omit no oppor-
tunity, in their different Courses thro’ the Bay of Bengal of noticing iu their Journals, the prevailing
Winds and Currents, the Soundings, Anchoring Shoals, or Dangers throughout the Bay,
and On the Coasts of the Islands, yet un[as]certained, As well as the productions of those
Coasts, the Quality of the Soil, dispositions of the Surface, and that when you Eeport to us the
informations You may receive, you communicate to us your own opinion of the Benefits that may be
derived to the general Advancement of Navigation, or other Useful purposes from the Lights obtained
upon those Subjects.
Fort William We are &ca.
the 18th February 1793.
1793. — No, VIIL
Fort William 18th February 1793.
Oapt. ZydlSth Febry.
Bead a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Governn^nt.
Sir, — In addition to the Sum of Money that may be ordered to be furnished me for the Expences
of the Settlement at the Andamans : I have to request that you will he so good as to represent to
the Bight Honble. the Governor General in Council that the Sum of Two thousand Dollars will be
necessary for the occasional purchase of Articles of Provisions at Acheenor on the Coast of Pedier.
I have the honor to be &ca
(Signed) A. Zyd Captain Commanding Andamans.
Fort William 18th February 1793.
1793. — No. IX.
Fort William 22d February 1793.
The Secretary lays before the Board a return sent to him, at his request by Captain Kyd, of
the Establishment at the Andamans.
General Eeturn of the Establishment at the Andamans February 1793.
Commissioned Officers and Staff,
Captain Alexander Kyd Commandant
Lieutenant Edmund Wells Commanding the Infantry
Ensign Joseph Stokoe Engineer
Mr. Wood Assistant Surgeon
Infantry Detachment.
1 Lieutenant
1 Sergeant Major
1 Subadar
1 Jemadar
80
TEE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[February, 1902.
4 Havildars
4 Naigs
1 Drummer
1 Eifer
80 Sepoys
Total Native Troops 92
1 Drill Havildar or Naig
1 Sircar
1 Native Doctor
8 Hand Bheestees
Store and Provision Departments.
Europeans.
1 Commissary
1 Magazine Sergeant
1 Writer
1 Sircar
1 Tindal
8 Lascars
1 Head Smith
3 Smiths
1 Armourer
1 Sicklegar
1 Carpenters Mate
1 Do Workman
1 Chuckler
1 Sailmaker
1 Bheesty
1 Sweeper
Artificers Labourers &ca.
Europeans.
1 Head Carpenter
3 Carpenters
1 Head Smith
1 Cooper
4 Overseers
1 Sailmaker
Native Carpenters.
1 Head Carpenter
20 Carpenters
12 Sawyers
1 Turner
February, 190*2.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
81
Native Smiths.
1 Head Smith
12 Workmen
2 Brassmen
1 Tinman
2 Sicldegurs
Painters.
1 Mistry
2 Workmen
Stone Cutters.
1 Mistry
6 Workmen
Bricklayers.
1 Mestrey
15 Workmen
Brick and Tile Makers.
1 Mistrey
10 Workmen
6 Potters
4 Grammies
10 Gardeners
8 Washermen
10 Fishermen
4 Taylors
3 Barbers
1 Shoemaker
2 Chueklers
1 Baker
3 Assistants
Bakers.
5 Hand Bheesties
Lascars.
1 Serang
2 1st Tindal
2 2d Do
40 Lascars
Bildars.
8 Serdars
170 Bildars
Marino Department.
Cornwall Sckoonor.
Commander Lieut. Jno. Wales
1st Ofidcer Cornelices Crawley
2d Officer Charles Timins
S2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAKT.
[Fbbrxtaey, 1902.
Europeans.
1 CoBimander
1 1st Officer
1 2n(i Do
1 Gunner
4 Quarter Masters
6 iJ^atire Hilmsmen
1 Carpenter
1 Caulker
1 Syrang
1 1st Tindai
1 2d Do
1 Cossob^a
:30 Lascars
1 Commanders Cook
2 Do Servants
2 Officers Servants
Sanger Soiiooner.
Commander Lieut. George Thomas
1st Officer John Koberts
2d Officer John Drazer
Establishment Similar to the Detail of the Cornwallis.
!N. B. — ' The Show Union freighted for 4 Months from the 1st IToveinbor, 1792.
(Signed) A. Kyd Superintendent ^t the Andamans,
1793. — N'o. X.
Fort William 25th February, 1798.
Bead a letter from Captain Kyd Super intendant at the Andamans.
Capt. Kyd 20th Febry.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Accompanying I send a Bill for Provisions for the Establishment at the Andaniaurt
furnished by my desire by Messrs Wilsone, Harrington and Downie ; which I request you
will lay before the Bight Honble the Governor General in Council, that an Order may be grantcxl
for its Payment. I beg leave to observe that there are four Hundred Bags of Bice that could not
be received on Board of the Vessels now under Dispatch which Messrs Wilsone, Harrington and
Downie will deliver, whenever a further supply may be wanted.
, Fort William I have the honor to be &ca
20th February 1793. (Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Ordered that a Copy of Captain^ Kyds Letter be sent, With its Enclosure, to the Military
Board and that Authority be given for Passing the Bills of Messrs. Wilsone, Downie and Harring-
ton, for the Provisions laid in by them, at Captain^ Kyd’s desire for the Establishment at tlie
Andamans.
22 Also spelt Cusah, CusaK
FEBRUAIiY, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
1793. — No. XL
Fort William 25tli February 1793.
Read a Letter from Captain Kyd Surveyor General.
Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
Sir, — Accompanying I have the pleasure of transmitting you a List of all the Maps and
Plans now in the Surveyor General’s ofS.ee.
I have the honor to be &ca
Fort William (Signed) A. Kyd, Surveyor General.
21st February 1793.
Marine Surveys and Plans,
1. Mr. Blair’s first General Chart of the Andamans.
2. A Plan of Pulo Penang.
3. Port Campbell, Interview Island, North East Harbour, of Port Cornwallis.
4. Captain Councils Plan of Cornwallis Shoal in the China Seas Original and Copy.
5. A part oE Pulo Penang,
7. Original Survey of the Harbour of Pulo Penang by Captain Kyd.
8. Plan for. repairing His Majesty’s Ships at Port Cornwallis.
9. Ariels Track round the little Andaman.
10. Do Do Do Do Do Do Copy.
11. Chart of the Andamans.
12. Bough Plan of Stewarts Sound Andamans.
13. Plan of Part of Pulo Pinang.
14. Track of the Banger over a Coral Shoal near the North West Coast of
the Great Andaman.
15. Plan of Pulo Penang and Harbour.
IG. Port Cornwallis.
17. Port Cornwallis.
18. Nancowrie Harbour.
19. Malay Islands.
20. Upper Part of Port Cornwallis.
21. North East Harbor.
22. Port Cornwallis, large Copy.
23. General Chart of Great Andaman.
24. Port Meadow fair Copy.
25. Lieutenant Blair’s Plan of Pulo Penang.
1793. — No. XII.
Port William 15th M^rch 1793.
Read a Letter from Captain Blair.
To Edward Hay Esqre, Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — As His Majesty’s Ship Miherva proceeds to Calcutta I embrace the opportunity of
informing you that the Settlers in general continue healthy, that we have made consideiable piogiess
in clearing, and that the Natives have been, perfectly inoffensive.
S4
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Febettaby, 1902.
Thu 24th ultimo the Viper on her return from the Cocos with Plans [? Palms] and Nutsjor
rlu- Settlement, unfortunately run upon a coral Reef three Leagues to northward of this Port, and
received considerable damage She is now under repair and I expect will be ready for Sea again by the
20th cf next Month.
With the concurrence of the Commodore I propose to dispatch the Sea horse to remove the
remaining People and Stores from Old Harbour unless Captain Kyd should arrive in two or three
days who I have been anxiously expecting for some time past.
Port Cornwallis I am &ca
24th February 1793. (Signed) Archibald Blair,
1793. — No. XIII.
Fort William 15th March 1793.
The Secretary lays before the Board an Extract of a Letter received by Lieutenant-
Colonel Boss from Lieutenant Wells.
Extract of a Note from Lieutenant Wells to Colonel Ross Dated 9th March 1793.
The Subject on which I now have occasion to trouble you, does I believe properly require
an official Communication, but as I am not quite certain of the Channel which I ought to embrace
tor that Purpose, I hope you will pardon the intrusion upon yourself.
I embarked on the Honble. Company’s Snow the Cornwallis with the Detachment of Sepoys
uistined for the Andamans, and a few of the Most necessary of the Artificers on the Morning of
the 7th Instant and we immediately proceeded with the Ebb Tide down the River. The embarka-
tion of the People and their Baggage created an appearance of inconvenience from their Numbers
which it was hoped would be removed after the usual arrangements and distribution of their proper
Places, but after every Endeavours, it is found totally impossible, with the great Quantity of
Stores on Board for the Settlement, to transport such a Number of Persons without great Incon-
venience both to them, and the Management of the Ship I had intended nevertheless to pro-
secute the Voyage with the whole of the People and not without hopes, founded on their own
Chearfulness and Content with the Indulgence shown to them by Lieutenant Wales and his
Officers to have effected it without any Material difficulty An occurrence this Morning has
deserted [? defeated] my Intention, In the first Opportunity which has offered of carrying Sail the
effect of it has been discovered of such a Nature, on the Vessel that Lieutenant Wales the Com-
mander declares his Apprehensions for our Safety, in the Event of our Meeting with Weather in
any Degree unfavorable after we shall get into the Bay,
Under these Circumstances I considered it my Duty to forego every other Wish and Without
hesitation to decide upon the only Measure to afford Relief, and ensure as far as may be our
future Safty and accommodation I have therefore Selected all the Wives and smallest Children
belonging to the Detachment who from their inactivity in Times of exigency are the greatest
incumbarance, as well as most liable to harm, some of the Artificer-Class, and Eight Sepoys. The
care (sio) of the whole Amounting to 47 I have committed to one of the Commissioned Officers
with Orders to land them at Fort William wait the opportunity of the first [ship] distined for the
New Settlement, and to embark with the other Artificers whom for want of room in this I was oblif^ed
to leave on my Departure. ^
After this diminution the number of Persons remaining in the Vessel will be full one hundred
and fifty ; which in Addition to the Cargo is the utmost that can be accomodated,
I request you will do me the favour to represent this to the Marquis Cornwallis whose disap-
probation I hope I shall not encur on the occasion When the Circumstances are considered whiV‘]i
have influenced my Conduct.
As the favorable season is so near its termination, I beg permission to suggest to you whether it
be not worthy of offering to his Lordship’s Consideration that instead of waiting the uncertain return
of the Vessels now belonging to the Settlement it be not more desirable immediately to dispatch one
FsBatTASt, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE. XTIIIth CENTUHY,
85
Ott Preiglit capable of carrying the 400 Bags of Rice left by Major Kyd when he Sailed Augmented
to a Thousand or thereabouts with the remaining Artificers, and these people whom I now leave they
wili Amount to Eighty or a hundred Persons, and I am of opinion that more could not with propriety
and regard to Safety be sent away in such a Vessell at the Approaching critical Season. If I mistake
not, one of the expected Vessells from the Andamans (the Union) is under Engagement for a fixed
period which has nearlv elapsed.
1798. — No. XIV.
Fort William 15th March 1793.
The following Correspondence between the Secretary and Mr. Peek is laid before the Board.
Sir, — In answer to your favour of yesterday I beg leave to mention the Terms of Freight to Port
Cornwallis 12 or 1500 bags of Rice at 3 Rupees per Bag Seapoys and Artificers at 15 Rupees
each or should Government take up the whole Vessel will be Nine Thousand Rupees She Carrys
3,500 bags.
Calcutta I am, &ca.
l^th March 1793. (Signed) Robt. Peck.
To Mr. Robert Peck Dated 12th March.
Mr. Robert Peck, Sir,
The Governor General in Council having had before him your Letter of this Date I am directed
to desire that in explanation of the Terms which you have offered for conveying the People and Stores
to the Andamans, you will be pleased to say whether the Sum of Rupees 15 which you require for
each Seapoy or Artificer, you meant to enclude their provisions Water &ca during the Passage, and if
this Charge on these accounts was intended to be included in the 15 Rupees (as the Board from the
Rate suppose to be the Case) what deduction you would make from it if the Provisions and Water
should be laid in by Government.
I am &ca
Council Chamber (Signed) E. Hay
12th March 1793. Secretary to the Government.
(A true Copy.)
Fort William 15th March 1793.^
Mr Peck 18th March.
Sir, — In reply to your Letter of yesterday 1 beg leave to mention for the information of Govern-
ment that I will Supply the Seapoy and Artificers with Provisions Water &ca at the rate of
15 Rupees per Man or should Government Supply the Same my Charge will be 12 Rupees each I beg
to be favored with an Answer to Day if convenient, as my Vessel hauls out Dock to Day and will be
ready to receive on board Cargo tomorrow*
Calcutta I am Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servant
13th March 1793. (Signed) Robert Peck.
To Mr Robert Peck l4th March.
Mr. Robert Peck, Sir, — I received your Letter yesterday and am directed to acquaint you that if
upon a regular Survey of the Darlington, it shall be found that She is in all respects, a proper
Vessel to take, at this Season of the year, to Port Cornwallis,- a Number of Sepoys and Artificers
not exceeding one hundred and a Quantity of Rice not exceeding one thousand Bags, the Governor
General in Council will accede to the Terms of your Offer Vizt. that the rate of twelve Sicca Rupees
per man shall be paid for each Sepoy or Artificer for the Voyage, the Company laying in their
Provision, Water &ca and that the rate of three Sicca Rupees par Bag shall be paid for the freight of
the Rice. The Survey will be ordered immediately.
’ I am Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
Council Chamber (Signed) E. Hay
14th March 1793. Secretary to the Government.
(A true Copy.)
86
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[Pebr’VAey, 1902.
Port William 15th March 1793.
The following Orders were sent yesterday to the Marine Officers,
Cudbert Thornhill Esqre Master Attendant and Bruce Boswell Esqre Acting Marine
Paymaster and Naval Storekeeper,
Gentlemen, — I have orders from the Governor General in Council to desire that you will be
pleased to cause a regular Survey to be immediately made of the Ship or Snow Darlington which
has been tendered by Mr Robert Peck to take a Number of Sepoys and a freight of Rice to Port
Cornwallis at the Great Andamans Island, and that you will acquaint me, for the informa-
tion of the Governor General in Council whether She be in all respects, a proper Vessel to proceed
thither at this Season of the Year with a Number of Sepoys or Artificers not exceeding 100, and
a Quantity of Rice not Exceeding 1000 -Bags.
Council Chamber I am Gentlemen Your most obedient humble servant
March Uth 1793. (Signed) E. Hay.
Fort William 15th March 1793.
Read a Letter from the Acting Marine Pay Master.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — In consequence of the orders of the Right Honble the Governor General in Council Com-
municated to me in your Letter of the 14th Instant for the immediate survey of the Snow Darling-
ton I am to inform you that Mr Robert Peck, has withdrawn his proposals for freighting
that Vessel, as you will find by the enclosed Copy of the Assistant Deputy Master Attendants
answer, to my official Letter of yesterday to him on that subject,
I am &ca
Fort William Marine Paymasters Office (Signed) Bruce Boswell
15th March 1793. Acting Marine Pay Master.
To Bruce Boswell Esqre Acting Marine Paymaster.
(Enclosed in the Letter from the Acting Marine Paymaster 15th March.)
Sir, — I have seen Captain Peck who has declined taking the Company’s freight and is now
nearly loaded with Rice for Masulipatam.
I am <&ca
Marine Office (Signed) G. French
16th March 1793. A. Dy. Mr. Attdt.
A true. Copy Bruce Boswell Acting Marine Paymaster.
Port William 15th March 1793.
Read a Letter from Captain Peck.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I received Your Answer from Government with respect to the Proposals for conveying
the Stores &ca to the Andamans and beg you will be pleased to Inform the Board as the Quantity of
Grain is not to exceed One Thousand Bags and the men to be Carried at 12 Rupees per Mensem it
will not Pay the Sailing Charges of my Vessel which I Informed you was said to have Carried three
Thousand five Hundred Bags to Bombay in the S. W. Monsoon, The extent of time I should Sup-
pose the Darlington would be in making The Passage to the Andamans if She left the River in all
this Month would not exceed fifteen Days.
I am
16tb Marcli 1793. (Signed) Robert Peck.
Ordered that Inquiry be made for another Vessel to take the Sepoys and Artificers and the
Rice to the Andamans.
(To he continued.)
February, 1902 .]
LADAZHI SO ms.
87
LADAKHI SOZGS.
BY THE KEY. A. H. FEAlifCKE, LEH.
(With the aid of the Rev, JS, Ribhaoh and Dr, E, Shawe,)
Introductory Notes.
When I wrote a paper on Ladakhi popular poetry about three years ago (published in Globus,
LXXV. No. 15), my collection consisted of only twenty-five songs. Those songs had been collected in
Leh, Stock and Shell, that is, in the residences of the ancient Ladakhi lungs and were all of the same
type. As I had then been unable to discover any specimens of a more natural type of Ladakhi poetry,
I concluded that really popular poetry was entirely absent in Ladakh, Meanwhile travels in Lower
Ladakh and Purig, which extended my collection to about 250 pieces, have enabled me to discover
other branches of Ladakhi poetry, which bear a less artificial "^character. But before presenting any
of them to the readers of this Journal I will shortly describe the different types of Lad&khi
poetry, as far as I have got to know them.
1. The Court Song. — It has been fully described in the Globus, Its principal characteristics
are the following : — The language is as near as possible to the book-language : a certain knowledge of
Buddhism is displayed : it flatters persons in high position. It has no rhyme, but a certain rule of
metre is strictly observed. The predominant metre is that each line consists of three trochees.
I give specimens of the Court Song in Nos. I., II., V, and IX. The first line of No. I. is pronounced
thus :
trdsliis phmsum tlisogspas.
That of No. II. is pronounced
di chi gungyi tsug rgyan*
In consequence of the strict observance of this metric rule many of the sentences are incomplete,
and the meaning can only be guessed from the context.
2. The Dance Song. — Its language is the dialect of the country : where it is sung religious
ideas hardly ever come in ; it tells in naive language the thoughts of people’s hearts. It makes use
of the rhyme of sentence, generally called parallelism when occurring in European poetry. Two
or more sentences are constructed accordingly, and in the corresponding places different words are
inserted. Examples for illustrating this rhyme can be found in Nos. Ill, lY,, YI., YII., YIII., and X.
I am told by Prof. Oonrady of Leipzig and Dr‘, Lanfer that this form of parallelism has been observed
also in Chinese popular poetry. These are two examples taken from No. lY. :
6. ndchung gydve yogkhorla rdes,
7. Ehyogthong gydvai skyedkhorla rdes^
15. gmla rdzespe gmdzes shig tn,
16. ydngla rdzespe ydngdzes shig in*
In many cases the Ladiakhi Dance Song reminds us of Hebrew poetry ; but as the principles of
poetry among these two nationalities are not the same, occasional conformities may be taken to
be a matter of chance. Whilst the Ladakhi rhyme is, as many examples prove, a rhyme of sentence,
the Hebrew form of poetry may be called a rhyme of thought,^
The Dance Song generally also has a metre, which is not of so strict a uniformity as tliat of the
Court Song. In it only the accentuated syllables are counted. The number of the unaccentuated
syllables between them varies from one to three. As regards the accentuated syllables, the number 4
1 Dr. Lanfer also speaks of end-rhymes as occurring in Ladakhi songs, I feel donhtfnl about this. As regards
my practical observations the Laddkhts do not seem to he able to hear end-rhymet at all. At least in my English
class, when studying English poetry, the LaStols could take hold only of the metre ; the poetical form of the. end-
rhyme was entirely lost on them.
8S
THE INBIAH AHTIQUART.
[FfiBKtJAET, 1902.
is predoxrdnant, but not of exclusive occurrence* Though JTo. IV, is a Dance song in particular, all
the other songs, mentioned above (with the exception of No. III.), may be sung at a dance* To show
the exactness of the metric rule, examples may be given from th^ other' songs also,
III. L sdmgul nang ndmgul c6 in lei^
2, jo^a gar sMgssed lei.
Not observed in all verses^ for instance not in 11, 12, 21.
VI* 1, 2, those ndng thonpo gun^
ndmstod gun tliolon^oi^
VII. Kkyerri yddo ngds mi shes^
yddo Tkse'ringshyid ngds mi shes^
mtgsma gdJchai ndro meg,
ddgsa ina solongsed^
X, yuzhung ddgse, mdne sgdngla hingha*
Because the ntanber of the unacccntuated syllables is not limited, suffixes are hardly ever lefjy^
out, and the sentences are complete.
Of the same form as the Dance Song is the Soag Of ths Pairy Tale. In fairy tales direct
speech is generally given in the form of a song.
&. The Wedding Song, — It is a kind of catechism of the fre'Snddhist Beligion of
Ladakh. One verse contains many mythological questions, the next answers all of them. ItS’
language is a more ancient form of the dialect, tot (juite the classical language. Mine of tho
wedding songs were published ante, Vol. XXS., pp, 131 ff.
4=. The Drinking Song ( chang glu ).-^ It is of the same type as the Wedding Song and of a
very different character from what we should call a Drinking Song. It may also be called a eateobism
of the Pre>Baddhist Beligion. At weddings it is the continuation of the Wedding Song but
may be sung at many other feasts too. ’
5. The Pro-Buddhiet Hymn (gling gin ). is of the same type as the Dance Song and-
praises Kesar and other Pre-Buddhist deities; It io snog at the time of the Spring- or Kesar
festival, when everybody exercises himself at archery.
In Song No. X., which is au acrostic, the first tetters of every line afe arranged according
to the order of the Alphabet. In another sofig the first letters of the verses show the Alphabet
in inverted order. This form of poetry might have led to arranging the initials of the lines so
as to represent a name, but I have not yet discovered- such a song.
As r^ards the age of the popular poetry of'Ladakh, I should not have entered into the
quCThon, had not Mr. Hanlon raised it in his paper {Tremattixm of the 9th International Congress
ofOnentaUsts, IL, London, 1893).* According to Mr. Hanlon the whole of the Ladakhi poetry is of
modern origin, the oldest of the songs being about 100-200 years old. He comes to this conclusion
tecause several persons, mentioned in the songs, have actually lived 100-200 years ago. First of all’
Jiecessary to state, that this method of fixing, the age of a LadAkM song is not at all
rehabk. Just as the words of the national anthem ‘ God save the Queen’ were originally ‘ God save
h8dfiS.n?rT"’ “eed not be those the poet
had fir^ put in In some of them the names of the kings and ministers have been altered continually
uu I at present we find in them the present ex-king and ex-minister of LadUkh 1 If at the present
very loyal to. their old royal family, th ey would never think of composing ironical songs regarding it.
FebrtjarTj 1902 ]
89
LADAKHI SONGS.
Such songs can only be explained as having been handed down from ancient times and adapted to
the present members of the once famous family.
But there are certain ideas occurring in some of the songs, which suggest a very high antiquity.
Thus, as has already been mentioned, the Wedding and Drinking Songs treat of the probably Pre-
Buddhist Keligion of Ladfikh.
The orthography of the Ladakhi and Purig dialects has always kept as near to that of the
biX)k-language as possible. As to the verb, the idea of the Ladakhis is that its stem agrees fully with
the perfect stem of the classical language, though in reality there are many exceptions. For this reason
all the silent prefixed letters which the classical perfect stem shows, are written with the Ladakhi
verb, even when used for the present and future tenses. I thought I had better succumb to this
general custom, and thus the orthography of my songs is in accordance with the orthography of
modern Ladakhi letter-writing.
Song No. I. — The King’s Garden at Leh.
Text,
1. bkrashis phunsumthsogspas
2. bde Idan karbzoi skyed thsal
S. ma bzhengs Ihundu ’agrub byung
4. thsangs sras nyimai phobrang
5. gung ysal nam mkfaai Itongsnas
6. nyi zlai ydugs dang Idan byung
7. ngo mthsar dgabai Itadmo
8. yzabkhang kaba zung Idan
9. nangna senggei khrii steng
10. yiiya khri btsanpoi ydung brgyud
11. chos rgyal thse dpal yum sras
12. zhabs pad bskal brgya brtancig
13. Ijonshing stargai stengna
14. ’adab chags pho moi ysungs snyaii
15. ’ogna stag shar ’adzompos
16. bkrashis skyidpai glu dbyangs.
bstod thsigs ’adi karbzoi yzabkhangla slel blon
dngos grub bstan ’adzingyis brispai dge.
Notes.
2.-^ Karhso means “ risen by itself,” see dic-
tionary karlangba ; shgedthsal = principal garden,
see also shyedsgo,
4, Thsangs sras, holy sons, name of the gods
(lhas).
5. LtongSy a high point (here zenith).
13. Ljonshing, the tree of paradise, any
beautiful tree*
According to Dr. Lanfer’s criticism in Wiener
ZeiiSGhr, /. d* Kunde d, MorgenL XY. p. 98-107,
this song consists 6f four strophes of four verses
each. As regards the translation of vv, 10, 12,
14 and 15, I ^m indebted to Dr. Lanfer’s sug-
gestions.
Translation.
1. Through perfect good fortune
2. The happiness containing garden harhzo
3. Not being built, was completed by itself.
4. It is the house of the gods and the sun,
5. Having in the zenith of the clear sky
6. Sun and moon like umbrellas, so it arose.
7. It is a wonderfully pleasing sight.
8. It is like a fine room with pairs of pillars,
9. Within on the lion’s throne
10. Sits yNya khri bstanpo’s family.
11. That is Ohosrgyal Thsedpal with mother
and son.
12. May their feet on the lotus stand 100 Icalpas !
13. On this magnificent high nut tree
1 4. Male and female birds sing melodious songs.
15. Underneath the youths, having gathered,
16. Sing a song of happiness and welfare.
This song of praise was written by the Leh
Minister dNgosgrub Ibstan’adzin in the fine
castle within the harbzo garden.
Notes.
10. yNya Tchri bstanpo is the name of the first
king of Ladakh.
11. The King’s name means ‘ religious king,
glory of the time,’
12. Ealpa, a fabulous period of time, at least
100,000 years. Skr.
13. The royal family is compared with this
high walnut tree, under whose shelter happiness
dwells ; walnut trees do not grow in Leh. 9. The
lion’s throne points to the King’s castle, which
was built in the middle of the garden. This
garden is at the present time the British Joint
Commissioner’s grounds in Leh.
90
THE INDIA!?? ANTIQUARY,
[February, 1902.
Song No. II. — The Aristocracy of Stock.
Text. Translation,
1.
’'adi phyi kmigyi ytsag rgyan
1.
The great protector (amulet) in this and in
future life,
drincan rtsabai blama
2.
The gracious lama, the root [of the teaching] ,
nam kua thugs rje ’agyur med
3.
He is of everlasting unchangeable mercy.
4.
mthsungs med dpal Idau ’abrugpa
4.
There is no equal to dPaldan, the red monk.
5.
dgung sngon mkhanas shar byuug
5.
[Just asj out of the blue sky there rises
6 .
dro ’ajam rta bdun rgyalpo
6,
The warm and mild king (sun) with his seven
horses,
7.
mi dbang thse dpal riiam rgyah
7.
So Mi dBang thsedpal rnamrgyal (the
king)
8,
’adzam gling mun sel sgroiime
8.
Is the lamp, which illuminates ’aDzamtou
gling.
9.
chos srid ’akhorlo bsgyur mkhas
9.
Reigning religiously and turning the wheel
wisely
10.
Iha sras thse dbang rab brtan
10,
Is the god’s son Thsedbang rabbrtan (the
king's brother),
11.
bsara ’apliel dbanggi rgyalpo
11.
The king of thoughtful power.
12.
skye dgui reba bskang byung
12.
[In him] the hopes of many creatures are
fulfilled.
IB,
gapur bsil ^zer ’aphrobai
13.
Issuing cool beams like camphor
14.
uya rgyas zilcan mkhanpo
14.
Is the bright full moon, so is the abbot.
15.
lha loam dpal radzes dbangmo
15.
The godly queen dPal mdzes dbangmo
16,
nam mkhai ktimnd ’abai byung
16.
Flourishes like a heavenly lotus.
17.
lugs ynyis brgyadcui khrims skyong.
17.
She is the upholder of the eighty kinds of
the two-fold custom.
18.
mnga ’abangs phan bdei skyong mkhas
18.
The wise protector of the welfare of all
subjects
19.
dgung blon thse dbang dongrub
19.
Is the prime minister Thsedbang
dongrub.
20.
ladrags yongskyi mdzes rgyan
20.
He is the joy of all Ladakh.
2i.
gongma bdagpoi bka lung
21.
The prophecies of this high master,
22.
ci bsam don bzbin ’agrub byung
22.
Whatever he thinks, is fulfilled according
to its meaning.
23,
lhag bsam zhaltsii ’od dkar
23.
The white light of advice of superior thought
24,
nangso dbang grags dpal rgyas
24.
Is the castle warden dBang grags dpal
rgyas.
25.
’ lha dmag ’adzompos bzhengspai
25.
The multitude of the god’s having gathered,
built
26.
’acbi med lhai pbobrang
26.
The castle of the never dying gods,
27.
tog mkhar bkrashis yyang chags
27,
The Castle of Stock, where blessing and
welfare grows.
28.
ngo mthsar Ihundu grub byung
28.
It was completed in a wonderful way with-
out man’s work.
29.
mi dbang yab yum sras be as
29,
King Mi dbang, father, mother and child.
.30.
bskal brgyar zhabs pad brtancig
30.
May your feet on the lotus stand 100 kalpaa 1
31,
chab srid lo ’adab rgyas shig
31.
May your reign grow like leaves (in spring)
32,
phunthsogs dbang phyuggi smonlam.
32.
That is Phunthsog dbang phyug’s
prayer.
February, 1902,]
LADAKHI SONHS.
D1
Notes.
1. yTsug rgyan, amulet, worn on the head ;
Dr. Laiifer translates it by ‘head-ornament;’
however, in Ladakhi this is always an amulet.
8. Namgun = namsang^ always.
4. 'ahrugpa, name o£ one of the principal red
sects,
8. ^adzam gling = ^adzambiigliug ,
16. Kumud = Kumuda, Lotus, Skr.
19 . dgung blon^ respectful for bhahlov , minister.
*21. hWa lung, respectful for lunghHan, pro-
phecy ; Dr. Lanfer suggests ‘ orders.’
24. JSfangso, he who takes care of the inside
(of a house), the steward.
27. Tog, ancient name of the village of
Stock, means ‘ the top.’ Cliags is originally a
verb ‘to produce,’ here it must be taken as a
substantive ‘ the producer,’ ‘ the source.’
28. Lhundu, by itself.
81, Chabsrid, respectful for srid, government ;
lo 'adah, comp. cop. of loma and 'adah, means
‘ all leaves.’
Song No. III. ■
Text.
1. sa ’agul nang nam ’agul coy in lei
2. jopa gar shagssed lei
3. yul dkyilgyi shagaranla
4. jopa polola shagssed lei
5. cigtan grongugi shagaranla
6. khanpa polola shagssed lei
7. gyen gyenni gyenpola
8. jopas graphog cig sailed lei
9. thur thurri thurpola
10. jopas halka rig srangnged lei
11. dga mkhan thsocig jopas ’athad chuggiii
’akhyongnged lei
12. mi dga mkhan thsocig jopas thser chuggin
’akhyongnged lei
18. yarri chibs chenpoi thogla
14. jo yarang yaspai mentog
3 5. yarri chibs chen ’olla rting dkarri thogla
16. yarang cospai chagbu
17. asta nangla gong yoggi
18. yarang sgompai phali yod lei
19. ’adin ’adi mdun bzangcanpola
20. mii khamo bzanpo
21. bka blon raim khanla lob stong thse
sminshig lei*
Notes.
4. dPalldan means ‘ having glory.’
6. The Indian Haritas.
7. The king’s name means ^Lord of men,
glorious time, king of all.’
8. ^aDzamhu gling one of the Buddhist conti-
nents, about Asia ; it is the Indian Jambudvipa.
9. ‘ Turning the wheel of religion,’ Buddhist
term for studying religion.
10. The name means ‘ power of time, excellent
firmness.’
15. The name means ‘ beautiful glory.’
17. Refers to the clerical and temporal juris-
diction,
19. The name means ‘ power of time, fulfiller
of the aim.’
24. The name means ‘ strong power, spread-
ing glory.’
29. Only the first part of the name is given,
for full name see 7.
32. The poet’s name means, ‘ the perfect one,
rich of power.’
As regards the translation of vv. 2 and 17, 1 am
indebted to Dr. Lanfer’s suggestions.
. The Polo Song.
Translation.
1 . With an earthquake we shall shake the sky
2. Where goes our Master ?
8. To the Polo ground in the middle of the
village.
4. There goes our Master to play Polo.
5. To the Polo ground of the Village Cigtan
6. There goes our Khan to play Polo.
7. In the uppermost p^rt (of the Polo ground)
8. Our Master hits the ball in the air.
9. In the lowest part (of the Polo ground)
10. Our Master hits it straight through the goal.
11. There our Master brings [the ball] to please
his friends.
12. There the Master brings [the baU] to grieve
the enemies.
13. There on your high horse
14. You are like a flower in bloom.
15. There on your high black horse with white
hind feet
16. You are like a bunch of flowers.
17. Of the upper and lower part of the village
18. , You are the protecting shield.
19. Thus before your excellent presence
20. There is a good rumour,
21. A lifetime of 1000 years may ripen for
Bairn Khan, tlie Minister.
92
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[February, 1902.
Notes.
1. Nanff, governs the accusative in Purig,
and is used as a suffix of the Locative and instru-
mental. Dr. Lanfer together with Mr. Hanlon
translates this verse by ‘the earth is quaking,
the heavens thundering.’ However, the natives
understand this verse in the above given sense :
‘ With an earthquake we shall make a shaking of
the sky.’
2. Shagssed, present tense of gshegspa,
3. Shagarmi, Purig for polo-ground.
6. Kkanpa, the Turki Khan ; Mr. Hanlon has
mkhanpo instead. I do not believe in the origin-
ality of Trikhanpo^ because the title Ichan or hhanpa
is very common among Muhamedan Purigpas.
8. Graphog^ at the beginning of a new game
one of the players throws the ball in the air in
full gallop and hits it with the stick.
10. Hal, halha, goal, srangnged, present tense
of sroriffba, pass straight through,
18. Tani, contraction of garrangngi, Purig
for fiyerangngi, your.
15. Olltx == olha, black.
17. Asia, a certain part of the village (Purig).
18. Shompa in Purig has the meaning of
protect.
19. ’aDm ^adi ^ ^adi adi = thus.
20. Khamo = fame,
21. Lob stong = 1,000 years, with a word
loh, year, instead of lo, I have met also in several
other connections.
Notes.
15. Horses are of different value according
to their colour, those described in v. 1 5 are about
the most valuable.
The tune of this song is played at- every game
of Polo in Ladakh.
Of this song several different versions seeni to
exist. The above version was brought from the
actual Village of Cigtan, belonging to Purig.
Mr. Hanlon’s version, which apparently was
taken down in Chushod near Leh, mentions a
certain rGyaripa instead of Raim Khan (v. 21).
Song No. IV. — The Gtoldsmith (a Dance Song .
Text.
let party.
1. yser mgar mkhaspai blugs 1st party.
phorpai nangna
2. 7ser nang ragan thsang cig
yod lei
3. 7ser Ring rgyalpoi khognor
rig yin lei
4. lagan nganpa thangla skyur
2nd party. 5. thaingia ma skyur sdig re che
lei
6. nachung brgyabai jogkhorla
brdzes
7. khyogthong brgyabai skyed-
khoda brdzes.
2nd party.
Translation.
1. In the melting pot of the
clever goldsmith
2. There is gold and brass*
together.
3. The gold is the life-wealth of
the king.
4. The bad brass throw on the
plain !
5. Do not throw it on the plain,
it would be a great sin.
6. Fasten it to the yoghhor of
hundred [poor] girls.
?. Fasten it to the girdle of
hundred [poor] youths.
Febb0ARY, 190*2.]
la.dak:hi soisiGS .
93
1st party. 8.
9.
10 .
11 .
dngal mgar rakhaspai bliiga
phorpai iiangna
dngiil iiaiig ronya tlisang cig
yod lei
dngal ning rgyalpoi khognor
rig yin lei
ronya ngaiipa tliangla skyur
2nd party.
12. thanglama skyur sdig re die
lei
13. nacliiing brgyabai yogkborla
brdzes
14. khyogthong brgyabai skyed-
khorla brdzes
15. knnla brdzespai knn brdzes
skig yin
16. yangla brdzespai yang brdzes
sMg yin.
Notes.
2. Nang^ within the gold there is brass, they
are mixed.
B. Rig — cig^ indefinite article.
5. Re, assumes here as sometimes in Piirig
^he meaning of the indefinite artide.
1st party. 8.
9.
10 .
11 .
2nd party. 12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
In the melting pot of the
cdever silversmith
There is silver and lead
together.
Silver is the life-wealth of the
king.
The bad lead throw on the
plain.
Do not throw it on the plain !
It would be a great sin !
Fasten it to the yoglihor of
100 [poor] girls !
Fasten it to the girdle of
100 [poor] youths !
It is a general ornament to be
used by many,
It is a most general ornament
to be used by many more.
Notes.
6. Yoghhor == lower wrappings, name of the
sheep skin, which is worn over the shoulders,
formerly it may have been wrapped round the
waist.
1 .
%
3.
4.
5.
6 .
7.
6 .
9 .
10 .
11 .
12 .
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
Song No. V. — Tlie Alehi Monastery.
Text.
bde skyid phun sum thsogspas 1 .
bzangpoi rten ’abrel ’agrig song 2.
blamai thngskyi smonlam 3.
bzangpoi rten ’abrel ’agrig song 4.
skam shing lo ’adabs rgyas song 5.
thugskyi rgya mthso legs byung 6.
bsgrub tbabs yzabmoi dgonpa 7.
ladvags yongskyi cbos skor 8.
ka ydung sengge yzong bsgrubs 9.
rimo nor ’adzin ptoa 10.
zhalchad brtanpoi chos sriiiig 11.
ming grags rdo rje chenmo 12.
ming grags rdo rje cheiimos 13.
bstanpa yul srung mdzocl cig 14.
yul ngos yongskyi yzabmoi 15.
bstanpas yul srung mdzod cig 16.
byang chub shinglas rkos bsgrubs 17.
sgo bsgrigs yongskyi' yzabmo 18.
Translation.
Through the most perfectly happy circum-
stances
The good auspices were fulfilled.
Through the spiritual prayers of the Lamas
The good auspices were fulfilled.
Green leaves came out of the dry wood.
The spiritual ocean has been blessed.
The carefully built monastery is completed.
All Ladakhis may make the meritorious
circumambulation.
With the chisel lion-like pillars were formed.
[Also] pictures and treasure-holding book-
shelves.
The promise -keeping protector of religion
Is the famous great thunderbolt.
Oh, famous great thunderbolt.
Protect the country through the teaching !
Through a careful teaching in all directions
Protect the country 1
From the wood of the holy fig tree sculp-
tures were cut.
The folding doors more carefully tham any
other.
94
THE AHTIQTJAET.
[Febkttaey, 1902.
19. 7yas bzhugs ^sergyi blonpo
20. 7J011 bzbugs yum ni Iba mdzes
21. skyil bkruug sa dang bsnyams bzliag
22. sbag tbub bstanpai nyima
23. yul ngos yongskyi 7zabmor
24. rdo rje 7dangyi 7nas bzbugs
25. nyima sharnas pbebs song
2G. blamai slobma mam ynyis
27. dbus ytsang 7zbungnas pbebspas
28. drung rams tbse brtaii rnam 7nyis
29. rnam 7nyis mtbar phyin bsgrubs byung
30. rnam snang yserla bsgrubs byung
31. cbos nyid dadpai ngangnas
32. bka 'agyur bstan ’agyur pbebs byung
S3, glu dbyangs rkyengyis ma rdzogs
34. bka 'agyur rim ynyis bsgrubs byung
85. alci dad Man bud ined
36, bio sems chosla sgrubs mdzod.
19. There on tbe right side sits the golden
(rich) minister.
20. On the left sits mother IHa-mdzes
21. On the plain ground with pious attitude.
22. Buddha, the sun of the teaching,
23. Dwells better than in any other country,
24. On the place of the thunderbolt’s throne.
25. From the east came
2G. The disciple of the Lamas, the two-fold way
27. Arrived from the middle of dBusgtsang,
28. The doctor Thsefortan [with the] xwo-iold
way.
29. [Through] the two-fold way the salvation
was fulfilled.
30. It was fulfilled to the golden Dhyani
Buddha.
31. Out of (through) the great faith into reli-
gion itself
32. The holy scriptures and the commentaries
have arrived.
33. With songs
34. The two endless rows of the scriptures were
finished.
36. Oh, thou believing Alex, unceasingly
36. Fulfill with heart and soul the religious
teachings.
IJotes.
10. P'atra, originally ‘ begging bowl ’ Skr., is
Used for any religious receptacle, here book cases ;
but probably, as I am told by Prof. Dr. Leumann,
tue Indian pattra, leaf, book, is meant.
11. 7'Dorje’-chenmo. seems to be Plnjagrdoi\
one of tbe Ladakhi popular Boddhisattvas.
21. sKyUhhining, a religious posture ; a man
whom I asked to sit down in this position, also
folded his fingers in a religious way.
22. Shagthuh^ the powerful sliaglcya^ comp,
determ,
26. The first edition contained a mistake :
rnams was given instead of rnam.
Song ISTo, VI. —
Text.
, 1. mtliosai nang mthonpo kun
2. ynain stod kun mtholoiipo
3. by a rgyal meiiiie idingspa rig min ’adug
4. dbyar zla ysum ysum ci yasnayang gang
yas
6. dbyar zla ysum menne mentog wa med
: Notes.
9. According to Dr. Lanfer’s suggestion the
word seiigge^ lion, probably refers to sculptures,
showing lions’ heads. Perhaps he is right ; but
people understand it to mean * strong like lions.’
19. The man who chiefly built the monastery,
20. His wife.
26. This two-fold way is, as I am told, the
hKo- 'agyur and the hsTan ’agyur,
33. Because singing of religious songs is also
considered to be meritorious.
34. This line may refer to the fact that the
whole of the bKa *agyur was copied and thus two
endless rows of books were obtained.
?3ie Joy of youth.
Translationi.
1. Thehigli ones (live) in high places.
2. Into all the heights of tlie sky
3. Besides the king of birds none flics.
4. During the three summer mouths, whatever.
can bloom, blooms.
6. Except ill the three summer months, oh
there are no flowers.
Febeuart, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
95
6. mi thse ycig cig meime bomo iiga amala
med lei
7. mi tlise yoig cigpo ci skyiduayang gang
skyid lei
8. mi tbse yeig cigpo ci yyangsiiayang gang
yyangs sliig.
Notes.
2. After him a silent nang, corresponding to
tLe first line must be supposed.
S. lower Ladaklii iov mannas, besides;
Iflingspa means originally to soar; min aclug :
the silent of 'adug is sounded as a nasal, as is
often the case,
7. Shy id must here be taken for a verb
corresponding to gangs.
6. Besides this one life-time I shall not
belong to my mother.
7. In this one life-time, whatever can be
happy, is happy.
8» Enjoy this one life-time as ever you can
enjoy it.
Notes.
6. Dr. Lanfer remarks that the proper transla-
tion would be ‘ I, the girl, do not belong to my
mother.’ He is quite right.
Song No. VII, — Tlie Beautifal Thseringskyid.
Text.
Translation.
First girl. 1. ngari yado ma mthongssa wa
yado thseringskyid ma
mthongssa.
Second girl, khyeri yado ngas mi shes
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes
sgobongs yserla bzhangs-
mkhan meg
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
First girl. 2. ngari yado ma mthongssa wa
yado thseringskyid ma
mthongssa.
Second girl* khyeri yado ngas mi shes
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes
ski'alo, yyubai rgya Icang meg
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
First girl. 3. ngari yado ma mthongsba wa
yado thseringskyid ma
mthongssa.
Second girl, khyeri yado ngas mi shes
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes
dpalpa bco Ingai zlaba meg
First girl. 1, Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen my com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Second girl. Your companion I do not
know,
Your companion Thsering-
skyid I do not Icnow.
A girl, whose body was built
as of gold
^Vas passing by here just now.
First girl. 2. Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen my com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Second girl. Your companion I do not
know.
Thseringskyid I do not know.
A girl with a mass of matted
hair [full of] turquoises
AYas passing by here just now.
First girl. 3. Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen my com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Second girl. Your companion 1 do not
know,
Thseringskyid I do not know.
A gild, glorious like the moon
on the 15th
Was passing by here just now.
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
96
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Eebbuart, 1902.
First girl. 4.
Second girl.
First girl, 5.
Second girl.
First girl. 6.
Second girl.
First girl, 7,
Second girl.
Another S.
person.
ngari yado iiia mtliongssa \Ya
yado tliseringskyid nia
mtliongssa
khyeri yado iigas mi shea
yado thseringskyid iigas mi
shes
mig sma kakhai iiaro meg
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
ngari yado ma mthongssa
yado thseringskyid ma
mthongssa
khyeri yado ngas mi shes
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes
sozho bar nang mntig meg*
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
ngari yado ma mthongssa wa
yado thseringskyid ma
mthongssa
khyeri yado ngas mi shes
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes
skyeJpa rdo rje drillu meg
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
ngari yado ma mthongssa wa
yado thseringskyid ma
mthongssa
khyeri yado ngas mi shes
yado thseringskyid ngas mi
shes
sikims rkyarg zhud sal
mkhan meg
dagsa ’adina solongssed.
khyozha thsangka ahipi re
ngazhai khangpala cila yongs.
First girl, 4.
Second girl.
First girl. 5
Second girl.
First girl. 6
Second girl.
First girl. 1
Second girl.
Another 8.
ppi^son.
Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen my com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Your companion I do not
know,
Thseringskyid I do not know.
A girl with eyebrows like the
0 of the (Tibetan) Ali^habet
^Vas passing by here just now.
. Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen ray com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Y'our companion I do not
know,
Thseringskyid I do not kimw.
A girl with teeth like curdled
milk and pearls
W as passing by here just now.
. Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen my com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Your companion I do not
know,
Thseringskyid I do not know.
A girl with a waist like a
monastery bell
Was passing by here just now-
. Have you not seen my com-
panion ?
Have you not seen my com-
panion Thseringskyid ?
Yonr companion I do not
know,
Thseringskyid I do not know.
A girl, who is spinning a silk
thread,
W as passing by here just now.
You all belong to the shoe-
maker casiie,
Why did you come to my
house ?
February, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
97
Notes.
1. N'gari and Tchyeri are Lower Ladakhi
abbreviations of ngarangngi and Tchyeclrang^igi ;
sgobongs = sgoho^ body ; oneg = ma ig =
mazhig ; solongssed = songs sed = songste yod^
has gone ; lo is inserted only for creating one
more syllable.
4. Migsma =-. sminma, eye-brow.
5. Har is either pearls of a rosary or as in
Lower Ladakhi = white as if never used.
6. rDorje-drillu, a bell dedicated to tbe
Eoddhisattva Phyagrdor.
7. Stktms = silk from Sikim. rhyangzhud =
j-kyangshud.
8. Shipi the shoe-maker caste of Purig.
Since the first publication of this song I have
discovered four more verses with the following
new lines : —
(a) ossko choskyi poti meg dagsa ’adina
solongssed,
(h) khurthsogs padmai mentog meg, etc.
(c) siiakhung zangskyi puri meg, etc.
(d) Icemo dargyi mdudma meg, etc.
Notes.
(h) khurthsogs == khurthsos.
Notes,
The whole is not to be taken seriously, the
girls are teasing each other ; all the same, the
description of the girl who had passed by, is
in accordance with the Ladakhi ideal of beauty.
Dr, Lanfer is of opinion that the companion
Thseringskyid, who is asked for, was a boy.
But d hseringslcyid is a name for girls.
Or ‘ hair like a willow.’
3. On the fifteenth of the Tibetan month there
ought to be full-moon.
8. This verse is either part of a different song,
or it may be taken to express : — “ Now we have
had enough of this nonsense, go away 1 ”
(a) A girl with a chin like a pile of religious
books was passing by here just now,
(b) A girl with cheeks, red like a lotus-flower,
etc.
(c) A girl with nostrils like a copper tube, etc.
(d) A girl with a tongue like a silken knot, etc.
Notes.
It looks like the
Text.
(a) refers to a double-chin,
folds of many books.
Song No. VIII. — Secret Xiove.
Translation.
Tlie girl says : 1. spangla spang gongma
spang
2. gongma spangla mentog
yassed
3. wa yadopa
4. yzugscan yassed wa yadopa
5. mentog sclus shig yadopa
6. yzugscan sdus shig jamad-
sag
7. lag nang sduna mentog
Idudpa chen
8. sems nang sduste mentog
yidla tog wa
9, sems nang sduste mentog
yidla bor.
Notes.
6. Jamadsag is said to mean ‘together,’
‘ gather together,’ see No. X., note.
7. IDudpa^ Lower Ladakhi for ruffled, faded.
The girl says : 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
6 .
7.
8 .
9.
On the meadow, on the
upper meadow,
On the upper meadow there
is a flower in bloom.
Halla, my boy !
A flower of very fine shape is
in bloom there, my boy !
Gather the flower, my boy.
Gather the well-shaped,
flower !
If you gather it with your
hand, it will fade.
Gather it with your soul and
keep it (fasten it) in your
mind !
Gather it with your soul and
keep it in your mind 1
Notes.
98
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[February, 1902.
Song N. IX. — The A B Co Song.
Text.
k
1.
bka dag semskyi ynas lugs
kh
2.
kha Itar drimed cbos sku
E
3.
gana bltas kyang mdzes byung
ng
4,
ngayi rang sems ’adika
c
5.
caco chosla bsgyur kyang
ch
6.
cha lugs yid dang mtlmnpar
i
7.
ja chang mebodpa mchodgin
8.
nyara semsla mdzod dang
t
9.
talai thugskyi ’od 7 zer
th
10.
mtbamar semsla ’apbogna
d
11.
dalta yidkyis rtogsna
n
12.
na rga ’achiba mi ’adug
P
13.
dpabo shagkya chenpo
ph
14.
pharoi nyon mongs kagnon
b
15.
ba glaiig bzhindu ma nyal
m
16.
ma yyengs dranpa skyong zbig
ts
17.
rtsa phran ba spui buga
tbs
18.
mtbsan Idan blamai dkyil ’akbor
dz
19.
mdzabo rang sems ’adika
w
20.
walei ngangla zhog dang
zh
21,
zhva Itar rtenpai blamas
z
22.
zagmed mebodpa ’abulaa
’a
23.
’ala thsorbai ’adu shes
y
24.
ya mtbsan semskyi Itadmo
r
25.
rarva Itabui sems brgyud
1
26.
la ’ur thulbai dpabo
sh
27.
bshad sgrol dus snyoms mdzod dang
s
28.
sa lam myurdu sgrub cig
h
29.
balarigpai rang ’agrol
a
30.
ama xdo rje phagmo
31.
yum chen kyed dang nga -ynyis
32.
’adu ’abral medpar shog cig.
Notes.
1 4. Kagno n in Lower Ladakhi mean s hinderer.
23. MZa is an exclamation.
, 29. Kola-rig is a name of sPganras gzigs,
25, 26. Dr. Lanfer translates as follows: —
* The soul of the speedily conquering hero is in
almost intoxicated condition.’ But as this
translation necessitates seyeral alterations of the
text and is not in agreement with the people’s
conception of it, I cannot accept it.
(Acrostic.)
Translation.
1. The disposition of the teacher’s soul
2. Is pure like snow, his transient body
3. Is beautiful, wherever you look at it,
4. This my own soul,
5. Though it agrees with religion as regards
speech,
6. May my behaviour also agree with my
mind !
7. When bringing the offerings of tea and
beer,
8. Give that I may take care of my soul !
9. When the clear light of the Dalai Lama’s spirit
10. Finally touches the soul,
11. All that at present I perceive in my souk
12. Illness, old age, death, become nothing.
13. The great and powerful Shakya
14. Is the hinderer of misery in the other world.
15. Do not sleep like an ox,
16. Unchangingly, watch your soul 1
17. The fine arteries have pores.
18. Excellent is the sphere of the Lama.
19. Friend I Also your own soul
20. Keep in clearness !
21. When the Lama to whom J stick, as to my
cap,
22. Brings a spotless offering,
28. Oh to have this sight (perception)
24. Is a wonderful spectacle for the soul,
25. Oh mankind, with hearts like the wind !
26. Oh, thou hero, who subduest even a passing
storm
27. Teach and at the same time explain (thy
teaching) I
28. Fulfil quickly the path of perfection,
29. The Self-salvation of sPyanras yzigs !
30. Oh, mother rDorje Phagmo
31. Oh, great mother, thou and I,
32. May we without any separation always
remain united !
Notes,
9. This verse proves, that the name of Dalai
Lama is not perfectly unknown to Ladakhis.
17, 18. The translation of these lines is by
Dr. Lanfer.
29, The Boddhisatfcyas name means ‘ Sees
with a clear eye.’
30. The mother’s name means ‘ sow thuu^
derbolt.’
IFebeuaet, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
99
Song Ho. X — The Bride^s Earewell.
Text.
1. 7yu zliungbo btagse mane sgangla
bingba
2. kbrug dkarpo btagse mane sgaagla
bingba
skyespai pba ma bsamse loggia loggin
bltaspin
4. mnyampai jamad kiin bsamse pkyi mig
logste bltaspin.
Hotes.
1. Se = ste, gerundial termination in Purig ;
mane, a stone wall covered with stones bearing
the inscription Om mam padme hum,
2. Khrug dhir is a turquoise of a very light -
blue colour.
4. Jamad friends = jama^ad^ Hindustani for
* company.’
Translation.
1. The little turquoises being fastened, we
arrived (came out) on the hill with the
mane.
2, The bright turquoises being fastened, we
arrived on the hill with the mane.
3, I thought of father and mother, to whom I
was born, and I looked back again and
again.
4. I thought of the friends, with whom I was
together, and I looked back.
Notes.
The bride generally receives many of the tur-
quoises, w’hich her mother had worn, on the
wedding day.
1. yyu zliung = jyu chiing, little turquoises.
I am inclined to believe that Jaschke’s name of
the forget-me-not ought to be spelled yyu zhung
metog, not yyu y zhung metog.
Song Ho. XI. — Tlie Three Seasons,
Text,
1. chagsaed wa chagssed yser mdog rig
chagssed lei
2. ston ni ston zla yaumpo yser mdog rig cbags
3. ohagsaed wa cbagssed yyu mdog rig chagssed
lei
4. dbyar ni dbyar zla ysumpo yyu mdog rig
chags
5. ohagssed wa chagssed dung mdog rig
chagssed lei
6. dgun ni dgun zla ysumpo dung mdog rig
chags
7. dung mdog chags na yul chung pacarii bsod
bde.
Hotes.
1. Chagssed^ present tense of chagsces.
Translation.
1. There grows, oh there grows, there grows a
golden shade.
2. In autumn, in the three months of autumn,
there grows a golden shade.
3. There grows, oh there grows, there grows a
turquoise shade.
4. During summer, during the three months of
summer, there grows a turquoise shade.
5. There grows, oh there grows, there grows a
pearl-white shade.
6. During winter, during the three months of
winter, there grows a pearl-white shade.
7. If it grows pearl-white, it is for the welfare
of the little village of Pacari.
Hotes.
3. If the green colour of vegetation in summer
i« compared with that of a turquoise, it looks
rather, as if the Ladakhis could not see any
difference between green and blue. The idea is,
that if in winter much snow has fallen, the water
for irrigating the fields will not run short.
According to Dr. Lanfer’s suggestion the idea
of three seasons only, instead of four, may have
been imported from India,
100
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Feerdary, 1902,
Song No. XII. — Tlie Brahman Beggar.
Test,
1, sliarri khacul yzliimgaa tainashii yod lei
ci moiled bramzele
2. sala mentog yang ’adziii tamaslia yod lei
gang moiled bramzele
15, siiarri khaciil yzbiingna bras dkar’oilo yod
lei
ci moiled bramzele.
Notes.
1. 3. Sliarri = shahr, town, Hindust. ;
famdsha, Hindustani for show, festivaL
2. Yang^addn, a certain flower of Kashmir ;
which, people cannot tell.
3. ^oUo, milk*white, coni23are 'Olgonrj in “ The
Golden Boy.’^
Song No. XIII
Test.
1. atabai skyin sabai nangna
2. skyin chen brgya dang stong bsdussed
3. Iha klu kun ma ’athadna su ’athad hidug
4. yzhi bdag kim ma ’athadna su ’athad ’adog
5. ruba khyerri chongla ’adug
6. spukha khyerri yserla ’adug.
7. atabai dan sabai nangna
8. daiimo brgya dang stong bsdussed
9. lha klu menne su ’athad ’adug
19. yzhi bdag menne su ’athad ’adug
1 1. ruba khyerri chongla ’adug
1 2, spukha khyerri yserla ’adug.
Translation.
1. In the middle of the town of Kashma
there is a festival.
What do you say [to that], oh Brahman ?
2. On the ground there is the festival of the
yang^adzin flower !
What do you say [to that], oh Brahman ?
S. In the town of Kashmir there is milk-white
rice !
What do you say [to that] , oh Brahman ?
Notes.
Brahmans, on their pilgrimage to the source of
the Indus, often pass through Ladakh and ask
alms from the people. The Ladakhis, who can-
not understand the Brahman’s aims, ask, if they
had not better stay in Kashmir, where there is so
much better food and pleasure.
. — The Ibex.
Translation.
1. In my father’s place of (hunting) the ibex.
2. There gather hundreds and thousands of
large ibex.
3. If the lhas and hluB do not enjoy (this
spectacle) who would enjoy it ?
4. If the deities do not enjoy it, who would
enjoy it !
5. The horns are thy canielian ornament,
6 The colour of the hair is thy gold.
7 111 my father’s place of (hunting) the female
ibex
8 There gather hundreds and thousands of
female ibex.
9. Besides the IhaB^ and hlus, who enjoys [this
spectacle] ?
10, Besides the deities who enjoys [this spec-
tacle] ?
11, The horns are thy carnellan ornament,
12, The colour of the hair is thy gold.
Notes.
I. Aia, father, in Lower Ladakh, Purig and
Baltist^n. 4. yzMhdag = owner of the ground,
local deities. 5. Chong, beads, made of canielian
stone. Khyerri = hhyedrangvgi, thine. 9, 10*
yienne = mannas, besides.
Notes.
3. Lha, a god, hlu, a water-spirit, pre-Buddhiat
godling. The meaning is that man hardly ever
visits those regions and therefore cannot enjoy
the spectacle. 5, 6, 11, 12 are addressed to the
ibex. 11, Also the female ibex has small horns.
February, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
101
Song Ko. XIV* —
Text.
1- rgyabri shel dkar mchod rierx
2. mdunna 7yii mthso sngonpo
3. mth’a na metog ’abar byung
4. phayul skyid mnyam chags
5. mth’a na yser cben *abar byung
6. shel mkhar ’oina 'akhyil byung
7. yasteiig rtsena bzhugspa
8. rtsebai rtse lha snyanpo
9. brtses rgyallu gar skyodna
10. lhayis sku srung mdzod dang
11. mi dbang sde skyong rnam rgyalla
12. thseyi dngos grub stsol dang
13. nomo3 mospai blama
14. lha khang lha bris ’adra
15. bzangmos mospai blama
16. lha khang lha bris ’adra
17. dam thsig ytsangmai ngang dang
18. dkon mchogla mchodpa ’abul
19. dam thsig ytsangmai ngang dang
20. Dgau slongla sbyinpa ytoiig.
Notes.
This song was composed after the fashion of
the court song, but the metre is not always strictly
observed. 14, Lhahris^ the written god, a
picture of a god. 11. The name of the prince
means ‘power of men, protector of the nation,
iig of all.’
Song No. XV. — Harvest
Text.
AIL 1. zhag nang skarma ’adzomsj
yod
meutog Itanmo lei.
2. skarma rgyal stod sharbai
zhag yod
nientog Itanmo lei.
3. yar ngoi bco Inga gangbai
zhag
mentog Itanmo lei.
First party. 4, mentog Itanmo gangnas shags
The Girl of StLeh.
Translation.
1. On the hill in the back there is the mChocl
rten of white crystal.
2. In the front tlicre is the lake, blue like a
turquoise.
3. On the shore flowers are in bloom.
4. They grow in my tatherlaud togetlier with
its fortune.
5. On the shore large yellow flowers are in
bloom.
6. In the Oastle of Sheh the milk flows.
7. On the high summit there lives
8 The well speaking lha of the summit.
9. Wherever our gracious prince goes,
lU. Oh Iha^ protect his life 1
11. To Midbang sdeakyong rnamrgyal
12. Give blessing during his lifetime !
13. The Lamaj who is loved by the girl
14. Is like a picture of the gods in the temple.
15. The Lama, who is loved by bZangmo
21. Is like a picture of the gods in the temple.
76. With pure and holy words
18. Bring offerings to God !
19. With pure and holy words
lO. Give alms to the poor I
Notes.
1. mChod rte^j a Ladakhi stnpa. 2. There
used to be a lake in front of the Castle of
Sheh. 6. Milk, a sign of abundance, 7, 8. Ori-
ginally the lhas were supposed to live above the
clouds and to descend only occasionally on certain
bills, where little white altars were erected. Later
on hill tops were believed to be the dwelling places
of certain lhas, 13, 15. The girl who loves the
Lama, is the poet of the song; bZangmo, the girl’s
name, means ‘ the good one,’
Festival at Skyurbueban.
Translation.
AIL This is the day of the con-
stellation of the stars :
The flower show, hnrra 1
2, It is the day of the finest of
the lunar mansions ;
The flower show, hurra !
3. It is the 15th, when the first
half of the month is full :
The flower show, hurra 1
First party. 4. From where do you bring
these showy flowers ?
The flower show, hurra 1
mentog Itanmo lei*
302
THE INBIAN ANTIQUARY.
[YEBR'DAR'r, 1902,
Second
party.
6.
mentog Itanmo sharnas shags
mentog Itanmo lei.
I.
6.
sharri skadcha cinda ’adug
mentog Itanmo lei.
II.
7.
rgyalpoi dbu rmog mthonpo
'adag
mentog Itanmo lei.
I.
8.
mentog Itanmo gangnag yongs
mentog Itanmo lei.
II.
9.
mentog Itanmo Ihonas yongs
mentog Itanmo lei.
I.
10.
Ihoyi skadcha cinda ’adug
mentog Itanmo lei.
II.
11,
Ihona ’abru sna 'adzommo
’adug, etc.
I.
12,
mentog Itanmo gangnas
yongs, etc.
II.
13.
mentog Itanmo byangnas
yongs, etc.
I.
14,
byanggi skadcha cinda ’adog,
etc.
II.
15.
byangna thsva bal 'adzommo
’adug, etc.
I.
16.
mentog Itanmo gangnas
yongs, etc.
II.
17.
mentog Itanmo nubnas yongs,
etc.
L
18.
ntibkyi skadcha cinda ’adng,
etc.
II.
19.
nubna thsos sna ’adzommo
’adng, etc.
All.
20.
azhangpai ma zhingla lo
lagssed, etc.
21.
azhangpai ma zhingla Ijang
’akhrungssed, etc.
22.
brgya bang gangste stong
bang gang, etc.
23.
mentogpa mgyogssa Itan-
mopa mgyogs, etc.
Second
5.
These showy flowers we bring
party.
from the East I
The flower show, hurra !
I.
6.
What news do you bring from
the East ?
The flower show, hurra !
II.
7.
There the king’s helmet is very
high !
The flower show, hurra !
I.
8.
From where do yon bring
these showy flowers !
The flower show, hurra !
11 .
9.
These showy flowers we bring
from the South !
The flower show, hurra !
I.
10.
What news do you bring from
the South ?
The flower show, hurra !
II.
11.
In the South there is abun-
dance of all kinds of grain,
etc.
I.
12.
Prom where do you bring
these showy flowers ? etc.
II.
13.
These showy flowers we bring
from the North ! etc.
I.
14.
What news do you bring
from the North ? etc.
II.
15.
In the north there is abun-
dance of salt and wool ! etc.
I.
16
From where do you bring
these showy flowers ? etc.
II.
17.
These showy flowers we bring
from the West ! etc.
I.
18.
What news do you bring
from the West ? etc.
11 .
19.
In the West they dyje with
all kind of colours 1 etc.
All.
20.
From our uncle’s mother’s
fields there will be a good
harvest ! etc.
21.
In our uncle’s mother’s fields
the first green appears, etc.
22.
The barns for 100 and 1,000
bushels will be filled, etc.
23.
Hasten, you flower boys, has-
ten, you dancers, etc.
Febbuaet, 1902 .]
LADAKHI SONGS.
103
24. dramanpa mgyogssa haribpa
mgyogs, etc.
25. gangs stod mthonpoi steng
deiia, etc.
26. gangssi singge yyuralcan
bzhugs, etc.
27. sing phrag logsmoi dg’abala
72 ig 3 , etc.
28. brag stod mthonpoi steng
dena, etc.
29. skjin chen ba rgan brag
stengdu bzhugs, etc.
3 0. sha phran ’adzommoi dg’abala
yzigs, etc.
31. mkhar stod mthonpoi steng^
dena, etc,
32. mi chen gongma khrii kha
bzhugs, etc.
33. grags zhan ’adzommoi dg’a-
bala yzigs, etc.
34. makhang gru bzhii nang
dena, etc.
35. sky id khang gru bzhii nang
dena, etc.
36. yabynm yiiyiska bdemo nang
’adug, etc,
37. ynyen drung ’adzommoi
dg’abala yzigs, etc.
38. ngazha thsangkai mentogla
yzigs, etc.
39. phrugupa thsangkai mentogla
yzigs
mentog Itanmo lei.
Notes.
4. Originally : from where does the flower
show come ? 6. Cinda ought to be spelled
according to the views ol Ladakhis cl mda ; a
pax’allel is minda nyis, mi mda nyis, about two
men ; thus a word mda [or perhaps ’ada] ‘ about ’
ieems to exist. 15. ^adzommo = ^adzompo,
gathered, abundantly. 20. Pa used as emphatic
article ; lo lags sed, it is a good year, the
adjective used as a verb. 23. mGyogspa, quick,
is also used as a verb. 26. Balearic having
locks of hair, 34. Mahhang^ mother’s room, is
a certain part of the house near the fireside.
39. Phrugupa^ the children as a body of
dancers.
24. Hasten, you drummers h as-
ten, you clarinet players, etc.
25. On the top of the high ice-
hill, etc.
26. There sits the ice-lion with
the turquoise mane, etc.
27. Look at the joy of the lion’s
good child ! etc.
28. On the top of the high rock,
etc.
29. There sits the big ibex, the
old ox, etc.
30. Look at the joy of all the
young deer ! etc.
31. There high up on the castle,
etc.
82. All the king’s family is
sitting on thrones, etc.
33. Look at the joy of all the
other famous men ! etc.
34. Inside the four-cornered
mother’s room, etc.
3 5. Inside the f our-c ornered ro om
of happiness, etc.
36. Father and mother live in
comfort, etc.
37. Look at the joy of all the
assembled friends I etc.
38. Look at all our flowers ! etc.
39. Look at the flowers of all the
children !
The flower show, hurra !
Notes.
The scene is the following : The village boys,
who all through the summer have lived a shepherd
life in distant secluded valleys, have to come
down for the festival and dance whilst singing the
above song ; in their hands they carry long sticks
covered all over with alpine flowers.
In V. 4-19 we have a little play of answering
questions, which almost exactly corresponds to
Wedding Song No. TV. The variations are the
following : in the Wedding Songs the abundance
of colours is attributed to the North, and the
West is considered famous for medicines, 20.
“Mother’s fields” are very fertile fields.
26, 27. The ice lion and his child are origin-
ally the glacier and the brook, later on they
developed into fabulous beings thought to be
living there.
104
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FebkuaRYj 1902.
Text.
1. sgobongs iiomoi yserla bzliangs mkhaii yod
lei
2. skralo Bomoi yyubai rgyal Icaiig yod
lei
3. y^asla ’aldior ’ang amai bomo
4. yyoala ’akhor 'ang bskal bzang rolma
5. rgyab de la cbog 'ang lei
6. rgyab ri bzangpola Itaste rgyab dela cbog
7. mdun de la bsus ang lei
^8. mdiia la bsuste yar khodas la sesdar cos.
Notes.
1. Sgobongs == sgopo, body. It is remark-
able, that the genitive nomoi is placed after the
•w'jrd it is related to ; lei to be prononnced like
Datch lij> 4. Rolma = sgrohna, see Ladakhi
Grammar^ Laws of Sound 3 ; the name means
good halpa, deliverer.’ 5. Chog, imperative
tense of gcogpa, a sudden move backwards in a
dance. 8. Khodas = Khuda, God, Hindrrstani j
sesdar — sijda, prayer, Hindustani,
Translation.
The body of the girl is as if it Was built of
gold :
2. The hair of the girl is like a turquoise
willow.
3. Now turn to the right, mother’s daughter !
4. Now turn to the left, Skalzang Rolma !
5. Then break off backw^ards !
6. Ill the direction of the good hill in the back
break off backwards !
7. Now again advance, meeting [your coa^-
pan ion] 1
8. Advancing again give honour to God on
high !
Notes.
In this song we have a queer mixture of Bud-
dhism and JViuhammadanibm. WhiLt the word
Khodas, God, is only used by Muhammadan Tibe-
tans, the name of the girl is quite a Buddhist one :
also the idea of paying homage to a god by an
ordinary dance is perfectly Buddhist.
Song No. XVI. — A Dance.
1 .
1 .
2 .
3 .
4.
5.
6 .
8 .
9.
TO.'
Song No, XVTI.
Text.
khaeuili damagpo hazarri damag
spyilimla skang dogs ’ang nied
buthsa ngarang khacnlla cha zana
skompala skom chu rig yin
all buthsa dbus ytsangla cha zana
ngalbari ngal ’athso rig yin
khaeuili damagpo culibai mentog
spyilimla skang dogs ’ang rued
buthsa ngarang' dbus ytsaugla chana
suuna sun rogs yin lei.
— Tobacco from Kashmir.
Translation.
1. Tobacco from Kashmir is the tobacco of
lords.
2. There is no fear of its being filled into a
general [pip©]*
3. When I, a boy, shall go to Kashmir,
4. Then it will be water for the thirst.
5. When Ali, the boy, will go to Central
Tibet, t
6. It will be like rest to the weary.
7. Tobacco from Kashmir is like apricot
blossom.
8. There is no fear of its being filled into a
general [pipe].
9. When I, a boy, will go to Central Tibet,
10. It will be my comforter, when 1 am
homesick.
February, 1902.]
LADAKHI SONGS.
105
Notes.
1, Damag = tliamahha^ tobacco ; hazar =
Jiustur, Hinclast. 2. Spyilim = spyim, compare
First Series YII., solongased = songssed*
6. Ngalhariy in some villages, for instance
Phyang, the genitive of the participle ends in
pari instead of mhhanni.
10. The verb sauces is used in Ladakhi
mostly for ‘ being homesick.’
Song No. XVIII. — Good
Text.
1. zhag bzangpola bltaste
2. amai bazhangngi bagston btangnged lei
3. skar bzangpola bltaste
4. dngos grnb bstan ’adzinni bagston btang-
nged lei
5. amala bn zhig skyena
6. ngari blon chen thsogs shig skyes shig
7. stangscan rig skyena lei
8. dngos grnb bstan ’adzin thsogs shig skyes
shig.
Notes,
2. For huzlmng = huchmig see Lad. Gram^
mar, laws of sound 6 ; the boy is not a very
little one, the diminntive is only a sign of
a&ction.
6. JSfgari, contraction of ngaranggt, onr.
Song No. XIX. — Good
Text,
1. dman mthsarmo nyerang bltams tsana
2. stang lha yulla cang zhig brdungssed lei
3. dman mthsarmo nyerang bltams tsana
4. vyog kin ynlla dung clg rang phus
5. dman mthsarmo nyidkyi pangla dpalle nang
gras shig skyes lei
6. dman mthsarmo nyidkyi pangla dpalle nang
sras shig skyes lei
7. phod re rig songna ’ang lei .
8. yserri nang golus sal ^ang lei
9. ma phodpa rig songna ’ang lei
10. tndzomo nang rn yon knn“ sal ’ang lei.
Notes.
2. This general pipe is the liuhlca, %vhich is
given round. 5. Ali, the boy, is the poet.
The name is a Muhammadan one, the inha-
bitants of Purig being Mohamedaus.
Wisbes to the Bridegroom.
Translation.
3. Looking out for a good day,
2. W e shall celebrate the wedding of
mother’s little son.
3. Looking out for a good star,
4. We shall celebrate the wedding of
dNgosgrub bstan’adzin.
5. If a boy should be born to the mother,
6. A boy like our great minister be born !
7. If a clever boy should be born,
8. A boy like dNgosgrub-bstan’adzin be
born !
Notes.
1 and 3 refer to a good constellation of
the stars. 6. The minister is the bridegroom
himself.
Wishes to the Bride.
Translation.
1. When yon, beautiful girl, were born,
2. How many [drums] did they not beat then
in heaven,
8. When you, beautiful girl, were born,
4. They blew on a shell in the underworld.
5. Oh beautiful woman, from your womb may
be born a son like dPalle.
6. Oh, beautiful woman, from your womb may
be born a son like dPalle.
7. If you should be able to do so,
8. Kindly give me a golden coat.
9. If you should not be able to do so,
10. Give me the crooked horns of a female Bzo.
106
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[FEBEtTARY, 19C2,
Notes.
2. Sed = ste yod. 4, Kluyid, the realm,
not only of the watersnakes, bat of the ^hole
lower world.
0 * Nang is said to stand for dang^ which
ht certain cases may be translated by ‘like.’
•7. Phodre = pkodres ^ phodceSj parallel to
rig = cig * 10. Here the nang seenas to have
been added only for the sake of the metre.
I^otes,
5, 6. dPalle is one of the most famous
heroes of the Kesar Myths. 10. Althorigh horns
are often o^ered to the Ihas^ it is difficult to see
what the musician and singer wishes to do with
them j people take this line for a joke.
Song Ko. XX. — Preparations for a Dance.
Text.
1. yyogmabai nachung kun rtsesla mkhaspa
2. rtsesla bzhangs ’ang nachung thsangka
S. sgobongs bdemoi ’abog cbung zbig gon
4. sba mdog bdemoi sboglo ysum skus
5. ’abog chungbo gonte Itanmola yong
6. shoglo ysum bskuste Itanmola shogs ’ang.
Notes.
4. Shoglo^ a herb, the yellow juice of which
is smeared over the face.
Translation.
1. The girls of the lower village are clever
in dancing.
2. Get up then for a dance, all you girls I
3. To improve your appearance, put on a
shawl !
4. To improve your complexion, smear your
face three times with shoglo !
5. Having put on the shawl, come to the
dance !
6. Having smeared your faces, come to the
dance !
Notes,
( To he continued.)
A COMPLETE TERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OP ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHARLES PARTEIDGE, U. A.
( Gontinued from Vol. XXX., p. 551. J
Carabansara y arm. 1404 : s, v, Caravanserav
772, ii.
Carabeli ; ann. 1598 : s, v. Oarambola, 123, i.
Carabus ; aim. 638 • v. Caravel, 124, ii.
Caracal; ann, 1818; $. v. Shoe-goose, 629, ii,
Cracatis ; ann. 1548; s. v, Oarrack, 127, i.
Caracea ; ann. 1566-68 is. v. Carraek, 127, i,
twice.
Carack ; ann. 1684 ; s. v. Carraek, 127 ii,
Oaracoa; s. v. 122, ii, s, v, Carraek, 127,’ i, s. v.
Karkollen, 363, ii ; ann. 1613 : s. v. Orankay,
492, jj ann. 1711 ; s. v. 122, ii,
Oaracoli; ann. 1516 : s. v. Porcelain, 549, i.
Oaracolle ; s. v. Oaracoa, 122, ii ; ann. 1606 :
Oaracoa, 122, ii.
Oaracora; ann. 1606 : g. v. Oaracoa, 122, ii.
Oaraffe; s. v. 122, ii, s. v. Carboy, 125, i.
Parafoj ann. 1560: s. v. Shroff, 630, i.
Carajan ; s. v. Carons, 773, i.
Oarake; ann. 1611 : s. v. Langasaque, 384, i.
Oaramania; ann. 1727; s. v. Sophy, 649, i.’
Oarambola; s. v. 122, ii, s. v. Onmrnnga. 216,
ii; ann. 1563 (twice), 1598 (twice) and
1672 : g. V. 123, i.
Oarambolage ; g. v. Oarambola, 123, i.
^arame; «. v. Oerame, 138, i; ann. 1551 ; *.
Oerame, 138, i.
Caranchies ; ann. 1828 : .. v. Oranchee, 211, i,
Oaranja 5 ann. 1536 : g, v. Salsette (a), 594,
ii; ann, 1644 : s. v. Panwell, 511, i.
fSBEUARy, 1902.]
Index to yulb’s hobson-jobson.
107
Caransj ami. 1610 : 5 . &, Cranny, 212, i.
Caranx denter^ ann. 1875 : 5. v» Cavally,
774, ii
Caraona ; ann. 1653: s* i\ Cranny, 786, i.
Caraque ; ann. 1620: 5 . v, Carrack, 127, ii.
Carat ; s, v, 123, i (twice) and ii (13 times),
s, V, Kohinor, 375, i, s. v, Mace (b), 404, ii,
5 . -y. Mangelin, 422, ii ; ann. 1298: s, v,
124, i ; ann. 1343 : 5 . y. Outcry, 494, ii ; ann.
1516 ; 5 . y. Magelin, 423, i; ann. 1554 : s. v,
Batta (b), 55, ii ; ann. 1676 : s. y, Kohinor^
375, i, twice, s. v, Mangelin, 423, i, 3 times,
s. V, Buttee, 587, ii ; ann, 1693: s. v. Matt,
430, ii.
Carauana; ann. 1556 : s, v. Nanking, 472, ii.
Carauane ; ann. 1653 : $. v. Khan (b), 812, ii.
Caravan ; 5 . v. 124, i, 5 . y. Caravanseray, 124, i,
s, y. Cafila, 109, i, s, y, Panthay, 510, ii^
twice ; ann. 1516 : s. y. Yanjaras, 88, i ; ann.
1554 : s. V, Eajpoot, 572, i; ann. 1627 :
124, i; ann. 1664: $, y, Cathay, 774, ii ;
ann. 1665 : 5 , y. Mamiran, 419, ii ; ann.
1674 : s. V, 124, i ; ann. 1676 : s. y. Nuggar-
cote, 483, i ; ann. 1706-7 : s. y. Pindarry, 539,
i; ann. 1774: s, y. Purwanna, 564, i.
Caravana; ann. 1270: s. y. Caravan, 124, i.
Caravance ;ann. 1630 :s. v, Calavance, 110, ii;
ann. 1638: s. y. Yanjaras, 88, ii.
Caravane; ann. 1615 : s. v. Serai, 614, ii; ann.
1674 : s, v Caravan, 124, i; ann. 1762 : s. v.
Chouse, 779, i ; ann. 1845 ; s. y. Bisb, 73, i.
Caravanis ; ann. 1330 : s, y. Caravan, 124, i.
Caravansara ; ann. 1615 : s, y. Serai, 614, ii.
Caravan Sarai; ann. 1685 : s,v. Mnuzil, 458, i.
Caravanserai; s, v, Khan (b), 366, i; ann.
1619 : $, V, Caravanseray, 124, ii, twice.
Caravanseray ; s. y. 124, i, 772, ii ; ann. 1727 :
s. V* Biloooh, 71, i, 5 , y. Dawk, 232, i, s. y.
Mosque, 452, ii.
Caravasarai ; ann. 1564 : 5 . y. Caravanseray,
124, ii.
Caravasarias ; ann, 1584 : s, y. Serai (a), 855, ii
Caravel ; s. y. 124, ii, 3 times ; ann, 1492 : s, y.
125, i; ann. 1502: s, y, Dabul, 224, ii,
s. y. Nacoda, 469, i ; ann. 1518 : s. v.
Gallevat (d), 277, i* ann. 1536: s, v.
Pandarani, 509, i ; ann. 1552 ; s. y, Gallevat
(d), 277, i ; ann, 1554 : s, y. Grab, 300,
i ; ann. 1666 : s. v, Doney, 250, i ; ann.
1673 ; s, y. Fool’s Back, 272, i.
Caravellae; ann. 1549: s, v. Caravel, 125, i;
ann. 1550 : s, v. Caravel, 124, ii.
Caravel lej ann, 1506 : s, v. Caravel, 125, i.
Carayner, ann. 1799 : y. Careus, 773, i.
Oarbachara; ann. 1554: s. v, Caravanseray,
124 , i and ii, twice.
Carboy ; s, y. 125, i, twice, 772, ii, s. y. Carafie.
122, ii, s. y. Demijohn, 236, i ; ann, 1813 :
s. y. 125, i.
Carcana; s. v. 125, ii, 772, ii.
I Oarcapuli ; ann, 1578 and 1672 : s, y. Corcopali,
196, ii.
Carchemish ; B. C. 667 : s. y. Maund, 431, ii.
Carcioffo ; s. y. Artichoke. 27, i.
Carconna ; s, y. Carcana, 125, ii.
Carcoon; s. y. 125, ii * ann. 1826 : s, y. 125, ii.
Cardamom ; s. y. Baya, 56, i, s. y, Caconli, IOC,
ii, 107, i, s. y. Hulwa, 327, i ; ann. 943 : s. y.
Cubeb, 214, ii ; ann. 1150 : s. v, Mace (a).
404, i; ann. 1516 : s, v, Sfirath, 666, i, s. y.
Zedoary, 747, ii ; ann. 1563 : s, y. Caconli,
107, i, twice j ann. 1590 : s. y. Dumpoke,
254, ii; ann, 1610: 5 . y. Calay, 111, ii;
ann. 1623 : s, y. Curry, 218, ii.
Cardamom! ; ann. 540 : $, y. Zedoary, 747, ii.
Careened ; ann. 1498 : s, y. Anchediva, 20, ii.
Carons ; s. y. 77*2, ii.
Caresay ; ann. 1495 : s, y. Kerseymere, 365, ii.
Oareum; s. y, Carraway, 127, ii.
Qargab ; ann. 1505 : 8. y. Yeranda, 787, i,
and ii.
Qargaba ; ann. 1505 : 8. y, Yeranda, 737, i.
Cargados ; ann. 1769 : s. y. Seychelle, 617, ii.
Cari; ann. 1830 : s. y. Curry, 219, i.
Carian; ann. 1819 ; 8. y, Carens, 773, i.
Carianer; ann. 1799 ; 8. y. Carons, 773, 2 .
Oarianner; ann. 1759 : 8. y. Talapoin, 678, i,
8. y. Garens, 773, i, twice.
Carib ; 8. y. Cayman, 136, i, s, y. Papaya, 511, ii.
Carical ; s, y. 125, ii.
Carica papaya ; 8. y. Papaya, 511, ii.
Caricare ; s, v. Carrack, 127, i.
Oarichi ; ann. 1563 : s, y, Carrack (n. p.), 12G
ii.
Carick ; ann. 1618 : s. y. Langasaque, 384 ii
Carickes ; ann. 1620 : 8. y. Carrack, 127 ii.
Oarika ; ann. 1383 : 8. y. Carrack, 127, i
Oaril; s. y. Curry, 218, i ; ann. 1660, 1568
1606 and 1608-10 ; 8, y. Curry, 218, ii j ann.
1610: 5. y. Plaintain, 542, i ; 1623*
8 . y. Curry, 218, ii ; ann. 1681 ; 5 ^. t,. Currv
219,1.
Carimon ; ann. 1727 ; 8 . y. Governor’s Straits
299, i. '
108
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Pebrttaby, 1902 *
Oaris ; ann. 1681 : s, v. Curry, 219, i.
Oarisil ; s, v. Kerseymere, 365, i,
Oarissa carandas; s v. Carounda, 217, ii,
Oarize ; s, v. Kerseymere, 365, i.
Oarmani ; ann. 1561 : s, v. Sophy, 648, ii.
Carmania ; ann. 150 : s, z?, Oi'mus, 493, i ; ann.
1673 : s, V, Hing, 318, ii.
Carmania shawool ; s. v. Shawl, 624, i.
Carmania shell ; s. z?. Shawl, 624, i.
Carnac ; ann, 1672 and 3884 : s, v, Oornac,
198, i.
Oarnack ; ann. 1727 : s, v. Cornac, 198, i,
Oarnak ; ann. 1726 : s, v. Cornac, 198, i.
Carnalli ; ann, 1044 : s. v. Pan well, 511, i.
Carnataca; ann. 1672 : s. v, Naik (c), 470, ii,
Carnatensis ; ann. 1737 : s, v. Badega, 34, ii,
Carnatic ; s. v, 125, ii, 126, i, twice, 773, i, s. v,
Canara, 117, ii, twice, s, v, Malabar Rites,
413, ii, s, V. Payen-ghaut, 522, ii, s, v.
Rupee, 586, i, s. v. Triplicane, 716, i; ann.
1743 : s. V, Nabob (a), 468, i ; ann. 1760 :
.9. V. 126, i, 4 times ; ann. 1784 : s. v. Payen-
ghaut, 522, ii ; ann. 1789 : s. v, Cii'cars, 171,
i ; ann, 1790 : s, v, Punjaub, 502, ii ; ann.
1792 : s. y. 126, ii ; ann. 1793 : s. v. Gram,
301, i, s. -y. Teloogoo, 695, iij ann, 1799:
5 . 27. Tank, 685, i ; ann. 1809 i s, v. Nabob (a),
468, i ; ann. 1826 : s, v, 126, ii ; ann. 1886 :
s. 27. Circars, 171, i.
Carnatica ; ann, 1652 : s, v. Carnatic, 126, i ;
ann, 1750: s. v. Shroff, 630, i ; ann. 1753:
s, V, Sonba, 649, ii.
Carnatic Fashion ; s. v, 126, ii.
Carnatic fashion; 5. v. Benighted, The, 65, i.
Carnelian j ann. 1554 and 1849; $. v. Baba-
gooree, 32, i.
Carnes ; ann. 1 518 : s. 2 ?, Arrack, 26, i.
Carnicnbar ; ann. 1727 : s. v. Sombrero, Chan-
nel of the, 647, i.
Carnoply ; a. 2 ?.. Factory, 264, i.
Caroanam ; ann. 1420; s. v, Cararan, 124, i.
Carob-honey ; ann. 1343 ; s. v. Sugar, 655, ii.
Carob-tree ; v. Sugar, 654, ii.
Carob tree; s, 2J. Carat, 123, i.
Carongoly ; ann. 1503 : s. v. Cranganore, 211, ii.
Garovana ; ann. 1384 ; s. v. Caravan, 124, i.
Oarpella ; ann. 1572 : s, -y. Jask, 345, ii, 346, i.
Ofirpets ; s. v. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Carpiptero ; s, y. Toucan, 714,* i. .
Carpobalsami ; ann. 540 : s, v. Camphor, 116, ii,
Carquois ].s, v. Scymitar, 608,- ii.
^arrafagem ; ann. 1554: s. v, Batta (b). 55, ii,
Carraca; 5. v. Caracoa, 122, ii, s. v, Carrack,
127, i, twice ; ann. 1403 : s. v. Carrack,
773, ii ; ann. 1680 : s, v, Carrack, 127, ii.
Oarrack (ii. p.) ; s. v. 126, ii.
Carrack (s.) ; s. v, 126, ii (3 times), s. v, 773,
ii ; ann. 1403 : s, v. 773, ii ; aim. 1338 ; s, v,
127, i; ann. 1552 ; s. v. Gallevat (d), 277, i ;
ann. 1554 : s. v , Grab, 300, i ; ann. 1613,
1615, 1635 and 1660: 5. v. 127, ii.
Carrack [= Carat] : ann, 1673 : 5. -y. Carat, 124, i,
Crranis; ann. 1781 : s, v. Cranny, 212, i.
Car ravan ; ann. 1781 : s. Overland, 495, ii.
Carravansraw ; ann. 1627 : 5 . v. Caravanseray,
• 1 24 , ii.
Garraway ; s» v, 127, ii,
Garre ; s» v. Kei'seymere, 365, i.
Carrees; ann. 1681 : s, v. Curry, 218, ii,
Carreta; 310, ii, footnote, 3 times.
Carrica ; 5 . v, Carrack, 127, i,
Carricare ; s, v, CaiTack, 127, i, twice.
Garrick (n. p.) ; ann. 727 : 5 . v. Carrack, 126, ii.
Garrick (s.) ; ann. 1596 ; 5 , v. Carrack, 127, i,
Oarridarries ; s. y. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Garriel ; ann. 1598 : .s. y. Curry, 218, ii.
Carro9os ; ann. 1680 : s, y, Carrack, 127, ii,
CaiTonade ; s. y. Bombay Marine, 78, ii,
Oarrube ; ann. 1843 : s. y. Sugar, 655, ii.
Carrutturp ; s, y. Parabyke, 512, i.
Carsay ; ann. 1626 : s, v. Kerseymere, 365, ii.
Carthaginian ; B. C. 150 : s, y. Indian
(Mahout), 333, ii, twice.
Carthame; ann. 1810: s. y. Safflower, 589, i,
Carthamus; s. y. Safflower, 589, i.
Cariharaiis tinctorins ; s, y. Safflower, 588, ii ;
ann. 1813 : y. Safflower, 589, i.
Cartmcel ; s, y. 127, ii.
Cartooce ; s. v. 128, i.
Caruellas 5 ann. 1634 : s. Caravel, 125, i,
Carum carui; , 9 , y. Can^away, 127, ii.
Carum coptricum; s. y. Omum Water, 486, ii.
Carvansera ; ^nn. 1650 y. Banyan -Tree, 50.
ii.
Carvatschar ; y. Conipound (a), 186, ii.
Carvel ; s, y. Gallevat, 275, i ; ann. 1615 and
1883 : s. y. Caravel, 125, i.
Carvi; s. y, Garraway, 127, ii.
Carvil; ann. 1673 : s, y. Fool’s Rack, 272, u
twice.
Carvy ; is. y. Garraway, 127, ii.
^ {To he eOntimied*)
MiRCH, 1902.]
NOTES ON MALAGASY OUERENCY.
109
NOTES ON MALAGASY CURRENCY BEFORE THE FRENCH OCCUPATION,
Bf E. 0. TEMPLE.
From the Notes of the Bev. C. P. Cory.
A ll payments were made in mhim-bola, “ broken money,” made up of chips of the
fl,Te*fran.c piece. Every chip had to have some recognisable portion of the five-franc
piece on it to pass as currency. With that proviso a chip of any size would be accepted, however
small. The chips were weighed out by the purchaser.
The currency of the country was in fact such chips of silver by weight. But, as an
exception, the full five-franc piece would be accepted in payment, and dollars of sorts were
also passed. The number of the only coins thus in circulation being naturally limited, as there
was no native mint.i the Native Government put a factitious value on the whole coin, which was
l/12th or 8| in excess of the value of the pieces of the coin cut up and passed by weight :
I. the five-franc piece untouched was worth 8|% more than its weight when cut up. This
was done in order to prevent the reckless cutting up of the coin.2 The above percentage
was thus arrived at. The Malagasy unit of currency was a red seed called voamena ;
24 voamena went to the five-franc piece : the excess value of the whole coin over its parts by
weight was made to be 2 voamena.
For the purposes of its currency the I^atire Gorernment issued standard weights, aud
any tampering with these weights was a grave offence. A man using a false weight in any of
the large markets would iu all probability have been immediately stoned to death without trial*
Scale
10 variraiventy
3 eranambatry
3 voamena
2 sikajy
2 kirobo
2 loso
of Weights.
make 1 eranambatry
do. 1 voamena
do. 1 sikajy
do. 1 kirobo
do. 1 loso
do. 1 ariary or farantsa
720 variraiventy do. 1 ariary or farant^
111 the above scale, up to the voameua^ the units are native Malagasy seeds .* bsyoud that
they represent parts of the dollar. Thus : ariary is the Spanish dollar or real, through the
Arabic while the farantsa merely represents the name French” and is used for the flvo-
franc piece. The term ariary is used usually, but not always, for the dollar made up of cut
parts, e., for the dollar of account. Loso (pron. lashu) is for the Arabic word?ii 5 /, half, through
Swahili nusf : hirobo (pron. Jiirudu) is the Arabic rub^, a quarter, with the common Malagasy
and Swahili prefix ki : sihajy (pron. sMds) is the Turkish sehis, eight {seUnji, an eighth)
through Arabic and Swahili. There are other and false derivations current for hirobo and
dkajy : ysV., that hirobo represents the Arabic coin hharrUbah, and that eihajy represent ' the
Italian scudo or crown. But these identifications do not fit in, because the hirobo obviously
weighed 90 grs., whereas the hharrubak was only 3 grs. The kirobo corresponds in reality to the
Arabic great copper /els, which was 90 grs. Again, the sihajy at 45 grs. is only an eighth
of the Italian scudo of 360 grs.* Whereas the Spanish dollar and its parts came naturally to
'Madagascar from the slav^dealing Arabs, who had their head-qnarfcers on the Swahili Coast.
1 Latterly the Government had begun to coin five-fyanc pieces on its own account.
2 It was effected by adding to the standard weights made for weighing the parts, not by adding a value to the
uncut coin.
110
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
Out of this scale we get one or two very interesting facts. The dollar and five-franc
piece were to the Malagasy obviously convertible terms for the same money unit. The weight
of this money, as a theoretically standard coin, may be taken as 360 grs. Troy. Now the
ariary or farantsa weighed 720 variraiventy or rice-seeds : therefore the lower unit of the
Malagasy ponderary system was practically half a grain Troy. It was so in daily prac-
tise ; thus, when a grain of quinine was required as medicine, it was weighed out bj
2 varirawenty ,
Specimens of the standard loso, hiroho^ sihajy and voamenai small cubes of good steel accu-^
rately made and stamped thus cgj , have been weighed and were found to weigh as follows : — >
double voamena 34 grs. Troy
sikajy 52
kirobo 103
, loso 210
Taking these weights first as proportional parts, it will be found that they do not exactly
(though they very nearly do) work out correctly. Beginning at the bottom of the scale we find
1 voamena should be 17 grs, and actually is 17 grs.
1 sikajy 51 52
1 kirobo 102 103
1 loso 204 210
By reversing the process we find
1 loso should be 210 grs. and actually is 210 grs.
1 kirobo 105 103
1 sikajy 52| 52
i voamena 17| 17
By the theory of the scales already explained they should run thus : —
1 voamena
15 grs,
1 sikajy
45
1 kirobo
90
1 loso
180
But the actual specimens of the standard weights we have been examining are intended
to mark the difEerence between the weight in silver of the five-franc piece out up and the
pve-franc piece uncut, for the reasons above explained. That is, they are enhanced weights :
the enhancement being two voamena in the five-franc piece. Now, if we are to accept the
enhancement as being intended to be l/12th or 8|%, then the enhanced voamena would weigh
15 grs. plus IJ, *. e., 16|- grs. : or in other words something less than the standard voamena
seems to have been intended to weigh. At any rate we get thus a clear reason why the
standard voamena is what we find it to be.
And this leads us to some interesting facts. The actual five-franc piece which the
Malagasy cut up (or made at their mint) must have weighed 366 grs. as nearly as may be, and
%hen cut up its weight value was enhanced by two voamena, i. e., to 32|, 34 or 35 grs. So
that the weight of the cut up piece was made to be 398| to 401 grs. The Spanish dollar of
commerce weighs 401 grs., and we thus see why it was that ariary was the* term usually
employed for the cut np dollar, while farantsa stood for the uncut piece* And we
further see the reason for the particular enhancement ordered by the Native Government# It,
March, 1902.]
NOTES ON MALAGASY CUEHENOY.
Ill
simply made the cut up dollar equal in weight to the big Spanish dollar and left the small
uncut French dollar as it was, helped in this aim by the fact of the actual difference being
about two of their standard seeds when proportionately enhanced. The people naturally
muddled the two denominations in speech and practice.
The seed weights theoretically work out thus: the variraiventy or rice seed equals | gT,
Troy : the eranambatry or seed of the Cajanus Indicus (pigeon-pea, Oongo-pea, cadjan-pea,
no-eye — the universal ddl of India) equals 5 grs. : the voameaa, the red'- seed of the (?)
equals 15 grs. There is nothing Indian or Far-Eastern about this seed-unit system, but taking
the old rupee or told (the representative of the rupee as a weight) at half the theoretical dollar
or 180 grs. Troy we get a suggestive scale : —
8 Indian ratis® make 1 voamena
12 voamena do. 1 rupee
96 ratis 1 rupee
which is the fact in the modern popular Indian scale. Again taking the old rati as 1,875 grs*
(its standard) and equal fth voamena, we get the voamena as equal to 15 grs., which is its Troy
weight. However, this analogy, unless a trade with India of sufficient volume can be established
for long years back, will not bear further following up.
Like all peoples of their class of civilisation the Jffalagaay divided their ciirreixey* into
very small portions, the mental operations of which are most clearly brought out by the
following tabulations.
The eranamhatry, the ddl seed or pea, consisted of 10 rice seeds {vary'). Each of these seeds
had its separate name, consisting of the word vary, rice, plus the numeral, plus veV'ty, lump or
piece : thus : —
var-irairventy
rice 1
piece
vari-roarventy
rice 2
pieces
vari-telo-venty
... rice 3
do.
vari-efa-benty
... rice 4
do.
vari-dimi-venty
... rice 5
do,
vari*enim-benty
... rice 6
do.
vari-hto-venty
... rice 7
do,
vari-yalo-venty
... rice 8
do.
vari-sivi -vepty
... rice 9
do.
eranambatry
... 1 full ambatry‘~(pea3
Of these,' however, only the varidimiventy or five rice seeds, the varifitoventy or 7 rice seeds
and the eranambatry of 10 rice seeds were in common use and parlance. The vdridimiventy was
the half ambatry and the varifitoventy was the conventional half ilavoamena (itself the half
voamena or red seed).
5 Beed of ahms precatorius^ known as Black-eyed Susan in St. Helena among its many nick-najoaes—
Jnd. Ant. Vol. XXVI. p. 314.
112
THE INDIAN ANTIQCTART,
[Mabch, 1902.
The fall scale ran thus: —
FuU Scale.
varidimiventy (half ambatry)
• ••
... 5
rice
seeds
varifitoventy (quarter voamena)
... 7
a
eranambatry (a full pea)
... 10
»?
a
ilavoamena (one side of a red seed) ...
... 15
?»
ti
roanambatry (two peas)
... 20
>»
a
voamena (red seed) ...
• • «
... 30
a
efatrambatry (four peas)
• ««
... 40
jj
it
lasiray (one side and one)
... 45
>>
?»
dimimambatry (five peas) ...
• ••
... 50
>>
>»
roavoamena (two red seeds)
• ••
... 60
ii
1 asiroa (one side and t wo)
• ••
... 75
»»
it
eighth)
... 90
it
lasitelo (one side and three)
... 105
>7
99
venty (substance, volume, (?) the lump)
... 120
it
it
iraimbilanja (the full weight)
... 150
it
it
kirobo (a fourth)
• « •
... 180
99
i9
loso (a half)
... 360
ii
ii
ariary (a realy dollar)
... 720
9 9
>i
The multiples of the ambalry cease at the dimimambatry of 50 rioe seeds and for the
intermediate quantities between those given in the scales the terminology is to some extent mixed
up between the awhatry and the voamma, thus it is correct to say •
roavoamena-sy-eran, two red seeds and one (ambatry), = 70 rioe seeds,
sikajy-latsaka-eran, a sikajy wanting one (ambatry), = 80 rice seeds,
roavoamena-latsaka-varifitoventy, two red-seeds wanting 7 rice seeds, = 53 rice seeds.
roavoamena-latsaka-varidimiventy,two red-seeds wanting 5 rice seeds, == 55 rice seeds,
voamena-sy-varidimiventy, a red-seed and 5 rice seeds, = 35 rice seeds.
voamena-Iatsaka-varidimiventy, a red-seed less 5 rice seeds, = 25 rice seeds.
It would be incorrect to say roanamhatry-sy-varidimiventy, two peas and 5 rice seeds for
25 rice seeds, or dimimamhatry-sy-varidimivmty, five peas and 5 rice seeds for 55 rice seeds,
though theoretically correct. ’
All this shows that the full Malagasy scale was made up of three separate scales
based respectively on the ambatry or pea, the voamena or red seed, and the dollar but all
mixed up in their subdivisions and multiples. Thus we have ’
(1) The Ambatry Scale.
varidimiveniy 5 rice seeds or ambatry
eranambatry 10 ,. „ or 1 „
roanambatry 20 „ „ or 2 „
efatambatry 40 „ „ or 4
dimimambatry 50 „ „ or 5
at which point the scale stops, the missing point of 3 ambatry being superseded by the soamena,
the nnit of the next scale.
March, 1902.]
NOTES ON MALAGASY GUEEENCY.
113
(2) The Voamena Seale.
varifitoventy
...
...
... 7 rice seeds
or
i voamena^
ilavoamena
• • •
... 15 „
}>
or
i ..
voamena
...
• • •
... 30 „
>»
or
1
lasiray
• • «
...
... 45 „
J5
or
1 | »
roavoamena
• • a
... €0 „
or
2
lasiroa
• ••
...
S)
JS
or
2 | „
lasitelo
...
- ... 105 „
ii
or
H „
Here again the missing point of 3 voamena has been snperseded by the of 90 seeds of
the next scale. As also have those of 4 voamena and 5 voamena by the separate terms venty and
iraimbilanja (pron. hildndza). The venty, I take it, corresponds to the upper Troy weight, ‘^the
lump” or full amount put into the scale : and the iraimbilanja to the greater lump or increased
upper Troy weight, the term meaning “ full weight,” i. 6., the extreme amount put into the
scale.5
(3) The Dollar Scale.
sikajy
...
...
... 90
rice
seeds or
i dollar
kirobo
...
...
... 180
>9
„ or
i »•
loso
• ••
•••
... 360
9t
or
i »
ariary
•••
... 720
99
„ or
1 »
The available evidence seems to give a clear history of the full scale : as if the Malagasy had
by degrees raised their upper unit in the Troy scale from very low beginnings. Thus, it would
be arguable that the original scale bad been 10 rice seeds to the pea, with the rice seed as the
lower and the pea as the higher denomination, while the pea itself gave way to the red seed
of three peas, which, in its turn, was superseded by the imported trade dollar of 24 red seeds,
the final upper Troy weight. In the full scale, in fact, we seem to SCO reflected th®
extension by degrees of Malagasy trade and huckstering operations.
The English in Madagascar had no diflScnlty in reconciling the local scale to the money
they had been accustomed to, by taking standard dollar at 4s. This made the great unit of
all weighments, the voamena, to be two-pence and henceforth there was no difiSculty in
rdaking the rest of the scale fit in with the English monetary system. In their dealings it was
customary to weigh out payments as low as the half-woamewa or a penny in silver ; below that
denomination values of the minute pieces of silver were guessed or assumed by appearance
or feel.
The cowry was once also in currency, but it has long been confined to the savage tribes
of the West Coast. However, it seems to have left traces in the nomenclature of the more
civilised currency. Thus we have dkoramholai uncoined silver currency (akora^ shell : vola,
money) : ahoramholamena, uncoined gold currency (mena, red). .Silver money went by the
name of volafotsy, white money.
* Conventionally that is.
5 Iraimbilanja is a regular derivative of irafiAia-uilawfa, in the sense of ‘^pne full-weight,” throngh a eommon
yoot lanja, a weight, derived from the Swahili mlanaat to carry.
114
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON,” 1755.
BY B. C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from Vol, XXX. p, 499.)
Transactions on Bird Island.
Monday 25^^. The Wind W^^erly and Fair Wea^ This Morning the Boat Went out a
FisMng and Made two Trips with [caught] 23 Fish [ ].3i The Carpenter Employ^ on the
Timbers ; Smith Mending a Saucepan ; people Carrying Over Plank.
Tuesday 26. Wind and W^eaT as pr Day past. Had great Success to day. Catched 45
large Fish, Weighing one with Another About 6 pound apiece. Lickwise Fetched the Pork
from the Other Island & am in great hopes Smoaking will Keep it from Growing Worse.
Carpenter as before. Smith Finish’d a Saucepan & Made a Frying pan out of a Copper [Pot]
and Some Fish Hooks. Boil^ Salt Water all day and Made About | a pound of Salt.
Wednesday 27*^. Light Variable W^inds. In the Morning, Went Out the Boat a Fishing
and Brought in 27 Fish. In the Afternoon I went Round the Island in the Boat to See if I
Could Find the Ships Bottom, but did not. Caught 11 Fish & Came in. Carpenter Employed
on the Timbers, Smith Making a Maull. This Turn’d out a Fine day to go to the Main, but
looking Dirty [in the Morn] : was the Reason we did not attempt it. Raised a Tent On the
Building place to Smoak.Oar Pork in. The Salt we Made is so Copperish Cannot Use it.
Thursday 28*h, Fresh Breezes E%rly,thi8 morning Collett & 2 men Sett out for
the Main in the -Small Boat, but the day did not Turn out so good as it promised ; for before
they got cue third of the Way Over, the Wind Freshened & looked Dirty, which Soon Made too
Much Sea, for that little Babble of a Boat, So was [were] Obliged to Return. They had not
landed | of an hour Before the Barr Broke so Much that it would be [have been] Impossible for
them to [have] Come in ; however. Shall have the Other ,Tryall [Tryal] the First Oppertunity
Made Some More Salt but is [prov’d] as bad as the First.
Friday 29. Variable Wind & Cloudy Weather, the people Clearing away tho Wreck, to
Come at a Sail to Cover Tent we Intend to Raise on that Side the Boat is Building, to gott
our things in Readiness, when please God, we shall be Ready to go Away, which I fear want
[will not] be this 3 Months. Made a Dam to Hold Salt water. We Are in hopes the Sun will
ilake Salt. Notwithstanding Put in Some Tons Hone will Remain one the Top 10 Minutes,
so give Over all Thoughts of Success in this Affair.
’ Saturday Augt 30*?^. Wind W^erly and Cloudy Wear, Carpenter at Work on the
Timbers people Carrying round Sparrs to Build Tents, the Boat went [out] a Fishing &
Caught 20 Fish.
Sunday Aug* 31, Wind Southerly & Cloudy Wea^’ & Bain. Our only want now is Bread.
A word orasod after ‘ fish,'
March, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE “ BODDINGTON/’ 1765.
115
Monday Sept>^ 1, Moderate Breezes Easterly and Some Rain wbick Hinders The Carpenter
from Working.
Tuesday 2^. Light Breezes Wterly and Clondy Wea’^ with Some Rain, The Boat went
Out a Fishing. Return'd with Only 3 Fish. The Carpenter at Work on the Timbers, the
people Opening the Kiln, and Carrying Wood for Another.
Wednesday 3^. The first part Light Airs E^erly and hazey WeaL Latter wind W^erly.
About 8 o Clock this Morning Neale Bothwell and 2 Others, Sett [set] Out for the Main in
the Small [Jolly] Boat, & 4 Men on the Cattamaraii a fishing. In About 2 hours the Cattamarau
Came in, not liking the looks of the Wear and Brought in 3 Dog Fish & a Shark. An Dgly
Accident happened to the Carpenter, by Cutting his Legg to the Bone and it was with much
Difficulty Stopp’^ the Blood. Kept a Fire in the Highest part of the Island all Night for a
Signall to the Boat, but She is not Returned.
Thursday 4. Fresh Gales from N W to S W, so that I did not Expect the Boat.
Carpenter at Work on the Timber, people Carrying Plank round. In the Evening it Blew
so hard that our large Cattamaran broke loose And by having no Boat, to Send out, Lose
[Lost] her.
Friday 6^**. Fresh Breezes & Variable. People Employed Bringing Over peices of
Topmasts in Order to Make a Cattamaran Large Enough to Bring Any thing from the Main, in
Case the [Jolly] Boat Succeeds.
Saturday 6**^. Light Airs & Calm all Day. [Are] So am in great Hopes [therefore] of
Seeing The Boat. At Noon Grew Very Uneasy at not Seeing of her, hut Just as we Were going
to Dinner, two of the people Came Running Over the Island, Calling out the Boat, the Boat, which
I was greatly Rejoyced at, and Indeed Every Body Else. But [our Joy] it was Soon lessen’d :
for Upon looking with the Glass, Could See but one man Rowing with Both Oars. [We]
Therefore Conjectured immediately that the Other Two was [were] detained; but Soon After
Saw Two [in the Boat] which Gave ns Spirits Again, thinking the Other might not be well.
So [we] Rest Myself Satisfied, till [She came] the Boat comes in, Which She did [was] in About
an Hour after, With two only [2 of them] which was [were] Rosenburry & Taylor. As Soon
as they Stept Out [they] of the Boat fell on their Knees to Thank God for their Deliverance
[& safe Return to] this Island Again, Bad as it was. They Were V ery Much Spent with Rowing
And want of water & provissions. [We] Therefore helped them to the Tent & Gave them some
Fish, which we dress’d Against [their Coming in] they come in, which They Eat Very hearty
[heartily] Went to Sleep. [We] Did not Care to Ask any Questions till they Awoke; when
they Gave the Following Account. When th[e]y Were | of the way Over [they] let go their
Killock and Each Took half a Cake & a draught of water; and then Rowed Again. About
3 o Clock got Round The point where I was in hopes, was a Harbour (the Land Appearing Double
were) but it Proved no Such thing. [They] Row’d round Another but Still Pound no Harbour.
[Ouly]®^ A Very Large Surf all along Shore, About 4 o Clock, they PulN in Shore. Detrimin d
[Detrimining] to Land [which they did], but it proved Fatal to Bothwell : for as Soon as
32 * (jaly ’ Written over word erased.
116
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
they got in the Surf the Boat Fill’d & he was Drown’d, The Other two, Just got on Shore with
Life [their Lives]. The Boat was on Shore as Soon as they Were, but without their Provisions
& [the] things they had for to Trade with. The first thing they Endeavoured to do was to get
the Boat up from the Water Side in Order to Oversett her, & Sleep under her [that]^^ Night ;
but being so tire’d [fatigued] with Rowing & Swiming was [were] not Able Stirr her [to do it].
By this time it was Dark, Therefore Took their Lodgings under a Tree, and by what they
Told me After was [were] Surprizd they Were not Devour’d by the Wild Beasts,^^ As Soon as
it was Day light, they went to the Place Where they Left the Boat, but to their great Sur-
prize Pound She was Gone, but Walking a little way [farther] Upon the Sand they found her.
She had been Taken off by the Surf & [was] washed on Shore Again. In looking round
them they Saw a Man which they Walked towards. He no sooner perceived [them] than he
ran into the Woods, which are [were] Very thick there. However, they went to the place Where
they Saw the Man[ him], & there Found Partof Bothwells Body.^s This frightned them much,
[especially] as They Saw the print of the feet of a Great Many Beasts. They then would
have Gladly Return’d, without seeking [making] any Further Discovery, & Attempted to do it
but Blowing fresh and [having] a Large Sea Against them^^ the Boat Over Sett a Second
Time with them. Being Drove on Shore together [again they] hanW her up & assoon as they
Gathere’d a Little Grass to Eat, Over sett the Boat [her] in Order to Shelter them from The
Wild Beasts. [lu looking about]38 They found a Root as Big as a large Apple & not much
Unlike a potatoe, Which Was Very Watry & [not so well]^® Tasted. However, they were Glad
of that, Bad As it was, having Nothing Else to Subsist One [On]. They Saw Neither Man nor
[or] Beast all this day ; and at Night got under ye Boat, but did not Sleep much, for they
Heard the Beasts Close to the Boat all [by them the whole] Night, which by the description,
they give o£ them, must be [have been] Tygers. As Soon as they Perceivd day Light, they hauPd
Some of the Sand from Under the Boat's Gunnell to See if the Tygers were [still] About them
for they had not heard them for Some Time before and tho they Saw None was [Nothing of
them, were] Afraid to Venture out, till a while After. But upon Seeing a Mans Foot they
Lifted the Boat & Gott out [got] from under. The man [soon ran]^^ to two Others & a Boy
at Some distance. At First they made a Sign for Our people to go away, which they Oomplyed
With Immediately by going [endeavouring] to Launch the Boat, tho* it Blew Very hard at
The Same Time.^^ The Natives [they say then] Ran to our people [them] with their Launces in
their hands & RosQnburry Imprudently took up a pistol (which Was Washed Out of the Boat
when first Oversett, & found on the Sand Afterwards with the best [Boat’s] Mast) and advanc-
ed towards them thinkiug to Frighten Them away, But was Mistaken; for they Spread them-
selvs and Immediatly Surrounded them Both Whetting their Lances, ^3 Rosenburry Ban
into the Sea, and Taylor fell on his Knees & Beggd for Mercy. But they b egan beating him
about the Back & Head With a Short Stick and Beat him till he Lay down foz' Dead. Then
They pull^ of His Shirt and Waistcoat and was [were] pulling of his Trousers, but beino-
recovered from a Blow that Stuue’d him, would not let them Take his Trousers, crying [making
Signs] for Mercy. They at last desisted, Rosenburry Was all this Time in the Water. They
now made Signs for Him to Come on Shore, which he Refused Signifying to them that they
Would kill him; on Which they Pointed to Taylor as Much as to Say, They had not Kill’d him.
He then Throw<i [them] the pistol, [his] waiscoat & & ($ic) Trousers, and Every thing but
his Shirt, and then Came to them. They did not Touch him, but Took the Boats Mast & pistol
& Shew’d him how he Ran after them, & Laugh'd, Seemingly well pleased with Their Clothes
which they put one Immediately, Some [snatching] one thing & Some Another. They Took
Every bit of Rope they found in the Boat. They Seemed very fond of the Iron Work & Took
. that ’ written over words erased. A line and a half erased here.
k line erased here. se 4 words erased here. S7 Half a line erased here*
‘ In looking about * written over words erased. 89 ‘ Not so well ’ written over words erased '
AO ‘ Soon ran’ written over words erased. 2 words erased. Half a line erased herel
Maech, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE ^‘BODBIlSiGTOK,” 1755.
117
oH the Pentle of the Rudder, & was [were] going to Break the Stem of the Ring that was in
it, but as Soon as Our People Perceiv<i it [that], they Cry’d fell on tbeir Knees, Making
Signs to them Kot to do it ; on Which they desisted. They then Made Signs to the Natives for
Some what [thing] to Eat, on which they pointed their Lances to Our Peoples Breasts k
Repeated the Same as Oft [Often] as they Ask’d, Eosenburry Took up Some Grass & Eat ;
Upon which, One of the Natives took up Some of the Roots, that lay by them, which I men*
tioned before, & Gave to Our People. When they found there was Nothing More to be got, they
made Signs for Our people to go, but the Wind Blowing Strong, Wterly, they made Signs that
they Could not go. They then Made Signs for Our people to Cover themselves with the Boat
and go to Sleep under her : and so left them. The Next Morning Proved fair Weather and a
Light Breeze Eterly. They Launched the Boat As Soon as it w^as Day. With Much Difficulty
got through the Surf And row’d along Shore, till they Saw the Island and then pull’d for it.
By their description, the Natives are Hottentots, Wearing a Skin like them [those] at The
Cape of Good Hope & Clacking When they Speak like them. In the Morning the Cattamaran
went went (sic) out a Fishing and Returned at Noon with a few. In the Afternoon the Boot
went out a Fishing but did not Catch more than Serv’d for Supper. This Morning the Sun
Was Eclips’d from 8 o Clock till 11 : | of it Obscured. In the Evening Killed a Hogg. ■
gTinday 7 Sept*’. Fresh Gales W^^erly & Cloudy Weather. Nothing Done this day.
Monday 8. The First part a fresh Breeze Wterly. The Last Light Airs Southerly,
Carpenter Employ’d on the Timbers, People Employ’d Carrying Hound Plank, Smith Makeing
a Handle to a Sword Blade. We Intend having one Each Man, Made out of Iron Hoops ;
also a Lannce To Defend Ourselves, in Case Should be Obliged to Land to get Water And
provissions. This Day had great Success in Catching 75 Large Fish which won^ last Some
Time, if had Salt to Cure them, for want of which Intend to Smoak Them, in Hopes That will
Preserve them.
^^Tuesday 9*^^. Hard Gales at S W. The Carpenter Employed as before, People Carrying
round Plank and Making a Kiln for Warming the Plank for The Boats Bottom, on the Same
place where Some Unhappy people had Made their Tent as we Suspected Some time ago,
by Reason of A parseU of Stones being Gathered as I Imagine to Skreen their Covering
from Blowing of. Their [sic] was Some Deal Boards Lay’d as a Platform under which we
Found a Great deal of Iron Work, Such as Bolts Hooks & Nails, which Suppose was Burnt
of the Wood, they.made Theire Fire With, There is Some peices of Timber About the place,
Where we Are Building Our Boat, the thick end of a large Sparr and Some Railers & Boards.
There was Also Some Bolts, and Other Iron Work, found On the Other Island, but not so Much
Decay’d as that Were the Tent Was One. Lickwise the Stanchin going down the Hatchway,
with the Steps On it, which is Much Fresher than the Wood on this Island which Convinces
me that Several! Ships has Shared the Same Pate of The Doddington, 8c I made no
doubt but Capta Sampsons Conjectures of the Dolphin^^ was Very J ast.
Wednesday lOtb Sept>^. Strong Gales at S W with SomeShowers of Rain, Saved 2 Butts
of water ; This Morning the Smoak Tent Blew down, the Weather prevents the Carpenter from
ao ing Much, the Smith Making Nails Built the Smoak Tent.
• 48 See this Day's Wort in the paper of Beferences. [Note in MS., but the Paper is not now forthcoming.]
[Wrecked in 1748. See footnote, Yoh XXX, p 455, ante. — Ed.]
118
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
Thursday Sept'^, U. Fresh Gales Easterly and fair Wea**. The Carpenter Finished the
Timbers, People Carrying Over Sparrs to Build the Tent, Smith Making Nails*
Friday 12*^. Light Airs & Calms. Carpenter Dubbing the Outside of the Timbers for
Planking, the people Building the Tent and Carrying round Sparrs for the Same ; Smith Making
Nails. There is too much Surf On the Barr to go a Fishing, therefore have recourse too [to]
Our Old Diet Peng win Broth,
Saturday 13. Wind Wterly and Pair Wea*^. The Boat went a fishing And Brought in
24 Fish, Carpenter as before, People Building the Tent, found a Grapnail washe'd on Shore
in a Shroud Hawser.
Sunday 14. Wind NW &;fairWea^. The Oattamaran went to the Other Island And
Brought 25 Gallons of Brandy : and the Boat Brought in 24 Fish,
Monday 15**^. Moderate Breezes S^erly, Carpenter Employed Planking The Bottom,
The Boat Brought in 24 Fish, Smith Making Nails ; people Carrying round Cordage <fc
Cleaning of it.
Tuesday 16. Light B-reezes & Calm. The Boat went out and Brought in 12 Pish.
Carpenter & Smith as Before. People Cleaning the Tent that We Intend Moving into
to Morrow.
Wednesday Sept**, Light Breezes Wterly and fair Wea^. This Morning Moved Every
Thing Over to the Other Side of the Island to the New Tent. Carpenter & Smith Employ’d as
before. Being Very Smooth Water I went Bound the Island to look for the Ships Bottom, Which
I Imagine is Kept out by the Dead Weight that is in it, but Could See Nothing of it. However
bad good Success in Catching 80 Fish & Came in. The Boat went out Again & Brought in
25 More. Sent the Oattamaran To the Other Island for the Bemainder of the Brandy.
Thursday 18. Fresh Gales Wterly & Cloudy Wea^. In Clearing the before Mentiond
Grapnail Found another. [We] Cleared them Both, and got them up : Cleared [also] a peice
of a Hawser for a Cable.
Friday The First part Moderate Breezes Easterly and Cloudy Weather the Latter
fresh Gales at N W, The Carpenter & Smith as Before, Two men went out a Fishing, but
Eeturned without any, being too' much Sea for the Boat to Ride.
^ Saturday 20. Fresh Gales Westerly. [Too] To Much Sea to go a Pishing. Carpenter
Finished 4 Streaks on the Starboard Side. People Employed Opening the Kiln and made
another also. KilF a Hogg.
Masch, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE « DODDIHGTOK/’ 1755.
119
Sunday 21»*, Fresh Gales and fair Wea^.
Monday 22^. Fresh Gales Westerly and Cloudy Weal with Rain. Saved 2 1 Tons.
Carpenter Could not Work.
Tuesday 23*, The First part Light Airs W^erly & Calm. The Latter Fresh Gales Easterly.
The Carpenter Employ’d Planking, Smith making Nails. The Boat Brought in 12 Fish.
Wednesday 24**1. Wind and Wear as pr day past. Carpenter & Smith as Before, The
Boat Brought in 12 Fish.
Thursday 26**». Wind & Wear as before. Carpenter as before, People Bringing Bound
Water for a Sea Store. Boat went out & Brought in 8 Fish,
Friday 28. The First part W*erly and Rain, latter Fair Wear- This day Caught 48
Fish. The Carpenter Planking, the Smith not at Work for want of Coals, the People bringing
Round Water.
Saturday 27**i Sept*^. The First part Fresh Gales Easterly the Latter More Moderate. The
Boat went a Fishing and Brought in Only 3 fish. People Carrying Round Plank,
Sunday 28**^. Fresh Gales S W & Rain. This Morning Found the Chest of Treasure
Broke Open and above I Taken out and hid. Every body Denies doing of it, but Refuses
taking an Oath Which M*^ Collett Offered first.
Monday 29*'*^, Fresh Gales W*erly. This day Several Birds Settled on The Island.
Knock’d Several Down for Dinner.
Tuesday 30. Fresh Gales Easterly. Carpenter Employ’d Planking, Smith Making Nails.
Wednesday Oct*^ 1. Wind & Wear as pr day past. Carpenter & Smith ,as Before,
People Opening the Kiln and making another.
Thursday 2*. Strong Gales Easterly & fair Wear, Cutting Lengths of Junk off the
Cable for Spunyarn,
Friday 3*, Light Breezes Easterly & Cloudy Wear. The Boat went out & Brought in
30 fish. Carpenter as before.
120
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Maech, 1902.
Saturday Fresli Gales at W S W <fefair Wea^ , the Carpenter Finished the 8*^ Streak
on the Starboard Side, Smith Making Nails, the People Brought Over the Butt o£ water for
Sea Store, the Boat went a Fishing but Return’d without Success,
Sunday 5*?. Light Variable Breezes, in looking about the Rocks. One of The people
Found a Fowling Peice, the Barrell Bent. The Carpenter Straignted it and Shott Some Birds
with it.
Monday Fresh Gales Eteriy <Sc Cloudy Wea^ People Employ’d Knotting of Yarns,
Tuesday Wind & Wear as pr day past the Boat went a Fishing and Returned without
Enough for Dinner, People Employ’d picking Oakum,
Wednesday 8, Light Variable Winds & Cloudy Weather, The Boat went Out 3 Times
& Could not Catch one fish. Three men went to the Other Island in Search of Eggs & Bi’ought
Over a Buckett Full,
Thursday 9*^ Oct*^, Fresh Gales at S W & Some Rain Cannot go a Fishing, but
Providence Provides for us Otherwise j for the Birds Settle in Great Numbers, Knock^^
down 60 and Could have got More.
Friday 10*^, Strong Gales at W S W with Cloudy Wear & Rain. The Birds Settle Still
in great Numbers. We Take care not to disturb them, hoping they are Come to Lay their Eggs,
Saturday 11*^. Wind at S W & fair Wear in the Morning the Boat went a Fishing and
Return^ with 18 Fish, This Last Week the Carpenter Finished 6 Streaks.
Sunday 12. Moderate Gales Easterly. All hands Trying to Catch Small Fish amongst
the Rocks.
Monday 13*^, Fresh Gales Eteriy and fair W ea® Carpenter Employed Planking ; Smith
Making Nails. One of our men Endeavouring to Make An Oven, in Order to Bake our Bread
for Sea Store when [against the time] we go away. Finding the Birds dont lay knocks down
about 200 of them for their Livers, it being the part that is Tolerable to Eat,
Tuesday 14. Light Breezes Wterly and pleasent Wea^^- To [too] much Sea To go a
Fishing. Went to the Other Island and got about 70 Eggs,
Wednesday 15. Strong Gales Westerly & Cloudy Wear. Carpenter Thinning Plank
for the Bottom, Smith Making Nails, People picking Oakom And Knotting Yarns. In the
Afternoon the Smoak Tent Caught Fire, but it being Discovered Immediatly was Extinguished j
one End [only] being burnt.
Mar€H, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE ^‘DODDINGTOlSi,” 1755.
121
Thursday 16^^. Winds Variable and pleasent Wea^- People Employ^ Carrving 07er
Flank & Spinning Spun Yarn ; 2 Went out a fishing & Brought Enough for Dinner & Supper.
Friday Fresh Gales Easterly S hazey Wear People Employed Spinning of Spun
Yarn & Carrying up Wood for the Kiln.
Saturday 13. Light Breezes Westerly & fair Wea^^* Carpenter planking, People Picking
Oakum, & Spinning Spun Yarn. The Boat went a Fishing and Brought Enough for Dinner,
(& Went out Again but not Meeting with Success, they Landed on the Other Island & Brought
Over 100 Gulls Eggs.
Sunday 19*^^ OotL The First part Light Airs Wterly, the Latter a fresh Gale. In the
morning 2 men went a fishing and Brought in 26 Fish. Afterwards went Over to the other
Island, & Brought Some Shag’s Eggs, but Not being Satisfyed, Collett & 3 Others went
Again on the Cattamaran & 2 Moi^e in the Boat, bub it began to Blow Suddenly so that Those
that went on the Cattamaran were Obliged to Take up their Lodgings Amongst the Seals.
The Carpenter & Powell Returned in the Boat.
Monday 20^^. The First part Fresh Gales Westerly with Some Rain, The Latter More
Moderate. About Noon the Boat went Over for Collett And the rest of the people ; but as
She wou’d Carry no More than 4 at that [a] Time, Those that went to fetch them. Stay’^^ and
the Other 4 Came Over having Been 24 Hours without Eating or drinking. The Cattamaran
Broke adrift before the Boat Came Over Yesterday, but Luckily drove on Shore again.
Tuesday 21®*. Fresh Gales Easterly and fair Wear. Cut Some Lengths of Junk for Spun
Yarn. Opened the Kiln and Made Another. The Birds Continue on the Island; Therefore, am
in great Hopes they will Lay.
Wednesday 22*. Hard Gales Easterly and Hazey Wea^. People Employed Knotting
Yarns. This Day Try^ the Oven which does Bxtreejnly [Extremely] well Making our Bread
as Large Again With the Same Quantity s of Flower [Flour] Than the day we did before, which
Was in a pan Over the Fire : but I am Sorry to Say it, there is not above a fortnight’s More
Flower at the Small [Flour even at our Small] Allowance^^^ besides What Allowance we Keep
for Sea Store [Stock] ; & I Fear have 3 Months More to Stay on this Island, before we a^e
Ready to go away [shall be Ready to depart].
Thursday 23*. Winds &c as before. Carpenter at Work on the Kelson, Smith Making
Nails, & People drawing of Yarns.
Friday 24. Light Variable Breezes the Boat went to Egg Island, And Brought 40 Gulls
Eggs. We piok<i up 30 on this Island. People Pitting the Rigging for .the large Boat which
we Intend to Make a Sloop off [of].
2 words orased here.
122
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[MAiicHy 1902.
Saturday 25. The first part Light Airs &i Oalm, the Latter a fresh Gale Easterly. The
Boat went a fishing and Brought Enough for Supper & dinner To Morrow. As they Came in.
Landed on Egg Island, ^ Got 30 Gulls Eggs. Gott 30 More on this Island.
Sunday Oct*" 26. Wind and Wea^ as p^ day past. The Boat went a Fishing and Brought
in 16 Fish. Some went to y® Other Island in Order to gett the Cattamaran adoat which they
did, but it Blows [blew] too hard to get her Over ; they got 30 Gulls Eggs and we got as Many*
on this Island.
Monday Oct** 27. Variable Winds & Cloudy Wea^. The Carpenter Employed Flanking^
Smith Making Nails. In the Morning Some of the people went to Fetch the Cattamaran „
The Boat went a Fishing, but Neither proved Successfuly there being too Much Sea for the
Boat, and the Cattamaran was a Ground.
Tuesday 28. Little AViuds at N W and Hazey Wea^. The Boat went out 3 Times to day
without Success: 2 Men Employ’d Mending the Oven.
Wednesday 29*^. Light Breezes Easterly. The Boat went a fishing and Brought in ^
Fish. In the Mean Time Raised th© Birds and found 6 Eggs : So that "We are Convinc’d they
are going to Lay. Therefore, am Sure There will he No fear of Starving: for there is a great
[are] many Thousands of them. They make the Island quite Nausous in Calm Weather.
Three Men went and Brought the Cattamaran over. Sett Fire to Some of the Wreck to get
[burn out] Some Bolts.
Thursday 30. The First part Light Airs Easterly. The Boat went Out and Brought in
9 Fish. Two Men went to Shagg Rock in Search off [after] Eggs, but Found None. Thi^
Bock is about 2 Miles to the Westward of our [the] Island [we are upon]. They got So
Gulls Eggs from Egg Island.
Friday 31®^^. The First part Light Airs Northerly, latterly fresh Gale :3 Westerly. The
Boat Brought in only 3 fish at 3 [diff^ Times].*®
Saturday Nov>^ Presh Gales Westerly & Cloudy Wea^ with Some Rain, Which wc
have been Praying for Some time ; having only 2 Batts left, besides Our Sea Store, whlrh
Lastes [Lasts] but 13 Days by Living Entirely on Brotb, when we dont Catch Flsln Saved
^/s ^ Butt. Carpenter Employ^^ Thinning Plank,
Sunday 2*1. The first Part Moderate Gales Westerly the Latter Wind at S' E And Cloudy
Wea- in the Night. [FellJ A few Showers of Rain. Saved | a Bwtt of Water. Raised the
Birds & Gott 97 Eggs.*
^ difft Timee ’ written over a 'wot'd erafeed.
March, 1902.]
THE WHEGIC OF THE « DODDIHGTON,*’ 1755.
123
Monday 3^. The first part Moderate Breezes at IsT W latter fresh Gales at S E. Carpenter
Planking, Smith Making Nails. The Boat went to Egg Island & Got 160 Gnlls Eggs. People
Bringing Timber Over for to Make Beams for the Boat,
Tuesday Nov>=‘ 4. Fresh Breezes and Variable with Cloudy Weather. Carpenter
Employ^ on the Inside. Smith Making Gimbletts. Got 40 Gulls Eggs,
Wednesday 5**^. A Strong Gale W^erly. The Carpenter Fitting C Timbers, Smith As
Before. People picking Oakam. Got 60 Gulls Eggs.
Thursday 6. Wind and Wea^^ as p^ day past. Carpenter &c as before.
Friday 7®^. Strong Gales Westerly, Carpenter Employ e’d Planking gott 60 Gulls Eggs
from Egg Island.
*
Saturday 8*^. A Fresh Breeze Easterly and Hazey Wea^. Carpenter Finish*^ The
Outside, Smith Making Fishing Hooks. People Knotting Tarns and Spinning Spun Yarn.
Sunday 9*^. Strong Gales Westerly Nothing Else Remarkable.
Monday 10. Fresh Gales Westerly and Rain. Carpenter Employed on the Inside, Open’d
the Kiln, & Gott up Wood for to Make another : 2 Men went to Egg Island and Brought Over
36 Gulls Eggs.
Tuesday Moderate Gales Easterly. In the Morning Some Showers. Saved f of a Butt,
Carpenter as before, Smith Making Nails, people Picking Oakum. For Some Time past, has been
too much Surf to go a Pishing in the Boat. Try^ to go on the Cattamaran but Could not.
Wednesday 12. Moderate Gales Easterly : People Employed Splitting Wood for the Kiln.
Some ou the Sails for tlie Boat.
Thursday 13^^. Light Breezes Variable & foggy 'Wea''. Carpenter Employ*^ On thje Inside :
People Making a Kiln and Carrying round Plank. Raised the Birds & Got 800 Eggs* The Boat
went Over & Brought in 17 Fish.
Friday Light Airs Westerly with pleasent Wea*^* About 5 Weeks ago 1 heard Some
talk of Goiug to the Main, which I gave but Little Credit to ; but all of a Sudden 3 Men took it in
their heads, & Accordingly Sett off. About Noon they Returned Again, having been Close to the
Shore, but did Not See any of the Inhabitants, Nor any thing Worth Mentioning. They Talk of
going Again with the Cattamaran & Boat, the first favourable Opportunity*
124
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mar'ch, 190 :^.
Saturday 15. Fresh Gales Easterly & Hazey Wear. Carpenter Employed Making The
Beams ; people picking Oakum, and Bringing Plank Orer,
Sunday 16 N’ov*'. Fresh Gales W^^erly and fair Wea^. In the Morning Rais'd the Birds
and Gott 1600 Eggs. In the* Afternoon discovere’d a Little Salt upon the Rocks, Made by the Sea,
Which Encourage’d us to Look further found about a pound. Tliis give me great Hopes that
a Weeks Fine Weather will produce Plenty.
Monday 17t*i. Moderate Gales Southerly & pleasent Wear. Carjienter Laying The Beams,
Smith Making Nails. In the Afternoon the Boat went to Egg Island and Brought from thence 86
Gulls Eggs.
Tuesday 18. A Fresh Gale E^^erly & fair Wea^. Carpenter as before. In the Morning
When the Tide was Out, all hands went to Cleaning away the Rocks, in Order to Make a Channel!
for to Launch the Boat. Finished the Mainsail.
Wednesday 19tJi. Wind & Wear as pr day past. Carpenter Employed Fixing Knees to the
Beams. At low Water the people at Work in the Channell, And Afterwards picking Oakum &
Knotting Yarns.
Thursday 20th. The first part Calm, the latter a fresh Gale Easterly. [Y®] Carpenter
Employ’d as before. The Cattamaran went out & Brought in 17 small fish and a Shark. Raised
the Birds & Got 12 Firkins of Eggs. Saw a large Smoak on the Main, Right Opposite to us, and
not far in the Country: But the People Seems to be quite off about going to the Main, tho' they
seem’d, [were] to go a few days Ago.
Friday 21. Moderate Gales Westerly and fair Wea^. Carpenter Fixing Ledges, Smitli
Making Nails : The poeple Carrying Plank and Making a Kiln : 5 Men Went to Egg Island &
Return** with 60 Gulls Eggs.
Saturday 22*. Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter as before. The Boat and Gaitamaran
Went a Fishing and Caught plenty. One of which, Served all Hands for a Mcnil.
Sunday 23. Light Winds Variable. 5 Men went to Egg Island and Knock<2 down Some
Shaggs, Which is [are] Much the Best Eating, of any fowl kind we gelt and also Brought [over]
Some Guils Eggs.
Monday 24. Fresh Gales at S W with Rainy Woa^', but Saved no Wa'bn*. People Emrdoyed
Picking Oakum.
o Tiyr Nov** 25*^1. The First part a Light Breeze Westerly, latter E<'crly. Xu the Morning
2Men Wentouta fishmpndin About 2 Hours Returned with 45 Large fish. This Success is
wing to the Bait, which we now Use, Calle’d a Scuttle fish, we get them from the Birds, when
Mabck, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE “DODDINGTON,” 1755.
125
we Raise them [ia order to take] to gett their Eggs ; at Which Time, they Vomit up the fish. So
that now we Are Wholly Obliged to the Birds for Our Subsistence. The Carpenter Employ^ On
the Larboard Gunnell. Removed the Store Tent from the Other Side.
Wednesday 28. Fresh Gales Westerly and fair Wea^ Carpenter as before. People
Employ’d Opening the Kilns & Made Another, Smith Making Nails.
Thursday 27. Moderate Breezes Westerly & fair WeaL Carpenter Laying The Deck }
j)eople picking Oakam. The Boat went a fishing and Brought in 20 Pish : [but] and lost all their
hooks with the Sharks.
Friday 28. Light Variable Breezes & hott Wea^. Carpenter Laying the Deck; Smith
Making Hooks. 4 Men went a fishing on the Cattamaran and Returned at Noon, with 70 Fish,
4 Men went to Egg Island to get Some Shaggs but did not Succeed.
Saturday 29. Light Breezes and Foggy Wea^. We are in great Hopes it would have
Turn’d to Rain, being Reduced almost to our Sea Stock, Carpenter on the Starboard Gunnell
[Gunwale], Smith Making Nails, People Opening Marline to Sew the Sails with.
Sunday 30. Wind Easterly & fair Wea^ The Boat went out a Pishing Sc Brought in Only
8 Small Fish So lost 2 Hooks. Raise’d the Birds for Baits & Gathere’d 3 Firkins of Eggs.
Monday Bec^ Light Breezes So pleasent Wea^, Carpenter as Before ; Smith Making
the Rudder Irons, People Opening Marline. 2 Men Went a fishing lost 4 Hooks, but Caught no
Fish. In the Afternoon had Better Luck, Caught 2 dozen of fish. We are this day Obliged to
Broach Our Sea Stock of Water ; So Served Each Man a pint So Intend to go to an Allowance of
3 pints a Day. At low Water went to a Clearing [Clear] the Channel 1.
Tuesday 2^, Fresh Gales Easterly & fair Wea^ Providence has prevented us going to
Allowance of Water, having Severall Showers in the Night we Saved f a Butt of Water.
Wednesday Bec*^. Fresh Gales E*erly So Hazey Wea^. Carpenter Employ’d Laying
the Deck, Smith Finished the Rudder Irons. At Low Water went to Clearing of the Channel!,
a
Thursday 4^^. Fresh Breezes W^erly & Hazey Wea^. Carpenter as before, Smith Making a
Goose Neck for the Boom : People Clearing the Ohanell & Picking Oakum. Rais’d the Birds for
Bait So Got 3 Firkins of Eggs, 2 Men went a fishing.
Friday 6^*^. Itight Breezes W^erly So fair Wea^, Carpenter as before : Smith Making Bolts
for the dead Eyes of the Shrouds, People Clearing the Channell.
Saturday 6. A Fresh Gale Easterly and fair Wea^. In the Morning 2 Men went -[out] a
fishing and Caught 15 Fish; Smith Making Caulking Irons : People the Kiln & Gleari^ the
Channell.
126
THE INDIAN ANTIQTJAHY.
fMARCH, 1902.
Sunday 7tii. The Eirst part Moderate, Latter fresh Gales, Westerly & Fair Wea^ 2 Men
went [onf] a fishing and caught only 4 Small Fish.
Monday 8. Light Variable Breezes & Cloudy Wea*. The Carpenter finish’d The Deck
Smith as Before, People Carrying up Plank for the Kiln. 2 men went out a fishing & Caught
Plenty ; In the Evening to our great Joy had Severall Showers of Rain, Saved 3 Butts of water ;
having this Morning Served 3 pints a man Day.
Tuesday 9*^^, Moderate Breezes Southerly & Some Rain. Saved a little more Water.
Carpenter Fitting Comings to the Hatchway ; Smith Making fishing Hooks, People picking Oakum,
Wednesday 10**^. A Strong Gale Easterly. Employ<^ as p^ day Past,
Thursday Moderate Breezes Westerly & fair Wear. Carpenter Fixing Ledges &
Making Scuttles. 2 Men went [out] a fishing & Caught 20 Fish, Set Fire to Some of the Wreck
to gett [burn] the Iron out. Rais<^ the Birds and got 4 Firkins of Eggs.
Friday 12. Light Variable Breezes and Cloudy Wea^, Carpenter Caulking the deck; Smith
Making Caulking Irons. 3 Men Went [out] a fishing & Caught 6 dozen [of] fish,
Saturday 13*^* Wind S W the first part Cloudy, the latter Rain. 3 Men went a Pishing
and Caught Enough for Dinner.
Sunday Deer 14, The first part Moderate Gales Sotherly: the latter Fine Wea^ 2
Went a Fishing & Caught 4 Dozen of fish. Rais’d The Birds ai^d Gott 300 Eggs,
Monday 15**». Strong Gales E^^erly & hazey Wea^. Carpenter Lining [y® ] Inside, Smith
Making Iron for the Bowsprit.
Tuesday 10. Mostly Rainy Wea^^. Carpenter as Before : Smith Making Chain Plates out of
the Phuttuck [futtock] Plates, that Came ashore in the Tops, At Low Water Employ’d Clearing
the Channell, '
Wednesday 17. Moderate freezes Westerly, Carpenter & Smith as before. 2 Men went a
Fishing & Caught 4 Dozen & ^ fish. The Ret Employ’d Opening the Kiln, and Afterwards Wjent
to Egg Island to get Some Shaggs, but did not Catch any, so return’d with Only a few Eggs.
Thursday 18th- Wind, <^p as p^ d^y past, 3 5Ien went a fishing & Caught 5 Dozen, of fish.
Carpenter Employ ’d as before, People Clearing [y®] Channell.
. ,„Friday.l9. Light Variable Breezes & thick We^r with drizling Rain, Carpenter Employ’d
as Before, Yesterday 5 Men went to Egg Island & Stayi all Night in Order to gett Some Sgs ; and
Return’d this Morning with' 14 ; two Men Went a fishing & Caught 5 dozon of fish.
MAftCH, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE ‘‘BODDINGTON 17^5.
127
Saturday 20. Fresh Gales Easterly and Hazey Wear. Had Such plenty off Eggs for Some
time past, that we afforded the two Hoggs [each] a Peice 50 p^ day. They Seem to like them so well
that we are [were] Obliged to look well After them to keep them from Raising the Birds ; tho’
they Gett among them Sometimes & fill their Bellys before we [can] get them Away. And [They]
would have paid Dearly [Dear] for it, Ere now, had we not Great Dependance on them fop a [our]
Sea Store*
Indeed^7 it is Not for what they Eat themselves but the prodigious Number of Gulls that give
due Attendance ^^And as Soon as any thing disturbs the Birds off their Nests, they Are Down as Quick
as Thought and Devour the Eggs, but we Are Pretty Even with Them for they will have no Young
this Year ; for Their Eggs Being much the Best, Every Body looks Sharp for Them, tho’ we Run a
Great Risque of having our Eyes Pluckt out by them, so Inveterate are They Against us, that when
we Are in Search of their Eggs they Come About us in Great Numbers & Fly Close down to you
making a terrible Noisy Cry,^^ ^ Sometimes Take their Own Eggs & fly of with them. At Low
Water Went to Work on the Rocks.
Sunday Dee’^ 21. Mostly Little winds & fair Wea^.
Monday 22** Light Southerly Breezes & Calms. The Cattamaran & Boat went a Fishing
and Gott plenty. This Morning our Cook’s Tent took Fire and Burot down, and Burnt most of our
furnture. In the Afternoon Built Another,
Tuesday 23*- Light Breezes Southerly & Cloudy Wear, Two men went a Fishing & Caught
B Dpzon of fish.
Wednesday 24 Light Variable Breezes and fair Wea’^. Carpenter Employ’d Caulking the
Peck, Smith Making fish hooks. Caught 60 Small Pish, Rais’^ the Birds & Gott 950 Eggs.
Thursday 26. D^ Wea^, The Gulls have Done Laying, The Pengwins have Begun. 3 Men
^ent to Egg Island & Brought 44 Eggs.
{ Friday 26. Wind Variable and fair Wea^. Carpenter finished the deck Caught 40 Fish,
Saturday 27. Mostly a fresh Gale Easterly & Cloudy Wear, Carpenter on the Upper Work
Smith making a Scraper,
Sunday 28. Fresh Gales Easterly with thick Squally Wea’f & Rain, Rais^ the Birds & Got
9 firkins of Eggs. 2 men went to Egg Island & Brought over 30 pengwins Eggs.
Monday 28. Wind & Wea’^ as Yesterday. Carpenter Employed about The Stern.
*7 ‘Indeed' written over a word erased.
** The remainder of this para, is first corrected and then sooted through s it is given as first written.
49 Four words erased here and rendered illegible.
128
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[March, 1902.
Tuesday ^0^^- Light Variable Breezes & fair Wea^. Carpenter Planking The Boats Quarter.
Wednesday 31. Carpenter as before. Caught 4 Dozen Small fish.
Anno 1756 Thursday 1«* Jan^y. Light Breezes Westerly & Calm ; got 2000 Eggs & Caught
8 Dozen of Small fish.
Friday 26 - The first part Light Airs Easterly latter Westerly. Caught 7 Dozen Small Fish.
Saturday 3^ Fresh Gales Easterly and Pleasent Wea^. Carpenter Employ’d Caulking;
People Clearing the OhannelL Our Brandy aU Expended hut 3 or 4 Gallons [which we} kept for
the Carpenter.
Sunday JanT^ 4th. Light Breezes Westerfy afnd Clo-udy Weather. 3 Men went out a fishing
& Caught 14 but lost all their hooks.
Monday 6**- Light Breezes & fair Wea^. Carpenter Lining the Boats, & People Clearing
the Channell.
Tuesday 6. The first a fresh Gale Easterly & fair Wea^. Latter Variable and Cloudy weather.
In the Night with Thunder & Lightning. Carpenter Caulking, People Carrying up wood for
Another Kiln.
Wednesday 7, Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter as before. Smith Mending the Grap Nails
being touch Straitned. The Boat went to Egg Island and Brought 176 Pengwins Eggs & 2 Shaggs.
Thursday 8. Mostly Calm & foggy Wea^. Carpenter &c as before. People Sawing Blocks,
to lay the ways for the Boat.
Friday 9*®*, Light Airs at N W & fair Wea^ Carpenter as before. In the Morning Rais^ the
Birds & got 12 firkins oS Eggs. Two Men went a fishing but had no Success. In the Afternoon
4 Men went on the Cattamaran to Seal Island & KilF 4 for their Blubber to Make Oil. 2 Men
Empioy<i Mending the Oven in Order to Bake what Bread we have left for Sea Store,
Saturday 10. Light Breezes & Variable, with some Rain. Carpenter as before. Smith Making
an Iron for the Jibb Boom, 2 Men went a Fishing and got plenty for Dinner.
Sunday 11. The first part a Moderate Gale Westerly & Cloudy Wea^ the Latter Fair.
Monday 12. Fresh Gales Westerly. Carpenter as Before. In the Evening 2 Men went [out]
ft Pishing and Brought only 5 Small [Fish],5o
‘ Fish ' written over a word erased.
March, 1902.]-
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTOI^/’ 1755.
129
Tuesday 13. Moderate Breezes and fair Weather, 2 Men went a fishing and caught 4 Dozon
Small fish. 5 Men went on the Cattamaran to Seal Island for Blubber, Carpenter Caulking,
Baker getting his Flower [Flour] Ready for Baking • one Cask of Which proYed Sower [Sour]
Xeyertheless we mix it : tho am Sure a well fed hogg in England Wou’d not Touch it.
Wednesday 14 Jan^^y. Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter Finish’^^ The Starboard Side;
Smith Making Fish Hooks. 2 Men went out & Caught 5 fish.
Thursday 15, Fresh Gales Easterly and fair Wea’*. Carpenter Begun to Caulk the Larboard
Side ; Smith as before ; People Picking Oakum.
Friday 16. Light Breezes Westeidy and thick foggy Wea^. Carpenter as Before: People
Clearing the Channell. 2 Men went a fishing & Caught 92 Small Ones,
Saturday 17*^*^. Fresh Breezes Variable. & fair Wear, Carpenter Employ'd Lining the Boat,
people picking Oakum, 2 men went a Fishing & Caught 186 SmaU Ones, Rais'^ the Birds and Gotfc
1 800 Eggs, 400 of Which we Eat Every Day.
Sunday 18. Fresh Gales Westerly & fair Wea^*
Monday 19^^. Moderate Gales Westerly & fair Wea^, Carpenter Employ’d Caulking ;
People picking Oakum, 8 Men went a fishing & Caught 60 Small Ones.
Tuesday 20. The first part a Moderate Breeze S^^erly; the Latter a fresh Gale Easterly.
Carpenter as before ; people Clearing the Channell & picking Oakum. 2 Men 'went a fishing and
Caught 4 Dozon Small Ones. Rais^ the Birds & Gott 286 Eggs.
Wednesday 21. Mostly Light Variable Breezes. Carpenter as before : People Clearing the
Channell. 8 Men went to Egg Island and gott 380 Pengwins Eggs & 44 Shaggs Eggs.
Thursday 22*. Moderate Breezes Westerly & fair Wear, Carp)enter as Before: People
Open’d the Kiln, 3 Men went a fishing & Caught 148 Small fish.
Friday 23. Fresh Gales Easterly & Hazey Wear. Carpenter EmpF as before.
Saturday 24. Lig’^bt Variable Breezes & hott Weather. Carpenter as Befox'c. This Moming
5 Men wont to Egg Island & Gott 100 pengwins Eggs. The Boat went a Fishing but Return^
out Success. In the Evening She went Again & Return’*^ Laden Quite deep with Fish. In
Morning Went among the Parcell of Birds we lett Sett [gave leave to Set], and Took i^bout 50 of
their Young, and [We] Dress*^i [them] for dinner, but find them Very Indifferent food ; Their flesh
Being as Blew [blue] as Indigo and Quite Spongy. Carpenter Finished Caulking the Larboard S:de.
180
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Maech, 1902.
Sunday 25 Jan*'y. Moderate Breezes and Variable, with Some Showers of Rain.
Monday Wind and Wear as Day past. Carpenter Employ’^ Lining the Boat. 2 Men
went a Fishing and Caught 2 Dozon Small Ones.
Tuesday 27. Moderate Breezes at S E & Rain : gott 9 Eggs from Egg Island.
Wednesday 28*^. Moderate Breezes & Variable. Finish^ Lineing the Boat.
Thursday 29. Fresh Gales Easterly with Hazey Wear. Carpenter Employ’<i Fixing Hanging
Knees to Some of the Beams.
Friday 30*^. Wind and Wear as before. Carpenter Enploy’*^ about the Stem ; People Making
a Kiln and Clearing the Channel!,
Saturday 31®*. A Pleasent Gale Westerly and fairWea^ The Carpenter Employed Making
the Rudder: People Getting of Iron out of the Wreck for Ballast.
Sunday Feb^y 1®*, Moderate Breezes and fair Wear. Rais^ the Birds, and to Our great
Disappointment, got [[gathered] only 2 dozon of Eggs, which I believe will Be the last we Shall gett.
In the Afternoon 2 men went out a fishing And Caught 3 dozon of Small fish and One large One.
Monday 2^. Moderate Breezes Easterly, with Some Rain. Carpenter about t]ie Rudder ;
People Employ*^ Bringing Over Iron for Ballast.
Tuesday 3^. Fresh Gales Easterly & fair Wear. Carpenter Employed Fitting the Pump ;
People Bringing Over Rillett Wood for to Burn [our Burning] at Sea.
Wednesday 4**^, The First part Light Breezes Westerly & fair Weather. Latter Cloudy
[with] and Some Rain. Carpenter Employ’d Caulking the Stern: Smith Making Rudder Irons,
Thursday 5, Light Breezes Westerly and Pair Wear, Carpenter and Smith Employe* as
before, 3 Men went a Fishing and Caught a Large Shark, and One dozon of Other Fish.
Friday 6, A Pleasent Gale Easterly and fair Wear. Carpenter Employ‘d Nailing on the
Rudder Irons : People' Employ<t Watering the Boat. Pound her pretty Tight,
Saturday Feb^y 7*^ 1766. The First Calm with Sultry Wear Latter a Fresh Breeze Easterly,
March, 1902.]
THE WRECK OE THE “DODDINGTON,” 1755 .
131
Sunday 8. Light Breezes and Pleasent Wear.
Stingrey, 3 Sharks & 2 Dozen of Other Pish.
3 Men went a Fishing And Canght a
Monday 0tlx. A Fresh Gale Easterly and Fair Wear. Carpenter at Work Upon the Stern.
Westerly with Cloudy Wear & Eain, Latter
Variable. Cheater Employ-i Making the main Boom, People Bringing Over Iron, & Burning the
Remainder of the Wreck. Got 100 Pengwins Eggs from Egg Island.
Wednesday lltfc. Moderate Breezes Westerly with
the Mast. Saved 2 Butts & a Hgshead of Water.
Cloudy Wear & Rain.
Carpenter Making
Thursday Wind and Wea^ as pr day past.
Bowespritt & Orossjack Yard-
Carpenter Finish^ the Mast and Made a
at SundiyTobbs ^ People Employed [about]
T ^ ^""ierate Gale Easterly. "Carpenter Finished the Gaffe and Pay’d the
^ [afterwards] to Egg Island.
Gott 10 Fish and 80 Pengwins Eggs.
rvo Variable Breezes and fair Wear. Carpenter Payfl The Starboard Side.
3 dozoD^'^^ Morrow Morning. 3 Men went out a fishing & Canght
Monday 16 . The first part a Light Breeze & fair Wear Latter a Fresh Gale. At4 AM
Began to Lay the ways for Launching, and at 1 o Clock Got the Boat in the Water and [gave her
the Kame of]5i The Happy Deliverance. Got The Mast in and Some of the- Iron for Ballast
and.all Our Water.
Tuesday 17. Moderate Breezes Westerly, People Employed getting their things into the Boat.
At High Water, Hauld out. When we Came to the Mouth of the Channel the Grapnail Came
home, and She drove Upon the Rocks, which had like To have Domolishe’d her, but Thanks to the
Almighty we got off Again. Soon After Ran Over to the Barr and Came to an Anchor, to sett
the Remainder of Our things on Board ; and then Weight and Stood to Sea, having on Board
2 Butts & 4 Hogsheads of Water, 3 Weeks Salt pork, & 6 lb of Bread p^ man, and 2 Live Hoggs.
See for this Mark in the Paper of References.®®
fTo he continued,)
‘ gave her the name of ’ written over two words erased.
This note is in the same hand as the corrections and additions. See above note.
132
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902,
LETTERS FROM MADRAS IN 1359.
BY WILLIAM FOSTEE.
Introduction.
The following letter — interesting alike for its nanative of the shipwreck of the Persia
Merchant ’’ on the Maldives, and its account of Madras at a little known period of its history —
was first brought to notice by a brief entry in the report of the Royal Historical MSS. Commis-
sioners on the Welsh MSS. preserved at Mostyn Hall (^Parliamentary I^aper C. 8829 of 1898,
p. 195). It occurs in the middle of a volume of miscellaneous Welsh poems [^Mostyn MB. 147,
pp. 676-9), into which it has been copied by some unknown (contemporary) hand, presumably on
account of its interest to the family of Middleton, to whom most of the poems refer. The copyist
has mangled some of the names of places beyond recognition, and the folding of tbe paper has. damaged
a few other words ; but on the whole the loss has been less than might have been expected. The
letter is now printed from a transcript recently made by Mr. Edward Owen, wiih the courteous per-
mission of Lord Mostyn, for incorporation with the India Office collection of Madras Records.
Of the writer, Captain Roger Middleton, little is known beyond what he tells us himself.
He had evidently seen military service, probably in the Cromwellian army ; and as he speaks of himself
as ‘’part of mariner,” he must have had some maritime experience as w'ell. Our first notice of him,
however, is on the 12th February, 1G58, when the Court Minutes of the East India Company record
his engagement as ‘‘ Lieutenant,” {. e., commander of the garrison, “ of Fort St. George at 25 1. per
annum.” He w'as allow'ed a sum of 4 L to exj^end in fresh provisions for the voyage, and was
assigned a berth on board the good ship Persia Merchant, Captain Francis Johnson, bound
for Madras. His fellow-passengers included four factors, m., Jonathan Trevisa, Ambrose Salisbury,
William Yassall and Stephen Charlton, besides four soldiers — Roger Williams, Samuel
Dorman, WiUiam Lloyd and Richard Middleton (a cousin of his) — engaged to serve under him iu
the garrison. The vessel sailed about the middle of March, 1658, and from this point we mav
allow Middleton himself to take up the story.
A few facts about Middleton’s subsequent history may be of interest. Wo hear of him
next in January, 1661, when the Madras authorities WTote home that he had been granted leave tt>
repair to Surat, and had accordingly embarked on the Madras Merchant in Febniaiy, IGGO. They
appear to have been glad to get rid of bim, “being fame a little before to restraine his |ejson upon
some misdemeanours.” He had been invited to Surat, it seems, with the view of utilising his
services at Maskat, in the Persian Gulf. Sultan bin Seif liad receuily expelled the Portoguese'froiu
that city, and negotiations had been set on foot for the transfer thither of the English staff at Gom-
broon. An English garrison, not to exceed one hundred men, was to be posted in one of the forts *
and of this body it was intended to make Middleton commandant. The scheme, however, came to
nothing, as the Surat factors found they had quite enough on their hands without interfering further
in Maskat afiairs.
In November, 1060, Middleton was sent in the Swally pinnace to Danda Rajpuri, Karwar, and
Goa. The authorities at Surat had for some time been anxious to find some spot, outside the
Mogul’s dominions, suitable for the establishment of a fortified dep6t, to which they could retreat
should the exactions of the native officials become unendurable. This was shortly after secured by
the acquisition of Bombay ; but in 16G0 the Portuguese were turning a deaf ear to all suggestions of
parting with one of their ports. The factors’ attention was tlien turned to Danda Rajpuri a fort on
the coast about fifty miles south of Bombay, held by the Janjira Sidis, nominally on behalf of the
King of Bijapur. Middleton was accordingly deputed to pay a visit to the governor of the fort
ostensibly to compliment him and request bis assistance to any of the Company's shipping in need of
his help, “ but our maine scope is that under this forme bee may take a veiw of the strength of the
place, how scituated, the best way to be assailed, that if wee cannot fairly obtaine it, wee may forcibly
March, 1902.]
LETTEES FEOM HABEAS IN 1659.
183
per our shipping, and that lawfully, considering them as Pirats’" (Surat Consultations, June 22nd,
1660). From Danda Eajpuri he was to proceed to Karwar, and survey two islands at the mouth of
the Karwar River, which were reported to be suitable for a settlement ; and coming back, he was to
call at Goa, and inquire casually regarding the possibility of obtaining permission to reside on “ the
island called the Ellephant, lying in Bombay.’’
Nothing can be traced as to the result of this mission ; but Middleton was back by the 9th
April, 1661, for on that date he witnessed two declarations at Swally (Forrest’s Selections from
Bomhoy Records : Home, Vol. I. pp. 190-1).
In a commission to Richard Craddock, proceeding to Persia, dated 3rd March, 1662 (ibid,
p. 199), the Surat factors mention that Middleton had been sent to Gombroon, apparently to seize the
native broker and send him to Surat for punishment. This is the last entry that can be found relating
to him ; and it seems probable that, like so many of his contemporaries, he found a grave at that
most unhealthy settlement.
Roger Middleton’s Letter.
Loving Brother and Sister,
I am betwixt too opinions wheather to write unto you or not ; though I be silent, yet the
newes of my misery will soone come to your eares. Five monthes after our departure from England
our shipp was cast away and many weare drownd, amongst the rest Cosen Richard Myddelton ; but
my selfe miraculously saved (praysed be God of my salvacon), being sick of a leaver at that Instant,
but had nothing about me but my shift, and of all I had in the shipp I saved not the worth of 2 d. I
can not expresse the miserablenesse of our condicon, the shipp beating upon a Rock under watter,
and after four bowers fell in peaces ; this in darke night, not knowing where to looke for Land, our
boate sunck under the shipp side, having but it and another, into which I, being parte of Mariner,
was admitted, but the Merchants was faine to stay on board that night and most of the next day.
Att breake of the day wee saw land, at which wee conceaved noe small joy, which wee with much
danger recovered, for the sea broake upon us aud fild us twise with watter. Although I was sick yet
I laboured to save my skin ; nothing but life endeavoured for. Wee went unto the Island
called Ingramrudco, haveing noe living thing upon it for the use of man, wee haveing neither
meate, drinke nor clothes, noe armes for defence nor anything to keepe life. Wee fitted our boate as
well as wee could to save some men ; some they tooke up swimming upon broaken peeces of the shipp,
which stuck fast in the Rock, amongst whom was Captain Roger Williams and arch deacon Lloyd
son, who are both my soldiers,* Thus having as many as wee could save, being without food, wee
ranged about the Island, Wee found a well of watter, of which wee dranke like pigeons, lifting
head and harts for soe greate a mercy. Thus drinkeing watter, by good providence wee found coker
nutt trees, which is both food and rayment ; soe wee went by the sea side and found little shell
fish and the like, but wanting fire wee tooke sticks and rubbed them togeather untill they
kindled ; thus wee lived heare ten or twelve dayes, not knowing wheather it was better for us
to be seen by the Neighbouring Islanders, for some of the ancient seamen sayd they would cutt our
throats. Att last there arived three of their boates full of men, which wee dreaded but could not
resist. One of our men swam a hoard of making singes [signes ?] and signifieing our condicon, by
hirogliphicks they did seeme to comiserat us. Thus they did once or twice, and broug[ht us] Toddy
to drinke and rice to eate, which was a greate refreshm[ent], promising us a boate to transport us to
the King of M:aldiv[ ], who stiles himselfe the welthiest king in the world ; but they juggled
with us and carried us into another Island called Corwmbo, where wee had fish and other good
things, as hony and rice, on which wee fedd like farmers. But they lorded over us sadly,. -telling us
wee were att theire mercy, takeing from us what they would. Soe after a long tyme they brought a
rotten vessell and bid us begon, murmuring against us, which created in us much jelouzie, fearing [for]
our lives both day and night. Att last two of their Vice Royes came, saying if we would send the
•king a Regaloi or Piscash they would give us a vessell. Soe one of the Merchants ha d a gold chayn
1 A gift (Portuguese). - . .
1S4
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Maeck, 1902.
and 100 dollers. Soe wee left them. We sayled in this vessel! towards Columbo, being a Citty
Zelon which the Dutch lately tooke from the Portugalls, Meeting a storme att sea in our
tottering egshell wee were put by our port, being in greate danger. Wee putt into Caliputeen,^
being a small harbour in the King Candies countrey, an utter enemie to all whyte men. Wee not
knowing, for wee can not heare of any English that were ever in those seas, sent some of our best
Merchants to treat with them fox a pilot, which they detayned, as it is thought, to a perpetuall imprison-
ment, and I scaped very hardly. Soe wee tooke too of their men and sayled away as fast as wee could
having [leaving ?] behind us fifteene^ men wandering in the woods, which can not possibly scape the
Tirants hands. Now wee sayle towards the mayne Land of India, but tbeese two Rogues did
pilate us upon a bae [bar ?] of sands, called by the Portuguees Adams bridge, fondly con-
seyving that once to be pai*adice — I am sure now it is the purgatory, for they have lost almost
all their power in India by there pride and cowardice. Here wee sustayned a mother
shippwrack, but these two doggs were either drowned or gott away in the dark night. My selfe
was faine to swim a greate way for my life, but by the hands of providence I recovered shore,
and, amongst the rest, came to Monar [Mannar], a garison of the Dutch, where I gott
victualls enough. And from thence to the Generali my Lord RickloS [Bijklof van Goens], who
made much of mee, and his Major general! proffered mee to take Armes, but I refused, saying
I would hazard an other shippwrack before I would be entertayned in any other service then that of
my honourable Masters the East India Company. Soe that they sent me 200 Leeagues in a small
open boate, and that in winter. Soe wee mistooke our port, and with noe small trouble and danger
wee came to the Coast of Cormadell, to a place called Porta Nova, from whence wee travelled
five hundred miles upon bulls ; thus comeing safe to St. George, where I was much commiserated.
The President gave me a peese of flowered satten to make mo clothes, and many other things ; and
findeing me inclyning to recreation he gave me a cast of brave falcons, which have killed many.
Herons sence ; alsoe greyhounds, I must not omitt how the foxes come to the Castle gates to kill
our poultry. They have here good fighting Cocks, and they fight them with penkaive blades instead
of gavelocts. This is a place healthful!, using all kind of recreation save hounds ; all sort of provi-
sions being to cheap; onlly sack is too deare, yet wee have other good drinke to remember our
freinds. Withall I have- the absolute eomand of the soldiers, within and without, and have divers
Gaptaines under me, for wee have 600 men in dayly pay, viz. 100 white^ and 500 black. This
place was beseedged twise within this too years. But my fine boy is dead, which has been very neare
the ucoason of my death, for I lay sick bopelese above a moneth and am not yet recovered ; and to
add to my griefe, my honorable freind the President [Henry Greenhill] is very sick and can not live
ten dayes, and in his stead is one Mr. Oharabres, who claymes kindred with those [of] our country.
He is worth 50,000 L as I am credibly informed, yet a batcheler. He hath shewed me divers
curtesies in my sickness and bids me not question but that he will be as loving to me as his
'Predecessor. Deare Sir, I have noe more but my prayers for you and my good sister,
with the sweet pledges of your Love, I shall not tempt providence soe as to say but that I hope
I may be unto them servisahle, though att present I want the assistance of others. It is heare as
in other places : ** empty hands never catch hawlkes.’" I have here signified unto you misfortunes
which I heleeve few men can paralell, as my shippwrack twise in one voyage, my one sickiicsse, losse
of Estate and freinds, continnall feare of being murthered, soe that I need not any thing to add to
~ 2 Kaipitiya, or Kalpentin, about 90 miles N. of Colombo.
® This shoald be * ten/ makin«j thirteen in all left behind (see Trevisa’s narrative, ^iven lator).
^’hese nnforfennate men became fellow-oaptivcs of ’’^ioberfc Kuos, who often mentions them in his well-known
.narrative. Eleven of them were still living in 1670. Eepeated effoi-ts to procure thoir release proved unavailing;
but two (Thomas Kirby and William Day) managed to make their escape in April, 1683. William Vassall and
Thomas March wrote to Madras in March, 1691, that they and Eiohaxd Jelf , of the Pema Mertf/junfs company,
together with eight other Englishmen, were still alive, but “ in a very miserable condition and this is the last
that was heard of them.
These probably included a large proportion of Tortuguose and Mestizoes or halfcastes. A return of the
Madras garrison, dated Jannary 18th, 1658 (I. 0. Records: O. C. 2643), gives 24 English soldiers (including a ser-
geant, a gunner and two corporals) and 49 Portugalls and Mistazaos.’*
March, 1902.]
LETTERS PROM MADRAS IN 1659.
185
mj affliction. Now I shall begin to confort mj selfe with the hopes of your being all in good health,
for which I shall ever pray. Remember me to all my freinds as if I should name them ; bid my
Cosen J[ ] write unto me, and Roger alsoe. I doe not take any felicity [of or in] my life,
though I live in greate pompe, eating and drinkeing and wearing noe worse then the
best in this Town, yea, rather Citty, for it is built to a marvelous biggnesse in few years, Wee have
a Citty of the Portugalls within three miles [St. Thome] ; but they leave that famous place, for
the Moors have it, and they are come to us for protection against the Dutch. Theire is a brave
Church built for them heare, and they have a convent of franciscans in it, very learned men. The
Moors army are round aboxit us ; yet wee feare them not. They have beaten our king out of his
country ; they have gallant horses and are good horsemen, well armed ; they have gunns, both greate
and small. They bring up theire youth beare to Letters, fencing and dancing, and all sort of the
Liberall Sciences, a thing I thought very strange att my first comeing ; exelent Astronomers. If I
live long among them I shall not onely give you, but all that read English, a larger accompt of them.
If a man have in this place but two or three hundred pounds he might quickly raise an Estate,
but he that is poore lett him be soe still, I pray lett me heare of all passages in the Country. Tell
cosen Chambres that his namesake and I remember him oftener than he doth any of us ; alsoe
Champers of Petten.
[P. /S^.] The President, my noble freind, is dead, 5 and I have been soe busie this five dayes, that
I could [not] close my letter in all that tyme. He hath left me tenn pounds to buy mourning,
and a gould Ring. Besides, this is an expensive place, and from the drunkenesse thereof good
Lord deliver me — all gamsters and much adicted to veuery. I lost yesterday my best fialcon.
Tell Oosen Samm Andrewes one Gurnay® remembers him, whom, with his wife, I alsoe salute ; alsoe
'att Coddington Erumbo my good cosen Meredith with her family. I should write to my uncle
Lloyd, but this may serve for an Epistle generail. Comending me to Oosen ffoulke, Ann, Betty,
and Mall ; remember me to Cosen Peeter fioulkes and Mr. Parry and all our parisheners ; unto whom
with your selfe, bed fellow, and children, be peace from God your father and the Lord Jesus Christ,
both now and ever.
From my iodgeings in the Castle Your ever loving t
within Fort St. George, ever serving > Brother,
12° January, 1658 [?. e., 1659]. ever praying J
ROGER MYDDELTON.
Jonathan. Trevisa^s Account.
As supplement to the foregoing narrative, a second and fuller account of the two shipwrecto
may be quoted from a letter written to the East India Company by Jonathan Trevisa, dated from
^ Madras, December 30th, 1658 (India Office Records: 0. G, 2682), and first printed by Mr, Donald
, Ferguson in a privately issued work on Robert Knox, the Ceylon captive. It is as follows : —
It wiU be my unhappiness to begins my Correspondensy with you Relatinge the sad disaster
of the losse of the Percia Merchand, on which my selfe, Mr. Yassell, Mr. Chorleton and Mr,
Salsburey Imbarked; which shippe on the Maldiva Hands was cast away the 9 th of August last,
at about ten of the Olocke at night. Oar first sight of these Hands was the night before, when ware
almost in the Breach before did see it, or could sertainely tell what Breach it should be, for every one
accounted themselves 100 leages and more past said Ila[n]d. But in the mor[n] ing we see to our
great greef our selves to windwards of them. All this day was used wat dilligence they could to
weather them, and did before night gaine some thinge, and hoped next mor[n]inge to be Cleare of them.
But Contrary to expectation about ten of the Clocke at night (by reasent of a Corrant or tyde
that sett into the Hands and a gust of winde at about eight of the Clocke) our ship was Close on the
. ® Greenhill died January 4th, 1658-59.
® William Gurney, a factor employed in Bengal in 1644 and in Madras itself (as accountant) in 1652 iHe(^ges'
* Vol. m. pp. 182, 193). ~ .
136
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Maech, 1902.
Breach, and before she could tacke strucke, and by the extreame forse of the said Breach in a short time
fild her hould with water, to the terrer of us all, expectenge death, which we provided for the best we
could. In this Condission we Continued four howres, Indeveringe the safety of our lives, gettinge out
the skeefe, but she was sodoniy sunke by forse of men. At last got oat the longe boate, and in her
went as many as she could carrey, all which (god be praysed) got ashore one ot the nighest Hands,
being above two leages distance from thence ; who landinge andfindinge it uninhabetd, sent our boate
to save the rest of our men and wbat Treasure they could of your worsbipps. For the first in parte
ejected ; but for the tresure, could not gett any, the Breach beinge soe violend that Contenuaily
broake over the sbipp, and at last break out her quarter next the sea, soe that one of the natives
Cominge aboard with severall others boates and people nigh her, dived into the hould, but never was
seene more. These Boats did sease on what they Could of cures ; and our seamen ware to us as bad,
for they had the first sharch of all our trunkes in the Cabbing and did strubb us of all we had thare.
which was considerable. At this time of Castinge away we lost but six men ; soe fifty of us came
safe to the Hand where we ware. And alter six daves stay we ware, upon our Pittifull Com^
plaint which we made them by signes, brought to a Hand, where we had a bowse to keepe us dry, and
Rise and honey to eate. Heere we gott a boate after 24 dayes stay, and [the natives ?] seeing our
salers had money, demanded 150 peeces of eight for thare boat ; to which we agreed, seeinge
[they ?] would not take of cloth Mr. Madeson had, which we requested him to bringe us.
This money he saved in a bagge with 230 peeces more ; and, seeinge his money must goe,
did obledge my selfe with all others your worsbipps servants for the Repayinge said 150 peeces
for the boate, the which we did ; and then delivered me the bagge to tell the money. Which
Indeveringe to doe, was by one of the cheef taken from us all with the Cloth, tellinge us that [he ?"]
had power to doe more ; if pleasd with to take our lives alsoe. On this, we had order to enter the
Boate, which when we rowed found unsutfisient to Carrey us ; so againedid desire him for a better;
and on promise to gett more money [be ?] would, the which we did. Soe the next day brought us
a very good boate, and agreed for her in 200 peeces of eight, which I towld him would procure if
possible, but at present had hopes of but 50, besides a Hatband \lurtg^ ?] which I had, and that they
would have to supply the 150 peeces, wantinge which I Consented to, the hatband costinge me but
10 Z. or thare about. Soe beinge fitted with Cocar nutts and water, sett saile for Calombo on
Steland ; but fell to leward, and soe after greate hazard came td a place Caled Calleputt, aboute
midway betwixt Calomba and Manar, both duch [Hutch] factorees. Heere is a barber for
smale vessells, where we found about 16 saile, all Malabars, who came thare loden with Clothes
and other Comodities. These people, beinge afraid of us, though without Armes and strenth to use
them, left thare boates and goods ; but we, wantinge provisions onely and a pilott to Carrey us over
the fiatts to the Huch, tooke nothinge from them, desiringe onely the forenamed, the which, after
some difficulty in speakinge to them, was granted. And sendiiige Mr. Yessell, Mr. Morgason, the
third mate, ^and Mr. March, the Gonnour, [they] ware all sensed on by the malabars ; and presenlj
ten men left us, goinge by land for Calomba. [We] ware forst to sett saile, fearinge [they] might
take the rest of us; but, before did saile, had thare promise to se[n]dthem, outperformed not.
These Malabars had one Mr. Edward Omes Passe, the Cheefo of Tregenbar [Tranquebar], a
duch factorey on the Coast, to which towne these people belonged that tooke our men. This
night with our two boates got to a plase Oaled Adatns bridge, havinge two pilotts we sensed on
thare and gave them 20 pieces for thare paines. These men at light brought us nigh a shore, soe
that at night was in the breach, and then againe ware forst to swimefor our lives, Coming a shore
naked and our great boate broken, but (god be praysed) none lost. Hecr in tbe morninge found
gome of the Huch to reside, which used us kindely and sent us to Manar, a plase newly taken from
the Portegeses ; and from thense ware sent to Yaflapatam to thare Generali Ricklift, who was
verey curtious to us, assistinge us with what we wanted for our cominge here [Port St, George],
whioh was tlie 6 of October, two mount[h]s after our shippes losse.*'
Masch, 1902]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth OENTURT.
187
EXTRACTS PEOM THE BEECAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIIte
CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BT E. C. TEMPLE,
{Continued from p, 86,)
1793. — 3Sro. XV.
Fort William 22nd March 1793.
His Majesty s Frigate the Minerva being to proceed from hence to the Andamans, Ordered
that the following Letter be written to Major Kyd.
Major Alexander Kjd Superintendant at the Andamans.,
Sir, — I am directed by the ‘Oovernor General in Oouncil to signify to you that, if Commodore
'Cornwallis who is proceeding to the Andamans, should have occasion for the Services of any
of the Company’s Vessels, belonging to this or the Bombay Establishment, Directions, corresponding
with his Excellency’s application, are to be immediately given.
You will receive enclosed an Extract of a Letter, dated the 9th Instant, which has been
received toy Lieutenant Colonel Boss from Lieutenant Wells Every Inquiry has been made
for a proper Vessel to convey to Port Coraawalh's the People whom Mr Wells was under the Necessity
of sending back to Fort William, and the Quantity of Bice which you left ; and if a proper Vessell had
been found, there would have been no objection to adding a few hundred Bags to this Quantity; but
Freight is so much in demand at present, and the Terms that have been offered were so high, in
Ships that most have been wholly taken up, if taken up at all, that the Board, considering that the
Service did not indispensably require them to send the People and the Rice, immediately, have thought
it better to detain both until Freight on more reasonable Conditions can be procured.
Fort William 22nd Murcto. 1793, I am &ca.
1793. — K*o. XVI.
Port William 27th March 1793.
The following Letter and its enclosure were received this Morning from MSijor Kyd
Superintendant at the Andamans,
My Lord, 1. I beg leave to acquaint your Lordship that I arrived here in the Banger on' the
5th Instant after a speedy passage of eleven Days from Calcutta during which we experienced the
finest Weather possible.
2. I found here Captain Blair to whom I delivered a Letter from the Secretary of Govern-
ment, and he has given over the Charge of the Settlement to me.
3. He has already cleared a sufficient space of ground on Chatham Island for Hutting all
the Europeans and Natives who are nearly now under Cover, and there is a temporary Hospital
erected and a Store House in a good state of forwardness there is also a sufficient spot of ground
cleared for a Nursery Garden in which have been put all the Plants from the Old Harbour and
those that have been lately sent from Bengal.
L I am vexy sorry to acquaint your Lordship that there has been no account of the JTuno
Snow so that there is every reason to fear that, that vessel has been unfortunately lost in the Gale of
the end of December which in addition to the other losses that this misfortune entails deprives the
Settlement of the Services of the a great many useful Artificers and Labourers and necessary Stores
which at this period will be much felt.
5. I have the satisfaction to inform your Lordship that the Europeans and Natives are in
general Healthy, the principal Complaints amongst the Natives being from hurts contracted in clear-
ing the ground which from the Scorbutic habit that many of these people have already acquired from
the privation of all Vegitable diet are very difficult to cure.
m
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 190-2:.
6. In rounding the North end of the Andamans ia the Ranger at about three Miles
from the Shore- we discovered a shoal of Coral Bocks upon which there was not more than
2i fathoms this shoal was discovered some time ago by the Captain of a Oountrey Ship who reported it
to" Captain Blair, and as it is in a very dangerous and inconvenient Situation for the approach of this
Harboixr from the Northward and TTestward Captain Blair of the Wnion Snow,, with one of the
other Vessels went immediately to examine and lay its Situation exactly down.
7. About a Month ago the Viper Snow wa& returning from the Coco’s, where she had hoen.
for a Cargo of Coconuts, was in a Calm hazy night by an unexpected set of a Current carried so near
the Shore a few Miles to the Northward of this Harbour before it was discovered that she grounded'
on a lidge of Rocks from which she wa-s with difeulty got oS with so much damage to her bottom
that she has been deemed obliged to be laved on Shore at this place to be repaired, which is now
nearly effected, in consequence of this accident Captain Blair was obliged to detain the Sea Horse
Pilot*^ Vessel then ready to sail foi* Bengal, to bring up the remaining part of the Labourers Stores-,,
and Planks from old Harbour, from which place She arrived on the 7th Inst.
8. As the Sea Horse is one of the vessels that is Esteemed too large for- the Pilot Service but
peculiarly well Suited as a Transport for this Sottlement, I have m concurrence with the Wish of the-
Master Attendant at Calcutta exchanged the officers and Crew of the Ranger into her and now-
dispatch the Ranger under Command of Captain Pitman to be taken again into the Pilot Service.
9. Upon consulting with the Captain it appears that three Vessels of nearly the burthen of
the Cornwallis or Sea Horse will bo necessary to supply the Settlement in its- present state with;
provisions and Stores ; untill another of the large Vessels from the Pilot Service can be spared, it will
therefore be expedient to keep the Union Snow on fi'eighk.
10. On making out the necessary Establishment of People for this Settlement there was an
omission of a Eiiropean and an Assistant to attend the Beach and Superintend the Shipping and,
reshipping of Provisions and Stores and a Serang and twenty Sea Lascars for manning the Boats*
employed on this Service, also a Ship Carpenter and Assistant for making repairs on the vessels and
for building Boats, these people are exceeding necessary and have been heretofore employed by Captain
Blair ; I have thereff)re taken upon me to continue them on the same salaries that he* allowed them.
11. There is a small decked Vessel and a large Long boairthe property- of Captaia
Blair for the purpose of transporting Stores and Provisions and as they are absolutely necessary
for the use of the Service I have requested Captain Blair to leave them. The charge that he
makes for them is three thousaml Sicca Rupees which T believe to be moderate I have therefore
drawn on Government for tins Sum in his favor ; several more Vessels of this Sort will be iiecossa!\y
but iu future, I shall construct them ol the Timber of the Island, and with the Workmen of th^'
Establishment
12., I have groat satisfaction in. saying that there is the greatest abundance of good fresh.
Water in this Harbour, and that by a very little trouble watering placeb may be made for supplving
the largest Fleet with great expedition and ease.
13. The sm*face of Cbatbam Island is very uneven, but the Soil appears to be rich and there
is no mixture of Stones as at the old Harbour, so that there is little part of the Island that may not
with ease be cut into Terraces and put into Cultivation,
14. On the neighbouring shores of the main Island there appears much Land of a more level
Surface which as it is exactly of the same quality cannot fail of being very productive when cleared,,
and put in Cultivation and from a first view of things I cannot help entertaining the most sanguine
hopes there are few of the Fruits or Grains of Indostan that will not be produced here in great abun-
dance; I must however observe that the Clearing of the Land from the immense Timber that it is-
thickly covered with, is a slow and most laborious work, Good labourers are therefore what we most
Mar€H, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTUET.
139
want and as many of those sent were in the Juno, and some of those that were first Carried down hr
Captain Blair are now returning I have to request that no opportunity may be lost of sending as
many of this class of people as possible for we can employ a great many to much advantage.
15. In compliance with your Lordships Instructions I beg leave to acquaint you that we can
immediately employ two hundred of the Male Convicts advantageously ; by putting them
to clear several Islands in the Harbour where they could be kept entirely separate from the rest of the
Settlement, We could even find employment for more, but with the small force that we have at present
it probably would not be prudent to have a larger Number of such Neighbours.
16. I imagine it would be most expedient to freight a Vessel on purpose to bring such a
Number down which at the same time could carry six months profusions of Eice Dhall & Ghee the
Eice to be of the coarsest kind of that called Cargo Rice. I mention not this simply on principles of
Economy but also that it might be well that some difference should be made between these IVIen
and the present Settlers ; when by removing the best behaved to better provisions and a small pay it
might prove a stimulus to industry and an inducement to a reform of manner in the rest.
17. Accompanying I transmit the Copy of a Letter from Mr Wood the Surgeon
requiring some Assistance in the Hospital; as it is likely that there will constantly be a Number
of Sick I should suppose that it were best for the Hospital Board to fix on the necessary
Establishment of Dressers and Servants at a Station where there will soon be above one thousand
work people much liable to accidents.
18. It will be necessary that great Attention be paid to his Indents for Medicens and the
necessary articles of comfortable diet that is required where Scorbutic Complaints are common,
19. As soon as Captain Blair has completely suiweyed the Shoal at the Northern part of the
Island he is to return to this place when I shall dispatch the Union Snow to Bengal for a further
supply of Rice and for some Artificers and Labourers who I had engaged in Calcutta but who could
not be taken on Board of the Cornwallis and Hanger.
20. The Viper Snow will at the same time return to Bengal as Captain Blair does not think she
is in a Stale to perform the Voyage to Bombay at so late a period of the Season.
I have the honour to be <^ca
Fort Cornwallis (Signed) Alexander Kyd,
13tiL March 1198. Superin tendaat at the Andamans^.
(Enclosed in the Letter.)
Major Alexander Kyd
Sixperintendant Po-rt Cornwallis Great Andaman.
— From the number of sores, and other Complaints the people are subject to in clearing the
Jungul, tli'‘ sick list has so mucli encrcas^^d lately, as to make the Assistance of hia [? somel Native-
dressers absolutely necessary.
There are at present a considerable number of Sick ixi the Hospital I am much atraid the list
will be considerably Augmented, on the breaking up of the Monsoon.
The people in the Hospital are greatly distressed for want of proper Attention which they are
deprived of as no Establishment for the Service of the Hospital has been made at Port Cornwallis.
X have the honor to be &ca
Chatham (Signed) David Wood
March 11th 1793; ' Acting in a Medical Capacity.
Ordered that th:i following Letter be written to Major Kyd by the Secretary and sent by Hb
Majesty’s Frigate the Minerva,
140
THE IHDIAH ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
To Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir, — I am directed by the GoYornoi* General in Council to acknowledge the Receipt of yonr
Letter Dated the IBth Instant which arrived this Morning by the Ranger.
Paragraphs 1,2, 3, 4, 5, His Lordship observes with great Satisfaction the progress that has
been already made in forwarding the Establishment at Port Cornwallis and that the Europeans and
Natives are in general healthy. He is sorry to find that there is too much reason to apprehend
tlio loss of the Juno Snow, and instructs me to acquaint you that, when the proper Season returns
for Ships to proceed from hence to the Andamans the Number of Artificers and Labourers that can
be sent, and the Quantity of stores that yon may think necessary to supply the Deficiency occasioned
by this Accident will be ordered to Your Settlement.
Para. 6. His Lordship in Council entirely approves of Captain Blairs having been desired
to examine and lay down exactly the Situation of the Shoal of Coral Rocks, that have
been discovered in rounding the North End of the Andamans in the Ranger ; and trusts
to your sending him the best Account of it for the Information of the Merchants and the Com-
manders of such Vessels freighted by the Company as may have occasion to pass that way,
Para, 7. The Detention of the Sea Horse Schooner by Captain Blair seems to have been
necessary for the reason mentioned in this Paragraph and the Board desire me to say that thay have
no objection to your having substituted the Sea Horse in the stead of the Ranger and returned the
letter to Bengal to be taken again into the Pilot Service of this River,
Para. 9. Your Resolution to keep the Union Snow on freight is so much the more approved,
as one, at least, of the V essels at the Andamans will probably be employed by the Commodore, and
Althou’ the Dispatch Brig should be left by his Excellency in her Place you still have no more
Vessels on the Establishment than appear to be absolutely wanted.
Para. 10. His Lordship in Council being persuaded that you thought the encrease advised ia
this Paragraph to the Establishment of People necessary Assents to your having entertained them
and he has also no objection to your continuing to them the same Salaries that they received from
Captain Blair.
Para. 11. There is likewise no objection to your having made the Agreement you mention
with Captain Blair for his small decked Vessel!, and large long Boat; and the Bill which you have
drawn upon this Account in his favor to the extent of three Thousand Sicca Rupees (Sa. Rs. 3,000)
will be duly honored.
Paras. 12, 13, 14, Your report of the Abundance of good fresh Water fn the New Harbour,
and of the Timbers which the Board admit must be a slow laborious Work is extremely Satisfactory
and carries with it a powerful Confirmation of the Propriety of Settling the Establishment at Port
Cornwallis.
Para. 15. The Court of Nizamnt Adawlut will be made acquainted with the Intimation in this
Paragraph relative to tbe number of Male Convicts that can be employed at the New Settlement and
you will be informed whenever any Resolution for transporting thither such Description of People,
shall be passed.
Para. 16. Your recommandation of the best Means of conveying them to Port Cornwallis
will then also be brought before the Board,
Para, 17. The Governor General in Council desires me to say that his Lordship will consult the
Hospital Board on the Subject of Mr Wood^s Letter Dated the 11th Instant respecting the Establish-
menfc of Servants for the Hospital and he will instruct them to give particular Orders that great
Attention may he paid Mr Wood’s Indents for Medecenes and the proper Articles of diet recom^
mended in Scorbutic Cases,
Ma.sce:, 1902,]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
141
Para. 19, 20. His Lordship has observed upon the Communications in these Paragraphs that
your Intentions with respect to the Union and Viper may perhaps undergo some Alteration upon
your knowing the Commodore’s Wishes, as referred to in my Letters of the 22nd Instant and tae
present Date and that if the Union cannot on this account be sent round to Bengal another Yessell
should it be necessary, will be taken up to carry round the Artificers and Labourers and the requisite
Supplys of Rice.
Fort William I am &ca
27tli March 1793, (Signed) Grovr. Grenl. in Council.
The following Resolutions are passed on Major Kyd’s Letter dated the 13th Instant,
Para. 8th. Ordered that the Master Attendant be directed to receive the Ranger just returned
from the Andamans, into the Pilot Service in the place of the Sea Horse detained at Port Cornwallis
and acquainted that the Commander and one such of the Crew as are not already in the Pilot Service
are to be discharged, and paid up to the last day of the present Month.
Ordered that Notice of this Resolution be also sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster and Acting
Naval Storekeeper.
Paras. 10 & 11. Ordered that Copies of the Paragraphs be sent to the Acting Marine Pay-
master and Acting Naval Storekeeper and that the Bill advised in the llth be duly honored.
14. Ordered that Copies of this Paragraph be sent to the Master Attendant, and to Captain
Boswell, also to the Military Board,
15 & 16. Ordered that Copies of these Paragraphs be senfc to the Nizamut Adawlut and
that they be requested to deliver their Opinion whether any and what number of Convicts shall be
Ordered to the Andamans.
17 & 18. Ordered that Copies of these Paragraphs and of Mr Wood’s Letter be transmitted
to the Hospital Board with Instructions to recommend the necessary Establishment of Servants and
Dressers to be kept up under tbe Surgeon at the Andamans and to give the necessary Orders that
great Attention may be paid to the Indents for Medecines and the Articles of Diet required in
Scorbutic Oases.
1793. — No. XVII.
Fort William 1st April 1793.
Read a Letter from Mr G-eorge Allen.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Understanding that it is the intention of Government to freight four hundred Bags of
Rice and also to send one hundred Sepoys or Artificers to the Island of Andaman, I beg leave to
offer tlae Phenix Snow for that purpose for the Sum of four Thousand Sicca Rupees,
Calcutta I ffave the honor to be &ca
1st April 1793. (Signed) George Allen.
Agreed that the offer made by Mr alien be accepted, provided that upon a regular Survey
' made under the direction of the Marine Officers the Phenix shall be found to be a proper VesseJl to
take 100 Sepoys and Artificers and 400 Bags of Rice to Port Cornwallis at this season of the year.
Fort William 12th April 1793,
The following letter was received from the Town Major on the 10th Instant, and Notice was
sent to the Owner of the Phoenix, as well as to the Garrison Store Keeper, of the encreased Number
of Piersons to be accommodated in that Vessell to the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government,
142
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[Maech, 1902.
Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that of the Troops Artificers &ca tliat have engaged to
Serve at the Andamans there yet remains to be embarked —
1 Jimindar.
7 Sepoys
1 Fifer.
92 Artificers.
36 Women & Children.
In all 137.
Fort William Town Majors Office T am &ca
loth April 1793. (Signed) A. Apsley.
Fort William I2th April 1793.
Head a Letter from Captain Allen.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have the honor to receive your Letter of this date with one from the Towm Major
Containing the number of Sepoys &ca to be embarked for the Andamans on board the Phoenix
Snow Hugh Moore Commander.
The Vessel is now ready to receive on board the necessary Stores, and the accommodations sliall
be arranged in the best possible manner, I observe the Number of Persons to be embarked amount to
137 which is Thirty Seven above what I at first had an Idea of, however I hope to be able to manage
So as that the whole may proceed on the Vessel, there will be no delay on her Side and I have given
information to that purport to the Town Major and Garrison Storekeeper.
Calcutta I am &ca
11th April 1793* (Signed) George Allen.
Fort William 12th April 1793,
Read a Letter from the Secretary to the Hospital Board,
To I, L. Chauvet Esqre Sub Secretary.
Sir, — I am directed by the Hospital Board to Acknowledge the receipt of your Letter of the
27th Ultimo and to acquaint you for the Information of Government that they beg leave to
recoromeiLd the following Establishment of Servants for the Surgeon at tlie Andamans Vizt.
One Native Apothecary at Sicca Rupees ... ... ... 10
Two Compounders at 8 Rupees each ... ... ... ... 16
Two Dressers at 8 Rupees each ... ... 1(5 per Mensem
Four Coolies at 4 Rupees each ... ... ... 16
One Beesty at 5 Rupees 5
Two Sweepers at 4 Rupees each 8
71
2iid. The Hospital Board have given instructions to the Purveyor and Apothecary tliat the
Indents shall be punctually Complied with.
Fort William Hospital Board Office I have the honor to be &ca
8th April 1793. (Signed) A. Campbell Secretary.
Agreed that the Establishment of Servants proposed in the above Letter, for tlie Surgeon at
the Andamans, be Authorised, but that it be made an Instruction to Major Kycl, the Superintendant
to Certify to the Monthly Charge, which is not to be allowed for any of the People excepting thoHo
who are actually on the Spot <fe Serving in the different Situations,
March, 1v)0'2.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY,
143
1793. — No. XVIII.
Fort William 22d April 1793.
The following Letter was received yesterday, Tby the Snow Union, from Major Kyd,
Superintendant at the Andamans.
To the Most Noble Marquis Cornwallis K, G. Governor General in Council &c &c.
My Lord, — I have the pleasure to acquaint your Lordship that the Snow, Cornwallis, with
Lieutenant Wells, and the Detachment of Sepoys, arrived at this Place on the 20th of last Month.
Captain Blair, in the Union Snow having Compleated the Survey of the shoal that w^as discovered
off the North end of the Island as well as of the Shoal without the Archipelage, that was discovered
bye the Honble Commodore Cornwallis, now proceeds to Calcutta in Charge of that Vessel!, and if it
is your Lordships pleasure that she should be continued on Freight, I have to request she may be
dispatched as Soon as possible, with the Artificers and Labourers that could not be taken on board of
the Ranger and Cornwallis, and the Stores and Provisions that we find most necessary at this Time
for which the Commissary has transmitted Indents on the proper officers by this Opportunity.
The Sea Horse Snow which I dispatched on the 16th of last month to Diamond Island,
and the little Cocos, arrived on the 30th, with Sixty one Turtle and Two Thousand Coconuts.
The first an excellent Article of Provision for the Europeans, and the last for the Natives.
The Cornwallis Snow will be immediately dispatched for Aeheen and the Coast of Pedeir,
for a Supply of Bice and Live Stock, and for Such usefull Fruit Trees as can be procured ; and
on her return will touch at the Carnicohars for Coconuts, which are of a far Superior kind to
those at the Cocos, and therefore more proper to introduce in Oultui'e here. By the time of
her arrival, I hope to have a proper Spot of Ground prepared, for Planting any number she
may bring.
The Viper Snow has been Completely repaired, and is now fit for Sea. She is to be Sent
immediately to the Cocos for a Cargo of Coconuts ; and on her return, I will immediately
dispatch her to Calcutta, in Order that Captain Blair may take her round to Bombay, or that
She may be disposed of, in any Other way that your Lordship may think Proper, Observing,
that from her small burthen, She is entirely unfit for the Service of this Establishment. As
Lieutenant Roper who now Commands her, has been on this Service Since its Commencement,
and is in every way qualafiod for Conducting a Vessel!, I hope your Lordship will think it just
that he should be permitted to take Charge of the Union, for Captain Blair, untill Such time as
another Vessell, the property of the Company, can be Spared for this Service for him to
Command.
I have the pleasure to acquaint your Lordship that the Europeans and Natives are in General,
very healthy j appear to be Pleased and contented with their Situation, and go on Cheerfully
witii their Labour. We are now entirely Employed in Constructing a Granary and Store room,
and Other necessary temporary Buildings for Covering Settlers of all Descriptions, w’hich I hope
will be effected before the Monsoon Setts in.
From the very confined State of the Provisions and Stores, lodged in Different Places with-
out any arrangement, it is impossible to make a regular Survey of them, so as to^ deliver them
over to the Commissary; but before the end of the present Month there will be Buildings for the
reception of the Provisions and Stores, when he will be enabled to make due Arrangements
thereof, and to prepare the necessary Reports and i^eturns to be transmitted to the proper
Officers, conformably to tbe established Regulations.
I have the honor to be &ca
(Signed) A. Hyd
Supt, at the Andamans*
Port Cornwallis
April 4th 1793.
144:
TEE nJDTAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902 .
Agreed that the Union be continued on freight for Six Months from this Period, on the
former Terms, and that Notice thereof be sent to Captain Blair, who is to be acquainted that,
on the Arrival of the Viper at the Presidency, it is intended to put the Union under the Conn-
mand of Lieutenant Roper.
Ordered that the Military Board and Garrison Store Keeper be informed that the Stores
and Provisions, indented for by the Superintendant at the Andamans are to be put on Board the
Union, which will Sail for Port Coiniwallis in a few Days.
1793. — 3Sro. xrs.
Fort William 26th April 1793.
Read a Letter from the Garrison Store Keeper*
Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to <fie Government.
Sir, — Having received an Indent by the Union for (1000) One Thousand Maiinds of Rice and
(100) One hundred Mauncls of wheat for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, I request you
will advise the Governor General in Council thereof, and communicate to me his Orders whether, and
when, it should be provided.
Fort William I have the honor to be &ca
25th April 1793. (Signed) O. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.
Agreed that the Garrison store Keeper be authorized to Comply with the Indent mentioned in
his Letter, and informed that the Rice and the wheat May be sent in the Union, which will he
dispatched to Port Cornwallis in a few days.
1793. — No. XX,
Fort William 26th April 1793.
The following Letter and its enclosures were Received on the 24th Instant, from the Town
Major.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretai*y to the Government.
Sir, — I have the honor to transmit to you herewith a list of Sepoys, Artificers and Follower^
who are to embark on the Phoenix for the Andamans*
Town Major’s Office
24th April 1793.
1 am <feca
(Signed) A. Apsiey
Town Major,
Enclosures of Town Major 24th April.
List of Artificers and follo-wers reniaining of Major Kydds Estallis-liment to l.e Rudnirked
on the Phoenix tor the Andamaii.^.
] Tiudai.
1€ Sawyers.
1} Carpenters.
5 Potters.
2 Washermen.
0 BrickinakeFs.
? Bricklayers*
45.
A List of Sepoys, Artiiicers and rollovver.-
remaining of Lieutt. Wells’s Establi^hment.
1 Jemidar.
1 Fifer.
7 Sepoys.
2 Bhesties.
3 Shop Keepers.
1 Barber.
23 Women Followers.
Total 38.
(Signed) A. Apsiey
T. M.
Town Major’s Office
24th April 1798.
Mabcs, 1002.]
THE ANHAHANS IN THH XTIIIth CENTURY.
145
1793.— N-o. XXL
Fort William 26tli April 1793.
The following L9tter was written yesterday by the Secretary, in Consequence of the Boards
Orders to Major Xyd, Superintendant at the Andamans,
Major Alexanler Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans,
The accompanying Letters, dated the 22nd and 27th Ultimo, were put on board His
Majesty s Frigate, Minerva, in expectation that the Commodore would have proceeded from Bengal
to Port Cornwallis ; but Circumstances having afterwards induced him to alter his Purpose, the
Letters were returned to my Office.
In pursuance of the intention generally signified in my Letter of the 22nd of last Month, tli©
Snow Phoenix, Commanded by Captain Moore, has been freighted for a Trip to Port Corn-
‘wallis to take thither, a Number of the Sepoys and Artificers, and the four hundred Bags of Bice
that were left here on the departure of the Company’s Vessels ,
It was originally intended that the full Number of Persons with their Families, consisting
alfcogofcher of 137, shoull be sent in the Phoenix, and Provisions, Water Cooking Utensils &ca
Were put on board accordingly for an- expenditure of 60 Days ; but as it was afterwards found that
they could not all be well accommodated in the Vessels and as the Town Major has discharged Sum
of them, in Oonsequeace of an intimation received from you, the Number has been limited to those
mentioned in the inclosed Lists.
Whatever Surplus of the Provisions &ca laid in may remain, beyond the expenditure during the
Trip, is to be delivered by the Commander of the Phoenix to your Order.
The Governor General in Council has directed me to acknowledge, by this Oonveyajice the receipt
of your Letter dated the 4th Instant, which arrived on the 21st by the Snow Union, This Vessel,
which has been freighted for a further Period of six Months, will, on the Arrival of tlie Viper, now
daily tide [? to be] expected, be put according to your recommendation, under the Charge of
I^ieutenant Boper, and returned to Port Cornwallis, and by that Opportunity the Stores &ca
required by your Indents, received here by the Union will he forwarded.
I am directed to transmit to You a Letter, dated the 4th instant which has been written to the
hSub Secretary of Government by the Secretary 'of the Hospital Board and to 'Acquaint you that the
Establishment of Servants proposed in it, for the Surgeon at your Settlement has been authorized,
but that you are to consider yourself instructed to certify to the Monthly Charges, which is not to be
allowed to any of the People, included within the Establishment, excepting those who are actually on
the Spot and Serving in the difierent Situations,
' I am &ca,
Fort William 25tli April 1793.
fort william 26tli April 1793.
Ordered that the following Letter be written to Qaptain AHqii- by the Sepretary and
that a Copy of it be sent to Major Kyd,
To George Allen Esqre,
Sir, — You have already been advised of the number of. Sepoys and Artificers to embark on
board the Phoenix for th,e Andamans,
I am directed by the Governor General in Council to desire that you will be pleased to
instruct the Gorpmander of that Vessel to pay particular attention to the Accommodation of
" these People, and to give such Orders to his Officers as he May think Necessary, to ^prevent any
improper interference on the part of the Ships Company with them during the Passage.
Captain Moore is further to h® instructed to deliver to the Order of Major Kyd the
146
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AIarch, 19"02,
Superintendant all the Cooking Ufceusils &ca that have been put on Board by the Garrison
Sfcore Keeper and also whatever Surplus Provisions and Water May remain beyond the expen-
diture during the Trip.
Council Chamber I am &ca.
a6tli April IIQB,
1793. — No. XXII.
Fort William 2‘6th April 1793.
Read a Letter and its enclosure from the Acting Secretary to the Military Board.
Edward Hay Eaqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, Having Submitted to the Military Board the Letter from Mr Sub Secretary
Chauvet dated the 27th Ultimo with the Extract from Major Kyd’s Letter of the 13th March
Which accompanied it I have been directed to transmit to you the inclosed Copy of a Resolu-
tion of the Military Board containing their Recommendation of the Mode in which Workmen
and Labourers from the New Establishment at Port Cornwallis should be provided in f uture.
I have the honor to be &ca
Military Board OfBce (Signed) C. A, Robinson
22nd April 1793. Acting Sec. M. B.
Resolution of the Military Board the 22ad April 1793.
Agreed to inform Government, that this Board are not Competent from the Application
before them, to determine what Number or Description of labourers are required for the
purposes Specefied, but understanding that Major Kyd has given some Information upon this
Subject to the Town Major the Board recommend to Government to Authorize to engage the
Number and description of Labourers and Workmen which Government May think proper to
Authorize being Sent to the Andamans in addition to those already there, and Order that it
may be affected with the greatest Occonomy, that the Town Major be duly advised by the
Secretary of Government of the probable Opportunities of embarking them for the Andamans ;
and instructed to engage them in the Service of the Company, as near to that period as
possible.
A true Extract (Signed) C. A. Robinson
Acting Sec. M. Bd.
Ordered that the Town Major be desired to ascertain from Captain Blair, Now hero
what Number of Labourers and Workmen can be properly accommodated in the Union, after
providing for the Stores, Consisting, of lOOO Maunds of Rico and lOO Maunds of Wheat,’ going
in that Vessel to Port Cornwallis and that he be Authorized to engage that Number,
TheTowuMajor should be informed that probably the Union will bo dispatched to the
Andamans in about Ten Days,
1793. — No. XXIir.
Port William 1st May 1793.
The following Letter was received on the 27th Ultimo from Captain Allen.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Glovernment.
. bos and Separate parcel containing Diepatohos for the
Andamans together with a Letter of instraction relating to the Sepoys and Artiaoers and the
- delivery of the remaining Stores at the Port Cornwallis, which will be regularly complied with.
March, 1902.]
THE SPRIITG MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
The dispafcohes I have this Moment pat on Board the Vessel now lying in the Bight and
in readiness to proceed as soon as the Stores from the Fort are put on Board and the Men
Embarked.
I am &ca
27tb. April 1793. (Signed) George Allen.
1793. — No. XXIV.
Fort William 1st May 1793,
Read a Letter from Captain Blair.
To Edward Hay Bsqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have the honor to enclose two Sets of Accounts of the Settlements at the
Andamans, the 1st Marked Mod are brought np to October 1st 1792 The 2ad Marked Mo 2 are
brought np to the 15th of March 1793, when the remaining Stores and Provisions were delivered
to Major Alexander Kyd.
I haVe to request that you will be pleased to notice to the most Moble the Governor General
the charge of Ten per Cent, Commission, on. the last purchase of Stores at Calcutta in the Account
particular of the 2nd set, Marked No 3 which I hope May be admitted,
Calcutta I am, &ca
April 29th 1793, (Signed) Archibald Blair.
Ordered that the accounts transmitted by Captain Biair be sent to the Acccmptaat Genera! of
his Report thereon, and ordered also that they be entered in the appendix.
he continued,)
THE SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
BY Rev. A. H. FRANOKE.
(Concluded from p, 40.)
Philological Notes,
Proper Names in the Xesar Saga.
Introductory Note,
In reference to my hit and translation of the names of the ICesar Saga Dr. Lanfer makes the,
following remark : — “In a monosyllabic language, which is abundant in homonyms, it is most
easy to interpret every name just in that way, which appears to be most suitable for the system.”
He gives an example : — The name of Kesar’s first wife, ’aBruguma, which I understood to mean
‘ a little grain,’ » could just as well be translated by ‘ friend, companion’ {grogsm) or ‘ woman from
the Steppe’ f^ahrogmo),^^
As regards the abundance of homonyms, the case is not so bad as it appears to Dr. Lanfer.
There may be a great number of homonyms in the dialects of Lhassa and Eastern Tibet ; but that
does not concern my West-Tibetan version of the Kesar Saga. Whatever the pronunciation of
some of the modern Tibetan dialects may be, the classical language, on which the orthography of
everything written in Tibetan at the present day is based, is almost entirely free from homonyms.
The reasons are the following: - (1) There is a great number of prefixed letters, which are silent m
most of the modern dialects, but which vary the diSerent homonyms as soon as they are written
down. (2j Those homonyms, which in several dialects begin with ir, thr, ir, appear in writing
dissolved into the following variants : ir may be written as br, gr, ir ; tlr may be phroT ichr-, tr
may be hr, tr or pr. (3) Those words, which in several modern dialects begin with j, c, eh
appear in writing to begin withy or by ; c or py ; eh or phy.
148
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHT.
[Maech, 1902.
As Dr. Lanfer must know, it -lias been proved, with* help oE the West-Tibetao
dialects, that the ortlLOgrapliy of the classical language is in accordance with the ancient pronuncia-
tion. The further we advance to the West, the more the actual pronunciation of a word is in
accordance with-tlie orthograpliy of the classical language, and the number of homonyms diminishes
rapidly. Thus, the pronunciation ot the Haiti and Puvig dialects exhibits signs of very great
antiquity and almost comjulsorily leads to the correct writing of many words. The fixing of the
few doubtful names of the Kesar Saga will probably depend on the Haiti and Purig versions of the
Saga. Although 1 do not myself live in Baltistan or Purig, for two years I have been in the
enjoyment of the advantages of the dialect of Lower Ladakh, which comes very near to those of
Baltistan and Purig.
Here is a list of the most prominent characteristics of the dialect of tower
tadakh ; —
(1) pr, phr, hr^ py^ pliy and hy are always pronounced as they ought to be in accordance
with the orthography of the classical language.
(2) In many cases the otherwise silent prefixes of Lower Ladakhi words are pronounced, if
the preceding word ends in a vowel.
(3) In many other oases, those prefixes are pronounced distinctly as s, and sJu
(4) In all other cases the silent prefix influences the pronunciation (a) of the following
tennis, as has been stated in mj LadalM Grammar; (h) of the following media. My
Munshi has often tried to teach me, for instance, the different pronunciation of
- boy, and ’oZjw, woim (with a silent prefixed ’a). Although I was able to hear a
slight difference, I never succeeded in imitating his pronunciation, nor in stating
what its nature was. Probably many of the Tifietan dialects have still vast fields
open to phonetic research.13
Now, if we examine Dr. Lanfer’s etymologies of the name of ’aBruguma, it becomes evident, that
they are ^not at all wpll founded. It is impossible to derive the name from grogsnWy friend, because
the name is never pronounced Driiguma or Lrugmo in Lower Ladakh, but Bruguma and Prtigmo,
Nor ^'ould it be right to derive the name from 'aBrogmo, woman from the Steppe. Although
the scientific treatment of the Tibetan dialects is still in its infancy, it has become evident that vowels
cannot be exchanged in them according to one’s pleasure. At present only a few suggestions can be
made : a shows a certain inclination to become e ; but e jn-obably never becomes a (thus, if a dialectical
form allows a instead of e, as for instance siang instead of sieng, the dialectical form is perhaps
the original). If the perfect stem of the verb could be proved to be the original, we might add that
a also shows a certain inclination to become o. As regards the change from o to or from u to o,
in a closed syllable, e., between two consonants, I doubt that it would be possible to produce many
examples. I do not know of a single one. But if Dr. Lanfer wishes to place 'abrogmo side by side
with aJBi uguma, he will be obliged* to produce a number of parallels to show the probability of the
change of the vowel. Here in Khalatse both pf the words, 'abrogmo and \Bruguma, can be heard,
the one. as often as the other; hut nobody would ever think of a connection between them.
As regards my translation of the name 'aBruguma by ' a little grain,’ it ought not to be called
an etymology, because I leave the word as I find it and simply say what is its meaning according to
colloquial Ladakhi. If Dr. Lanfer charge^ me with ' pressing etymologies out of the words just to
suit my purpose, he does not, I think, treat my woi’k fairly.
■ ^‘^‘^yedzeU der Bonpo attributes some importance to tbe ortboffraphioal mistakes of
Tibetan MSS. He is molmea to consider many of them as being inauenoed by the modem dialoots. As far as my
0 pra:ienoe goes, great caution has to be taken here. In consequence of the inclination of the fenues to be pronouuoed
« likemedta,_tho ortoary man is never certain about the actual value of either of them; hence a great number of
oLstfoM^ T tb f°°“'iation for rosearehes in the held of Sandhi laws and similar
questions. Ihe ear of the European student alone will have to decide.
March, 1902.] THE SPUING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA. 149
The name ^aBrugmo is not considered as a contraction of ’aBruguma by Ladakhis, bnt is
understood to mean ‘ she. who thunders’ ; this explanation is quite in accordance with gLing-glu of
Khalatse, No. I., and is not an etymology, bat colloquial Ladakhi, If thespellmg ’aBrugguma
instead of ^aBruguma could be supported, it would be possible to translate it by ‘a little thunder' ;
but, of course, it will be necessary to support this by documents.
I wish here to remind the reader of the following fact. There is a fundamental difference
between the Tibetan list of Buddhist names and the Mongolian list of Buddhist names
(compare Griinwedel, Mythologie des Buddhismus). Whilst the Mongolian list in many cases shows
the Sauski'it and Tibetan names in Mongolian orthography, the Tibetan list presents most of the
originally Indian names in Tibetan translation. The reason is that the Tibetans wish to understand
every name. I do not believe that there is a single Tibetan personal name, which is not at once
understood by everybody. Names like Henry, Charles, Robert (the meaning of which can be found
out only with the help of a dictionary), do not exist in Buddhist Ladakh. If we look at this fact,
we do not wonder that the Ladakhis understand almost every one of the names of the Kesar Saga,
and when they do not, that they have their own ideas about them.
In the following list, by the letters 0. Ii. it will be indicated that a certain name is colloquial
Ladakhi, and that from a Ladakhi point of view there cannot be the least doubt about the exactness
of my English rendering of the same.
Tibetan Alphabetical Iiist of Proper Names.
K.
Kesar is declared by several Ladakhis to have originally sounded sKye ysar^ which derivation
is supported by the dialectical form Kyesarp The falling away of s and y is very natural. Dr. Lanfer
calls the form sKye ysar a later construction. That is hardly possible, because with regard to Ladakhi
phonetics it is an easy way from sKye ysar to Kesar and Gesar (as the Epic has it) ; but not in the
opposite direction. Dr. Lanfer suspects me of putting certain ideas into a man by my questions,
but with regard to Kesar the case was as follows : — At first I felb inclined to identify the word
Kesar with Kaisar and asked an educated Ladakhi, who knows English, what his opinion was.
He at once told me, that the only Ladakhi explanation was the one given above. sKye ysar means
‘ the reborn one (newly born).’ I am of opinion that this name possibly refers to Kesar’s rebirth
each spring, but Ladakhis only think of Kesar ’s birth on the earth after his death in heaven.
Kraphusse, Hhe rat.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the wood. — Addition 3. — C. L.
Klurta sngougcliung, ‘ the little blue water-horse,’ on which lOogpo rides. — O. L.
dKarmo, * the white,’ name of the she-dog which gives birth to the dog Drumbu brangdkar. —
Addition 2, — C. L,
bKurdman rgyalmo, ‘ the venerable queen,’ the queen of sTang lha. She comes to the earth
at the birth of her son Dongrub, and changes herself into Ma dkarthigmo.
rKyaugbyung khadkar, ‘the hiang with the white mouth.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him
in the plain, — Addition 3. — C. L.
sKyabsbduu, ‘the seven helps,’ a name of the earth, — 0. L.
sKylierrdzong snyanpo, ‘the euphonious [well speaking] companion of men,’ one of the
names of the king of heaven. — 0, L.
Kh.
KbradumTtumbu, ‘ he who is born in a skin,’ name of an Agu, who is evidently not very well
0. L. The name is very well understood in the sense given above ; but I cannot offer
an explanation according to Jascbke’s Dictionary.
150
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
Khromo, ‘ the angry.’ The name is evidently derived from khroba^ anger, a quality which
agrees with the nature of this Agu; but the feminine article mo is unusual.
G.
Gogzalhamo, — As Dr. Lanfer tells me, this name is spelled Oogthsa lhamo in the Epic.
This is one of the doubtful names. According to colloquial Ladakhi gog means ‘ashes,’ and lhamo
goddess.’ As regards za or thsa, I do not offer an opinion.
dG’ani, perhaps originally dG’anyi, ‘ day of joy,’ name of an Agu.
Gar rtsa cbos sgrol, ‘ the smith, pillar of the religious deliverance,’ occurs chiefly in the
Winter Myth, and is a vassal of the King of Yarkand. Kesar deceives him, pretending to be his
relative, whereupon the smith teaches him his trade. — C. L, Other names of the same person are
Nag shang shang, and Hemis.
C.
ICogpo, ‘the lower,’ name of the King of Yogklu. — C. L.
have lYogpo.
Ch.
The Epic and several oral versions
Chorol = Chossgrol, ‘ helper in the religion,’ name of ’aBruguma’s mother. It originated
probably in later times, for it sounds quite Buddhist. — C. L.
l^y.
Nyazhung gsermig = Nyaohung, etc., ‘ the little fish Gold-eye.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth
to him in the sea, — Addition No. 3. — 0. L.
T.
ITaba migrab, * the seer Clear-eye,’ name of an Agu. — C. L.
brTanpa, ‘ firmness,’ name of ’aBruguma’s lather. — C. L. For brTanma see Jaschke’s
Tibetan Dictionary,
brTan ’adzin dmarpo, ‘ seizing the red firm support.’ This was probably the form of the
name bsTan ’adzin. in pre-Buddhistic times,
Th.
Tburru rkyangbyung dbyerpa, ‘the real colt descended from the wild kiang^ name of
Dongrub’s horse. It is born again on the earth with the same name and the same qualities as it had
before, and is therefore called ‘the real.’ With regard to this name, the idea of the Tibetans seems
tO' have been that the horse was a descendant of the kiang. The Epic as well as the Winter Myth
hjfcve the name in this form: rkyang rgod dbyerpa, ‘the wild real kiangj^ — 0. L.
D.
Darlha go ebodma, ‘the flomnshing goddess who executes her work well,’ name of
’aBruguma’s handmaid. — C. L.
Barseng dkarmo, ‘ the white ice-lioness.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to her at the top of the
mountain. — Addition No, 3. — 0. L.
Bungngi dardkar, ‘ the silken-white mother-of-pearl horse,’ on which Agu dPalle rides. — 0. L.
Bungsbal dkarpo, ‘ the white mother-of-pearl frog.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him on the
earth. — Addition 3. — 0. L.
Bongrub, ‘fulfilling the aim,’ name of the third son of the king of heaven, who is born on
the earth as Kesar. — 0. L. Because the name Dongrub literally corresponds to the Indian
Siddhdrtha, Dr. Lanfer is inclined to believe in Buddhistic influences with rfegard to this name.
But the name Dongrub is used equally instead of the Indian Amoghasiddha, the Dhyanibuddha
and Lok^p^la of, the North, who possibly is of Pre-Buddhist origin. I hope it will be proved in
due time that Western Tibet and North India influenced each other in Pre-Buddhist times.
March, 1902.]
THE SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
151
Bonldan, ‘ having a calling/ name of the eldest son of the king of heaven. — C. L.
Donyod, ‘ having a calling/ name of the second son of the king of heaven. C. L.
Brumbubrangdkar, ‘the lascivious [dog] with the white breast/ name of the dog to whom
the she-dog dKarmo gives birth. — Addition No. 2. — C. L.
Bromo, ‘heat/ name of the ewe which gives birth to mThsalmig. — Addition No. 2. C. L.
aBrelha btsanbogs, ‘the elf-god strong profit/ mentioned in Additions No. 9; the male
element to ’aBamza ’ahum skyid, possibly another name of the devil bDud.
P.
dPalle, ‘ glory, abundance, splendour/ name of the best.known of all the Agus. Le is probably
the syllable of respect of the Ladakhi dialect j but it may also represent an abbreviation of Zas, work.
sPrinnag^ralchen, ‘dark cloud, great mane/ name of Agu ITaba migrab’s horse. — 0. L.
B.
By a khyung dkrung nyima. The bird Khyung, the disc, the sun. This is the Tibetan
Garuda and the male element to Byamo dKarmo. There exists an actual bird, a heron, which is
called hliywiig on account of his voice. The word dkrung also occurs in dhyil dkrung^ the common
Oriental posture of sitting with crossed legs, when the legs, covered by the long coat, form a kind of a
disc, dkrung is the only word, the orthography of which cannot be proved for certain. As regards
ya khyung and nyma^ the orthography is dictated by the Lower Ladakhi pronunciation.
Bya rgyal rgodpo, ‘ the wild bird-king.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him on the rock. —
Addition 3. — C. L,
Byamo dkarmo, ‘ the white female bird,* probably the moon, the female element corresponding
to Garuda. --C, L.
Byilphrug rganjar, ‘the naked little bird/ Gogzalhamo gives birth to it in the field.—
Addition 3. — C. L.
dBangpo rgyab bzMu = rgya-hzMn (the h of the second syllable, otherwise silent, was
pronounced with the first), ‘ the sovereign with the all-embracing countenance/ name of the king of
heaven. Dr. Lanfer spells the name rgya %???, meaning ‘extending splendour ’ and identifies the
Tibetan king of heaven with Indra. I should he very glad if this could be proved. However, if
Dr. Lanfer’s spelhng is the original, the name would be pronounced rgya hyin or rgya bin in
Lower Ladakh. This is not the case here. This well-known deity is always called rGya Zhin or
rGyab zhiu in Lower Ladakh.^^
’aBruguma, see Introductory Notes.
aBrongbyung rogpo, ‘ the black wild yak.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the meadow. —
Addition 3. — C. L.
M.
Ma dkartbigmo, ‘the white-spotted mother,’ or perhaps, ‘ she who has conceived,’ name of the
queen of heaven during her visit on the earth.
Monganni srangphrug, ‘the street-boy of bad descent.’ mo-ngan = mon ngan\ moniB
the epithet of a low caste. Instead of srangphrug^ srongplirug is also said. Name of Kesar in his
youth. — C. L.
Ts.
Tsetse ngangdmar, ‘ the reddish-yellow summit,’ but perhaps also, ‘ the red duck- of the
summit,’ Name of the goat which causes Dongrub’s death in heaven.
bTsan rta dmarobung, ‘the small red earth-horse,’ ridden by sKyabsbdun.— C, L.
w Professor Dr. Griinwedel explains the name as having been originally IrQya shyin ^Batcdcratu; but does
shyinya actually correspond to hratu ?
152
THE INDIAH ANTiaXJAHT.
[Maech, 1902.
Ths.
Thsa Idang, ^ promptly forwards/ name of the mare wliich gives birth to Thurru rkyangbyiing
dbyerpa, — Addition 2, — C. L,
mThsanldan ru skyes, ^ the famous horned one/ literally, ‘horn-producer/ name of Gogza-
lhamo’s husband. A peculiarity in the word is that a w is written instead of a u. The Ladakhi
pronunciation of the word is rw, — 0, L,
mThsaimig, * Red-eye/ name of the sheep to which Dromo gives birth, — Addition 2, — C. L.
Dz.
Dzemo ’abamza ’abumskyid, probably, ‘the fairy with a hundred thousandfold happiness.’
ahamm is apparently only an introductory play of syllables to the following word. The female
element corresponding to ’aDre lha btsan bogs. Her name according to the Winter Myth is Mersa
’abum skyid.
Z.
Za, Probably contracted from * the^ eater,’ which name certainly agrees with the character
of its bearer.
Y,
gYusbal sngonpo, ' the blue turqnoise-frog.’ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in the under-
world. — Addition 3. — C. L.
S.
ySersbal yserspo, ‘ the golden frog/ Gogzalhamo gives birth to him in sTang lha. — Addition
3. •— C, L.
H.
IHa rta ngangpa, * the bay horse of the gods/ may also be ‘ the god’s-horse-duck ’
Translated in this T7ay, the name would express most clearly the capacities of’
swimming. — 0, L,
or ‘ Swan,
flying and
A.
Ane_bkardmajimo, ‘ the renerable spouse,’ a name of the queen of heaven.
Unusual Words and Forms.
I.
1. gUng. the present usage of the language this word denotes a continent. This concen
bon may have been gradually developed. In ancient times it was probably not yet understood T
the Kesar Saga, if we translate gidng by « Earth,” we shall probably not be far wron/
+ 1 , translation is : “ Prom the land of the gods there came
the lord of the upper gods.” He is quite right. ® ® °
Instead of “ All at once,” Dr. Danfer proposes ‘In the dark.’ This is wrong • srib cia 7„
a very common Ladakhi idiom, used always in the sense of ‘All at once.’ ® ^ ^ ^
2. agu = ahhu, see Mythology.
4. Idud hya yinces ’advy, he is to be (==
6. Ehra =s khrabo, variegated. Zilazila
khrazig, hizig is also said.
seems to be) the devil-bird.
serves to fill up the line ia singing, like our la-la-la ;
Maeoh, 1902.]
THE SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
153
9. The literal translation of this line is ‘Carrying was at the time when I was a hoy/ which
Di\ Lanfer translates ‘ I carried it when a boy/ which translation I should have accepted, if I hal
received it a little sooner, ^
7, 8, 9. The repetition of the stem ol the verb may have been employed here to fill up the line;
otherwise it serves to denote the Durative.
11. The translation of this line, as well as that of several others, contained in songs, is nut
quite literal The reason is that I tried to keep up a certam metre in the German translation,
12. Dr. Lanfer tells me thaii sogspa means ‘shoulder-blade,’ not ‘wing.’ The upper portion
of the wing is called sogspa in Ladakhi.
16. sreste = mingled = together.
17. nusgal = nugsgal, nug, a little bag in Ladakhi.
18. pho chen = pho rta, gelding.
20. According to Dr. Lanfer, the literal translation should be ‘ a thin saddle.’ He is wrong :
the literal translation is ‘ saddle and bridle.’ The word srah or sm'' bs is colloquial Ladakhi for a
horse’s ‘head-straps.’
21. smlOf nose-ring in Ladakhi .
II.
2. ma za, did not eat. The simple present-stem is used for the past, as the time is sufficiently
indicated by ma,
3. ysangma^ respectful form for meal, as y sol ja for tea.
4. shmigkhu, Ladakhi for spyangld, ^olf.
5. dzara, a meal in the middle of the day.
20. Ghungrtagspo, he whose sign is smallness, or youth, po is the emphatic article, see LadahJn
Grammar.
31. mi phod, literally ‘ 1 am not able,’ as correctly stated by Dr. Lanfer.
III.
4, sdigla, substituted on account of the metre for sdigpala, to the sinful one. As we learn from
tlie Winter 'Myth, sdigpa, is one of the names of the giant of the north.
5, gri btangha, to give the knife = to use it to cut or stab. mB^a htangha, to shoot arrows,
is a parallel form, . ^
11. As Dr. Lanfer remarks, the word sdiffpai’ “ wicked,” or “for the wicked,” is left
mntranslated. Compare note on No. I., 11.
20. Icibces, respectful for ‘ to ride,’ derived from chibs, horse.
24. jusnamssi, take greetings. The i cannot he explained,
28, 82, etc. bing, come out ; the Ladakhi verb bingces is not to be derived from -ahyingh^. as
Dr. Lanfer supposes, but from 'abijungba, according to the views of Ladakhis.
28. Jors, kept it; in Ladakhi the verb borces is often used in the sense of ‘ to keep,’ as is
indicated in Jaschke’s Dictionary under 'alorba, 3.
31. phiMJ, let go ; is not to be taken as an imperative tense of ’abudpa, as Dr. Lanfer siipposes.
It is the* imperative tense of phudces, which is a causative form of 'abvdpa.
.32. drosna. See also 35 dras, from draba, to cut.
82. cangkhog, Ladakhi for trunk of the body.
.154
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[Mabch, 1902.
36. zas, does not mean ‘he cried,’ as Dr. Lanfer takes it ; zas is the instrumental of za, the
proper name of the agu. Although zas in literal translation only means ‘by the agu,’ we are obliged
to add silently ‘was said, was cried.’
41. srm shing, Ladakhi for pine (c/. ‘pineal’ gland), the top of the head.
42. rlaphyi or also da^hyinas, before (of time).
45. Itag lihung khiingtse, Ladakhi for the slight depression below the neck at the commence-
ment of the back.
47. 'agrogsie, was terrified j this is the Ladakhi form for sknigga.
IV,
1. seraru^ hail ; Ladakhi for serba.
4. lihromya = hhronpa, a well.
4. naggabelde. This expression seems to occur only in the context here given. It is pretty
clear that the first part means ‘black’ ; belde is said by the people to mean ‘ugly,’ but he seems to
point to ‘ opened,’ and so might mean ‘broad’; Idemig seems to be ‘ squint-eye.’ naggabelde also is
the proj^er name of a certain species of mud-fish ; thus we might translate just as well ‘ he had eyes
like a mud -fish.’
5. snyasmgo = sngasmgo, pillow.
5. sngamphe = snganpJie, bad flour.
5. hag = kaggis, suddenly ; see Jaschke’s Ttbeian Diciionary.
5. gams, perfect of gamces, to eat ; is only used of sand and flour.
6. bong stan, sack-cloth. Dr. Lanfer proposes ‘ass-saddle-cloth;’ but donkeys are not
used for riding in Ladakh. A hong stem is just what we should call * sack-cloth,’
8. Instead of ‘spouse,’ Dr. Lanfer proposes ‘grand-mother/ because in the Mongolian
version hKur drmnmo is Kesar’s. grand-mother. This is impossible, because hKnr dmanmo is not
called ‘spouse’ in her relationship to Kesar, but in her relationship to the lord of the gods. She m
called Ane, wife, not only because she is his wife, but because she is a model wife.
10. tksig, a stone used for building ; the word is probably related to rfsigpa, wall.
10. unnanie, pressed; the mother pressed the child with a stone, {. e., she put it underneath
the stone.
14, shyil was translated by ‘fill/ Originally it means ‘dam up’; thus ‘the food is dammed
up by the vessel.’
14. rdulbo, a stone vessel ; propably derived from rdoba.
16. ihsangngu, child-sack. Jaschke has ‘cradle' for this word. la Ladakh it is a sack tilkd
With dried horse-dung to keep the child warm. In this way baby-linen, etc,, is spared,
^0. mdadar, originally a small coloured ribbou, which adoraed the arrow; here the name for au,
smau ribbon.
20. Dr. Laufer has difficulties in traaslating this line. The Tibetan has $tang lha la mtasie
rruia dar dkarpo zUg dhyugs. It is true, thistext does not ted us who is “ blowing up bands ” • but
f I? vv ? T t ‘ looting.’ but is colloquial
Ladafck for ‘m the direction of.' T a e word also occurs in refo, sling.
Makck, 1902.]
THE SPRING MYTH OF THE KESAR SAGA.
155
V.
1. 'adug 'adugs ])ala, while it so continued ; see I. 7, 8, 9, note.
1. rgyal Iham^ king of the gods. As a rule rgyal lham is only used in conjunction with the
word Kesar, which fact explains the rgyal lham Kesar is accordingly, *the king of the gods, or
Kesar,’
2. andhe bandhe\ as I found out a few days ago, a word bandhe is in general use. A handhe
is a lama who has not yet been to Lhassa. A bandhe is not considered as a full lama ; andhe I am
inclined to consider as an introductory play of syllables to handhe. According to Dr. Lanfer there
exists a possible connection between andhe and the Mongol ayida^ friend.
8, Khamha = Khampsa, a man from Khams. These people are noted for their fondness of
travel. The word Jckamba has on this account come to mean almost ‘vagabond^ in Ladakh.
B. hhangngumat little house. The article ma is used here similarly to the emphatic article ho in
other cases,
4. Itsangmkhan^ beggar, seends to be derived from slongba.
9. ^ahholtna, boiling j adjective, formed from ^ahholba,
11. btagga^homidi] contracted from perf. pai*tib. passive. Similarly biangnga in
and blugga in 15.
11-16. Dr. Lanfer points out the translation of this song is not always quite literal. He is
quite right. Thus in 12 the literal translation should be: ‘In four directions four enemies will
fall,’ In 16 Dr. Lanfer suggests the word ‘breast’ instead of ‘heart.’ Apparently that part of the
breast which covers the heart is meant.
12, rabbzhif four enemies. The b of the second syllable, otherwise silent, is sounded with the
first syllable. If an r follows a mute, the mute frequently disappears. Thus ra instead of dgra,
17. hung^ an interjection, used to accompany great exertion. It is perhaps formed from the
well-known hu7ii»
21. pha long or phabong =: phalong, rock,
22. $lcor*ang^ do whirl ! 'ang = yang ; see Imperative, Ladahhi Grammar,
24. shorres, to whirl, res is perhaps the infinitive termination, w’hich is used instead of ces in
the dialects of the side- valleys. Gorrespordingly rig instead of eig in VI, 20, VII. 40. On the other
hand res may be a substantive, meaning ‘turn.’ ‘It is my turn, it is his turn.
27. logs^ quite, all at once, in Ladakhi.
27. nyachi, tendon ; Ladakhi for ckuha,
28. skyerags, hip-cloth, girdle ; Ladakhi for skarags,
29. yyogshing^ the same as yogslih^g^ poker.
29. mwnte, fainted ; the word Is related to rtiunpat darkness. hen a man faints, everything
becomes dark around him.
aO, phaspm, father’s brother. This word has come to mean in Ladahh ‘ one who looks after
th« corpse,’ and is used exclusively in this sense. It probably refers to the custom that m ancient
times certain relatives had to provide for the burning of the corpse. Such an office of the phaspun
seems to be touched on in IX. 9, where is Kesar stripped of his humble form by them. In the Saga
tbe word has evidently not yet obtained its contemptuous colouring.
30, shayin, will revenge. The word shaces is never used alone, but always in connection with
mi, man.
156
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902.
31. churahs^ Ladakhi for ‘ford.’
37. thsama, the meal on the occasion of a death.
37 , a betrothal present.
VX.
1. ngad does not mean ‘to meet,’ as Dr. Lanfer takes it. yong is Ladakhi for
yonghar yod ihsug, meaning ‘ came.’ Compare Ladakhi Grammar, Past Tenses.
1 . rugga =: sgrugpar^ to pluck.
1. jojo^jomo, distinguished lady.
2. rtammgo^ horse’s head. The m of the second syilabie, otherwise silent, is sounded with
the first.
3. muchly root-string ; that is, dry root.
4. theh^ more ; compare Ladakhi Grammar^ Comparative.
5. aje = ache, elder sister, the usual mode of addressing older women.
6. ysobpa = to arise again,
8. malhhrigge, mark of the teeth.
10. drotham, a meal in which several friends participate and to which each contributes a
small sum.
19. dPallehm^ all the dPalles. Can it be the case that the plural here serves to denote respect 1
This would be the only instance of the kind in Tibetan. The same usage is found in VI. 28 and 42.
In any case it is possible to suppose that not only dPalle or dGani alone is addressed, but their
whole retinue. In 19 the right translation may be, ‘ and so on.’
24. hur, the ball of a rosary ; a foreign word,
24. hhram, formed from agrempa, here with the signification, ‘ to touch,’
27, thorezug, just in the morning.
29, hungpa = pungpa^ a drinking glass.
29, yar, the small piece of butter which is smeared round the edge of a vessel with the thumb
to honour a guest.
58. tsogse == thsogse =«= mthsogse, like. As regards this word, the pronunciation of tJie tenuis
is a variance, even with the same person,
68. ihugssring, wait ! an unusual form of respect, as the construoti<ui with mdzad<^es is mor<^
usual in the case of verbs.
70. yashahOf hurrah for love 1 is shouted at weddings.
Vll.
9. stang = steng, the upper part ; see also stangUia.
15. lhathserog, compos, determ., a shameful sin against the lhas. Corresponding expression
in 23 and 31. i s ■ i
33. smvg, from snmgpo serves here to denote indistinct colours, as brown, ho 1<*1. It is here
intended to mean something beautiful,
33, zeba, when referring to horses, mane.
41, iib, sudden, of actions of the body.
42. tkub^ mighty.
Maech, 190 ' 2,3
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
157
VIII.
2. stanJcha, ' mouth ’ of the carpet, the edge provided with fringes. Politeness requires Lhat s
carpet shall be spread for each guest. In doing so, one must see to it that the ‘ mouth * of the carpet
is placed in front of the guest.
3. mdn^ dgurig, a very wise, a nine-fold wise man.
6. shangJcog, wolf’s-sldn, formerly used as piece of clothing.
8. mduniho, front edge of the dress.
11 . sngaro = sngadro,
11. ^adeag, clime, Ladakhi for ^adzegpa, to clime.
12. rargan = ragan^ copper or brass.
27. hhamslogces^ disgusting ; infinitive instead of participle.
27. sgrurnceSy Ladakhi for ‘ to knead.’
33. ^adon thang, meal, for ^adonpa in the sense of ‘eat and drink’ compare Jaschke’s
Dictionary^
34. yogsltor^ or yogTchor, name of the sheepskin which is nowadays worn over the shoulders by
the women. The name ‘lower covering’ suggests that it was formerly thrown around the loins*
The hairless side of the yogWior is covered with red and green cloth.
36. hhyodres, or hhyores, thou. Both are contractions of Ehyod rangngis,
38. ata, father. The word comes from Baltistan.
38. jo, ending of respeet, which is employed just like ji in Hindustani, It seems to be the
same stem as in jobo, lord.
IX.
2. thag, here in the signification ‘ firmly.’
9 . yzhal yas hhang, according to the usage of the Ladakhi language a not only great but also
very beautiful house,
12. soga, teeth ; perhaps from soUa, tooth and mouth, comp, copul. developed; “
14. chams, fulfilled, come to the goal, from ^achampa.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS,
BY CHARLES PARTRIDGE, M.A.
(Co7itmued from p. 108.)
Carwar ; s. 'O. Anchediva, 20, i, $. v. Beitcul,
61, ii, twice, s, v. Factory, 264, 'i ; ann.a673:
s. V. Dungaree, 255, i ; ann. 1750-60; s. v.
Jeetul, 349, ii; ann. 1760: s. v. Candy (s.),
120, i,
Caryophylla ; s. Clove, 171, ii.
Caryophylli; ann. 540 : s. v. Zedoary, 747, ii.
Qaryophyllum aromaticum ; s, -u. Clove, 171, ii.
Caryota ; s. v. 778, ii, twice, s. v. Jaggery, 340,
ii ; ann. 70 : s. v. 773, ii ; ann. 1861 : s. v.
Peepul, 524, ii.
Caryota urens ; s. v. Toddy, 706, i, s, v, Cary-
ota, 773, ii ; ann. 1777 : s. v. Caryota, 773, ii.
Gas ; ann. 1504-5 : s. Pardao, 838, i ; ann.
1510 and 1609 : s. v. Gash, 128, ii.
Oasabe; ann. 1644 : s, v. Cusbah, 219, ii,
Casarca rutila ; s. v, Brahminy Duck, 85, i.
Gasbeen ; ann. 1665 : 5. v, Sophy, 649, i,
Casches ; ann. 1750-60 : s, v. Cash, 128, ii.
Casoiscis ; ann. 1603 : 5. v, Casis, 130, ii.
Gasen-Basar; aim. J665 ; $, v» Cossimbazar^
784, ii.
158 -
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902,
Oasgy ; ann. 1648 : s. v. Oazee, 137, i.
Gash j s. 128, i (6 times) and ii, Can-
dareen, 119, i, B times, a. v. Govrrj, 208, ii,
B, v. Dub, 252,ii,s. v. Dustoor, 257, i, s. v.
Likin, 393, ii, twice, 8, v. Pagoda, 498, i, s, v.
Ramoosy, 573, ii, b. v, Sapeca, 599, ii, and
footnote (both twice), s, v. Sapeku, 599, ii,
twice, Tael, 675, ii ; ann. 1604-5 : s. v,
Pardao, 838, i ; ann. 1511 : s» v. Batta, 763,
i j ann. 1554 i s. Jeetul, 349, ii j ann. 1599 i
s. V. Tael, 675, ii ; ann. 1697-8 : 5. «). Shroff,
630, i; ann. 1711 and 1727: 5. 'y. 128, ii:
ann. 1760 : 5 . v, Tootnagne, 711, i ; ann. 1753:
s. V. Ohuttanntty, 780, ii; ann, 1781 : s, v.
Ohillum, 149, ii, s» v, Cnmbljj 216, ii, s, v.
Dub, 252., ii, twice ; ann. 1790 : s, v, 128, ii ;
ann. 1808 : s. v. John Company, 852, ii ; ann.
1813 : s, V. 128, ii ; ann. 1826 : s, v. Bangle,
45, ii ; ann. 1844 : s, v. Bargeer, 52, ii.
Cashar ; ann. 1763: 5. v, Manneepore, 827, i«
Oashcash ; ann. 1563: b. v. Cusouss, 787, i.
Cashew; s* v, 129, i, s. v. Custard- Apple, 221, ii ;
ann. 1830 : s. p* 129, ii.
Cashew-nut ; 5. v. Nut, Promotion, 484, i.
Oashghar ; ann. 1875 1 s. v» Shoe ol Gold,
629, i.
Cashishes ; ann, 1603 r 5^. z?. Oasis, 130, ii.
Cash-keeper; $. v. Tahseeldar, 676, i ; ann.
1810 ; s. y, Tahseeldar, 676, i.
Oa&hmeeree ; b, v. Bengalee, 65, i.
Cashmere (n. p.) ; s. v, 129rii ; ann. 1881 : s, v*
Groont, 296, ii ; ann. 1839 : s>, v. Singara,
637, ii.
Cashmere (s.) ; b. v. Crape, 212, ii, a. v. Kersey-
mere, 365, i.
Casiam ; aim, 640 : s. v, Zedoary, 7 47, ii.
Oasis; s. v. 130, i; ann. 1553 ; s, v, Lar (c),
386, ii; ann. 1561, 1648 and 1672 ; s. v,
130, ii.
Casoaris ; ann. 1631 : s. v. Cassowary, 774, i;
Caspatyrus ; ann. 1753 : 5. v, Oospetir, 784,. i.
Caspian ; s. v* Avadavat, 759, i ; ann. 1799:
V, JowauUa mookhee, 354, ii ; ann, 1803;
5 , -y. A. Muck, 16, i
..'aspium ; ann. 1561 : s. v, Sophy, 648, ii.
Cass ; ann. 1718 : 5 . v. Cash, 128, ii.
Cassa ; a. tf. Cash, 128, i; ann. 1598; s. v.
Beitteela, 68, i.
Oassai; 851, i, footnote.
Oassam ; ann. 1613 : s. v. Alligator, 9, i.
Oassanar; v. 130, ii; ann. 1612 : 5 . 131, i.
Cassaras; ann. 1644 : s, y. India of the P or tu*
guese, 333, u
Cassavas ; ann. 1860 : s, v. Curry-stuff, 219, ii.
Cassawaris; ann. 1705: $. v. Cassowary,
131, i.
Cassay ; s. v, 131, i, 5 . y. Shan, 623, i, s, i\
Munneepore, 826, ii; ann. 1755 : s,v. Mini-
neepore, 827, i ; ann, 1759 : s, v. 131, i, s, v'.
Munneepore, 827, i ; ann. 1767 : s. v. Sonapa-
ranta, 647, i; ann. 1795 : 5 . y. 131, i ; ann.
1799 : s. V. Munneepore, 827, i, twice; ann.'
1827 : s. V. Munneepore, 827, ii,
Castayer; ann. 1799: v, Munneepore, 827, i.
Cassay Shaaii ; s, v, Shan, 623, i ; ann. 1795 ;
5 ^. y. Shan, 623, i,
Oasse ; ann. 1510 : s. v. Cash, 128, ii, 3 times-.
Casse ; ann. 1819 : b. v, Munneepore, 827, ii.
Casseri ; ann, 1726 : s. v, Adati, 4, i.
Cassia ; 67, ii, footnote, 113, ii, footnote.
Cassia auricnlata ; s, v, Wootz, 741, ii.
Cassia bark ; 5 . v. Malabathrum, 415, i, see 466,
ii, footnote.
Cassia fistola ; 466, ii, footnote, twice.
Cassia Fistuk ; 466, ii^ footnote, twice.
Cassia fistula ; ann, 1343 : b» v, Myrobalan^
466, ii.
Cassia fistularis; 466, ii,, footnote.
Oassid; ann. 1748 : s, v, Oossid, 204, i.
Cassimeer ; ann, 1784 ; y. Soosie, 648, i.
Cassimer ; ann., 1814 : a. v. Cashmere, 130, i.
Oassimere; 5 . v. Kerseymere, 365, i ; ann. 1676 ;
5 , y. Cashmere, 130, i; ann. 1880 ; s. v. Ker-
seymere, 365, ii,
Cassius ; ann. 1799 : s» v: Khasya, 367, i.
Cassowary ; s. v, 131, i, 774, i.
Cassumbazar; ann. 1683 : s. Dadiiy, 225, ii,
s. V. English-bazar, 262, i, s. y. Gentoo, 280,
ii, s. V. Maldives, 418, ii ; aniu 1684 : s. y*
Cazee, 775, ii.
Cast; B, y. Caste, 131, i; ann. 1563: 5 . e.
Putchock, 565,. i; ann. 1613 : s. v. Caste, 132,
i; ann. 1630 : 5 . v* Caste, 132, i, v. Soodra,
647, ii ; ann. 1673 ; a, v, Bhounsla, 70, i ,s, r.
Caffer, 108^ ii, 5 . y. Casteel 3 2, i, s, y. Lingaity
394, ii, s. V. Mussulman, 462, i ; ann. 1700
and 1763: s. y. Caste, 132, i; ann. 1777 ;
s. V. Sircar (b), 638, i ; ann, 1780 and 1787 ;
s, Pariah, 515, i ; ann. 1789: 5 . y. Cooly,
193, i; aim. 1805-6: s. v. Pariah, 515,1-;
ann. 1808 : s, v. Grassia, 302, ii, v. Banda-
ree, 760, ii; ann. 1809 : s. v. Veranda, .738,
March, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE^S HOBSON-JOBSON.
ISO
Uasta ; s, v. Caste, 131, i and ii, both twice, s» v,
Castees, 132, ii ; ann. 1444, 1561, 1563 and
1567 : s, V. Caste, 131, ii; ann. 1572*: s, v*
Polea, 543, i ; ami. 1012 : s, v. Caste, I3I, ii;
ann, 1653 : s, v. Castees, 132, ii.
Cast4j ann. 1572 : v. Caste, 131, ii.
Casta baisa ; s. v. Caste, 132, ii.
Castana ; 5 . v. Demijohn, 236, i, twice.
Castanheda ; s, v, Grasscutter, 301, ii.
Caste; s. V. 131, i, twice, 132, ii, 774, i, v.
Bandanna, 43, i, s. v, Bandaree, 43, ii, twice,
s. V, Bearer, 58, i, s, v. Bora, 80, i, 5 . v. Boy
(b), 83, i, 5 . V. Brahmin, 84, ii, s» v, Bungy,
99, ii, twice, s, v. Burgher (a), 100, ii, s, v.
Butler, 102, ii, s, v. Byde Horsey 105, i, s. v.
Ohettyy 145, i, s, v. Ohnckler, 167, i, twice,
s, V. Chuttrum, 170, i, 5 . t\ Cooly , ] 92, i, 5 . v.
Cranny, 212, i, 5 . Cunchunee, 217, i, s.
Cuttry, 224, i, s, v. Devil Worship, 238, i,
twice, 5 . V, Dhoty, 243, i, s, v. Dome, 249, i,
s, t\ Halalcore, 311, ii, 5 . v, Hiraya, 319, i,
$. V. Khuttry, 367, ii, s. Kuhar, 378, i, s. v,
Kula, 378, ii, s. Kythee, 380, ii, s. p.
Lingam, 394, ii, s, v, Lungooty, 400, ii, 5 . p,
Malabar Bites, 414, i '(3 times) and ii, s. v.
Mandarin, 420, ii, s, Mocuddum, 434, ii#
s, V. Modelliar, 435, i, s, v, Mogul, 436, i,
s, V, Molly, 440, i, s. z?. Moochy, 443, i, twice,
V, Miizbee, 463, ii, s . v, Naik, 470, i, 5 . v,
Nair, 471, h s. Palaveram, 504, ii, s, v,
Pandaram, 507, ii, twdce, s. p. Pandy, 509, i,
s. 2 ?, Pariah, 513, i (4 times) and ii (11 times),
514, i, s, V. Pariah-Dog, 515, ii, s. v. Parvoe,
517, i, twice, s, v, Folea, 542, ii, s,
Ptiggjf '^^7, i, 5. V, Punchayet, 560, i, s. v.
Rajpoot, 571, ii , twice, s, v. Bamoosy, 573, i,
s. Soodra, 647, ii, twice, s. v. Suttee, 667,
i, s. V, Tiyan, 704, i, s. v. Toty, 713, ii, s. i\
Zingari, 749, ii, twice. 5 . v» Coolin, 783, ii,
twice, s. -y. Harry, 806, ii, s. i\ Law-officer>
818, i, s. V, Patcharee, 842, i, s, v. Pawnee,
842, ii, 5 . V, Pyke, 847, i; ann. 1200:
s. Bilooch, 71, i; ann. 1552, 1561, 1563
and 1567 (3 times) ; 5 . v. 131, ii ; ann. 1572 :
s.y. Polea, 543, i ; ann. 1580 : s. y. Chuckler,
167, i; ann. 1606: s. v, Polea, 543, i; ann.
1612 : $, V, 131, ii, twice, 132, i, s, v. Raja,
571, i, twice; ann. 1648 :5. y. Pariah, 514,
ii ; ann. 1661 : $. y. Cunchunee, 217, i ; ann.
1666 : 5 . V. Cooly, 192, ii ; ann. 1673 : 5 . v.
Turban, 719, i; ann. 1685: 5 . v, Modelliar,
485, ii ; ann. 1707 : 5 . Cadjan (b), 107, ii ;
ann, 1716 : 5 . v. Pariah, 514, ii ; ann. 1740 :
5 . V, Sett, 615, ii ; ann. 1748 : $, t}, Dadney,
787, ii ; ann. 1760 : 5 . -y. Ohawbuck, 777, i ;
ann. 1779 : 5 . v, Buddha, 91, i; ann. 1780 :
s. V, Cowle, 208, i, 5 . y. Law-officer, 818, ii ;
ann. 1782: 5 . y. Mort-de-cliien, 45], i; ana!
^1783: 5 . y, Halalcore, 311, ii ; ann, 1797;
s. V. Moro, 825, i, twice; anu. 1809; 5 . 0
Hummaul, 327, ii ; ann. 1810 : 5 . y. Buddha,’
91, ii, 5 . y. Dirzee, 24^^, i, 5 . y. Dubash, 253,
1 ; ann. 1820 : 5 . i\ Cooly, 193, i ; ann. 1823 ;
5 . y. Thug, 697, ii ; ann. 1824 ; 5 , y, Khasya.
367, i; aim. 1833 : 5 . y. Paryoe, 517, i; ann.
1838: 5 . y. Lingam, 395, i; ann. 1842 : 5 . v,
132 ,. i ; ann. 1858: 5 , y, Muzbee, 464, i ; ann,
1868: 5 . y. Dev'a-dasI, 237, ii, 5 . y. Lubbye.
399, ii, 5 . t\ Moplah, 449, i ; ann. 1869 : s] v,
Chuckler, 1C7, i ; ann. 1873 : 5 . v, Kuhdr.
378, i ; ann, 1877 : 5 . y, 132, ii ; ann. 1878:
$. y, 132 , i, 3 times.
Castees; 5 . y. 332, ii, 774, i; ami. 1653: 5 /y.
Mustees, 828, i; ann. 1699 : 5 . y. 132. ii ;
ann. 1703-2: 5 . y. 774, i.
Casteez; ami. 1702: 5 . y. Castees, 774, i.
Oastices ; ann. 1726 ; 5, y. Castees, 132, ii,
Casti^o ; 5. y. Castees, 132, ii.
Castilla; ann. 1880: s. y. Sponge Cake, 651, li.
Castille ; ann. 1535 : 5 . y. Ananas, 18, ii ; ann.
1590; 5 . y. -Ananas, 39, i.
Oastisos; ann. 1599 : 5 . y. Castees, 132, ii, twice.
Castissos; ann. 1653 : 5 . y, Castees, 132, ii ;
5 . y. Mustees, 828, i.
Gastizes ; ann. 1638 : 5 . i\ Castees, 132, ii,
Castle-Buzzar ; 5 . y. Oossimbazar, 204, i,
Castle Buzzar ; ann. 1673 : s. y. Patna, 520, i.
Castor; ann. 3343: 5 , y. Myrobalan, 466, ii.
Castorm ; ann. 545 : s. y. Nard, 473, ii,
Castro ; ann. 1572 : 5 , v, Diu, 246-, ii. twice.
Castycen; ann. 1661: s. y. Castees, 132, ii.
Casuariua; 5 . y. 774, i; ann. 1867 and 1879 :
5. y, 774, ii.
Casuarina muricata ; 5 . y. Casuarina, 774, i.
Casuarine; ann. 1861 : s. y. Peepul, 524, ii.
Casuarius galeatus ; 5 . y. Cassowary, 131, i,
Catai; ann, 1253: 5 . y. Cathay, 133, ii ; an:u
1634 : 5 . y. Cathay, 134, i.
Catai a ; aun. 1633 : t\ Cathay. 134, i.
Gataini; ann, 1436 r 5 . y. Firinghee, 799, i.
Gataio ; ann. 1436 : 5. y. Firinghee, 799, I.
ann. 1440: 5. y. Macheen, 406, i.
160
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[March, 1902,
Oataium ; ann. 1616 ; s, v, India of the Portu-
gese, 333, i.
Gataja ; ann. 1664 ; s. v. Cathay, 774, ii.
Catalan ; s. v, Gogo, 293, i, s. v. Junk, 360, ii ;
ann. 1343 x s, v. Lac, 381, i.
Catamaran; ann. 1780 and 1836 (twice): s, v.
Catamaran, 133, i.
Catamaran ; s. v, 132, ii,
Catarra; ann. 1813 : 5 . 2 ?. Kuttaur, 379, ii,
Catarre ; ann. 1638 and 1673 : 5 , v, Kuttaur,
379, ii.
Catarry ; ann. 1690: s, v, Kuttaur, 816, i.
Catatiara; ann. 1606; s, v. Cassanar, 130, ii.
Catay ; ann. 1404 : s. Cathay, 134, i ; ann.
1665 ; s, V, Macheen, 821, i.
Cataya; ann. 1263 : s, v, Cathay, 133, ii,
Catcha cosses: ann. 1763 : s, y. Cutcha, 223, i.
Catchoo ; ann, 1760 : s. v. Catechu, 133, ii.
Cate ; ann. 1554; v. Oandareen, 119, i, s. v.
Catechu, 133, ii, s, v, Datchin, 230, ii, 4
times, 5, y. Mace (b), 405, i, s, v, Pecul, 523,
i ; ann. 1663 and 1578: s. v. Catechu, 133,
ii; ann. 1G04 ; s. v. Catty (a), 134, ii.
Cate ; ann, 1654 : s, v, Pecul, 843, i, twice.
Catechu; s. v, 183, i, twice, 5 . v, Cutch (s.),
222, i ; ann. 1516; 5 . v. Putchock, 564, ii ;
ann. 1813 : s. v. 133, ii,
Qatel ; ann, 1666 : s. v. Cot, 205, i.
Cathai; ann, 1510: s, v. Pedir, 523, i.
Cathaia ; ann. 1598 ; .9. v. Cathay, 134, i.
Cathaian; ann. 166 — ; s. v, Peking , 526, i.
Cathay ; 5. v, 133, ii, twice, 774, ii, s, v. Cassay,
131, i, see 330, ii, footnote, s, v, Macheen, 405,
ii, 5 . V, Shoe of Gold, 628, ii, s. v. Tea, 688, ii,
• 689, i, see 851,, i, footnote; ann. 545: §. zj,
Calyan, 114, ii; ann. 1253: s. v. Chin-chin,
154, i, twice ; ann. 1330 : 5 . 134, i, v,
Java, 347, ii ; ann. 1340 : s. v, Kincob, 369,
ii; ann. 1404: s, v, Caffer, 770, i; ann,
1405 : s. z?. Satin, 602, i ; .ann, 1545; $, v.
Tea, 689, ii, 3 times ; ann. 1842 and 1871 :
s» ZK 134, i.
Catbayes ; ann. 1610 : s. v. Catty (a), 134, ii,
3 times.
Gatheca ; ann, 1567: 5 . v. Cuttack, 224, i.
Catheies; ann. 1555 : s. v. Cathay, 134, i.
Oathuris ; ann. 1601: s. v» Catur, 135, i,
Cati ; ann. 1623 ; s, v, Camphpr, 117, i ; ^nn.
1726; s. Z7. Opium, 489, ii, twice,
Catimaron ; ann. 1700 : g. v. Catamaran, 133, i.
Cati Oculps ; ann. 1840 ; g. y. Cat’s Eye, 774, ii.
Oatjang; g. z?. Calavance, 110, ii.
Catle ; ann. 1553 and 1557 ; g. v. Cot, 205, i.
Cator ; g. z?. Chickore, 149, i. ; ann. 1298 ; s, i\
Cliickore, 149, i.
Catre ; s. v. Cot, 204, ii, twice ; ann. 1600 ;
g. V, Cot, 205, i.
Catre de tigera ; g. v. Cot, 204, ii.
Cat’s-eye ; g. v. 184, i, twdce ; ann, 1627 : g. v,
774, ii.
Cat’s Eye; g. z?. 774, ii.
Cats’-eye ; ann. 1420 : s. v, Ceylon, 139, i.
Gattack ; ann. 1783 : s. v, Godavery, 291, i.
twice.
Cattamaran ;ann. 1673 ; s. v. Catamaran, 133, i;
ann. 1685 : g. v, Mussoola, 461, ii ; ann.
1698: g. z?. Catamdran, 133, i ; ann. 1711:
g. V, Orombarros, 493, ii ; ann 1860 : g. v,
Cattmaran, 133, i.
Cattanar ; g. v, Cassanar, 130, ii.
Cattavento ; ann. 1596 and 1610 : s, v. Punkah
(b) 563, ii.
Catte ; ann 1598 : g. z). Catty (a), 134, ii.
Cattee ; s. v. Oandareen, 119, i ; ann. 1613 :
g. V. Dungaree, 255, i, g. v. Pecul, 523, i,
Oattek; ann, 1726 ; g. z?. Cuttack, 224, i.
Oatten ; ann. 1598 : s. v, Bahar, 36, i.
Oatti ; ann. 1416 : g. z?. Malacca, 415, ii.
Cattie; ann. 1609 : g. v. Catty (a), 184, ii.
Catty ; g. V. 134, ii, 8 times, 774, ii, s. v. Caddy,
107, i, twice, i, s. v. Pecul, 523, i, g. v. Tael,
675, i and ii (5 times), g. -y. Tea-caddy, 692, i,
twice; ann. 1659: g. v, (b), 134, ii; ann.
1726; g, V, Opium, 489, ii ; anu. 1775 : s. y.
Tical, 699, ii, twice ; ann. 1813 : g. v, Mace
(b), 405, i, twice.
Catty-box; g. z?, Tea-cadd, 692, i.
Catu ; ann, 1585 : g. z?. Catechu, 133, ii.
Catuais ; ann. 1572 ; g. y. Cotwal, 206, i.
Catual; aim. 1498: g. y. Andor, 757, ii ; ann.
1558 and 1572 ; g, y. Cotwal, 206, i.
Cat’ual ; ann, 1572 ; g. y, Cotwal, 206, i.
Oatuall ; ann. 1582 : g. y. Factor, 263. i.
Catur ; g. y. 134, ii, twice, 135, i, s^ y, Gallcvat,
275, ii ; ann. 1524; g. y, Maistry, 821, ii,
twice ; ann. 1536 ; g. y. Mangalore (h), 822,
i ; ann. 1541 : g* y. Malum, 418, ii ; ami.
1542 ; g, y. Gallevat (a), 276, ii ; ann. 1544,
1549, 1588 and 1688: g. y. 135, i.
Cature ; ann. 1552 : g. y, 135, i ; ann. 1666 ;
g, y. Doney, 250, i,
Caturi ; g, y, Catur, 135, i.
March, 1902 ]
IKBEX TO YULE^S HOBSON-JOBSON,
IGl
Catwal ; ami. 1673 : s, v. Thug, 697, ii ; ann.
1763 : 5 . V. Ootwal, 206, i.
Oaiiallo ; ami, 1610 : 5. v. Cavally, 135, ii.
Caubool ; s. v. Cabul, 106, ii.
Caubul ; s, v, Cabul, 106, ii ; aim, 1804: : s, v*
Paujaub, 562, ii.
Gaucase; aim. 1771 : 5. v. Zend, 869, ii.
Caucasian ; s. v. Shaman, 620, ii.
Caucasus j s, y Cabal, 106, ii, s. v. Hindoo
Koosh, 316, i; B. G. 19 ; 5. 2?. Tiger, 702
i; aim. 1552 : s. v. Cashmere, 129, ii ; ann.
1671: Sn V. Caiidahar (a), 771, ii j ann. 1793 :
5. f. Hindoo Koosh, 316, i ; ann. 1856 : s. v,
Cabul, 106, ii.
Cauchenchina ; ann. 1543 ; s. v, Cochin-China,
174, ii, twice.
Cauchichina; ann. 1553: s, i\ Laos, 385, ii ;
atm. 1572 : s. v, Cochin-China, 174, ii, twice.
Oaiichi-Cliina ; s. y. Cochin-China, 174, i.
Cauchim ; ann. 1543 : s, v, Cochin-China, 1 1 4, ii-
Oauchin, Grand j aim, 1541 : Peking,
526, i.
Gauchinchina ; ann. 1598, : 5. v, Cochin-China,
174, ii.
Cauchin-Ohina ; ann. 1652 : s. v, Cochin-China,
174, ii.
Oauchin-china ; ann. 1540: 5 . 2 ;. Typhoon, 723, i.
Caixohin Chinean ; ann. 1583 : 5 . i\ Singalese,
636, i.
Caul ; ann. 1611: 5. v. Karsinga, 474, ii.
Caulo-rapa , s, v, Kol-kole, 830, ii.
Oaun ; ann. 1673 : s. v. Mydan, 464, i.
Gaun Samaun; ann. 1759 : 5 . v. Oonsunaah.
191, i.
Cauiita ; s. v* Kaunfca, 363, ii.
Cauri ; ann, 1554: 5. v. Cowry, 209, ii,
Gaury J ann. 1561 and 1610: s. v. Cowry, 209, ii.
Cauti ; s, V. Catechu, 133, i.
Oautwaul ; aim. 1727 : s. v. Cotwal, 206, i.
Caurery ; s. v. 135, i and ii (twice), s. v, Coleroon,
181, i, s. V, Coorg, 194, ii, Se ring apatam, 615,
ii; ann. 1784 : s. v. Anicut, 21, ii.
Cauzie ; 5 . v. Mufty, 826, i ; ann. 1793: s. v.
Malty, 826, i, twice.
Gauzy ; aim. 1767 : 5 . v. Malty, 826, i ; ann.
1793 : s. V, Cazee, 776, i, twice, 5 . v. Law-
officer, 818, ii; ann. 1803 ; s. v, Cazee, 776, i.
Cavala; ann^ 1795 : s. v. CaTally, 774, ii.
Cavalle; ann. 1652: s. v. Cavally, 774, ii.
Caralley ; ann. 1875 : s. 2 ’. Cayally, 775, i.
Cavalloes ; ann. 1626 : s. v, Cavally, 135, ii.
Cavally ; 5 . 135, ii, 774, ii.
Gave; ann. 1677 : 5 . v. Tea, 690, i.
Cave, anil. 1673 : s, v, Coifee, 180, i.
Caveah ; ann. 1681 : s. i\ Tea, 690, i,
Caveri ; aim. 1753 : s. i\ Coleroon, 781. ii,
twice.
Caviare ; 5 . i\ Balachong, 38, i, twice ; aim.
1784 : s. 2 ?. Balachong, 38, i.
Gavouco ; 5 . V, Cabook, 106, i.
Cawg; ann. 1833:- s. i\ Cow'ry, 2l0, i.
Gawn; ann. 1675 : 5 . v, Gingi, 801, li.
Cawney, s.jo. 135, ii.
Cawapoor ; 5 . v, Peshwa, 532, ii.
Oawiipore ; 5 . v. 136, i, s. i\ Barbican, 5], ii ;
aim. 1809 : s. i\ Kunkur, 379, i ; aim. 1810 :
s, V, Gorge, 197, ii ; aim. 1818 : s. v. Bun-
galow, 99, i; ann. 1830 : s, v. Powra, 273, ii ;
aim. 1831 : s, v, Muggiir, 456, i.
Gawiiy; s. 2 ?. Cawney, 135, ii, 136, i, s,
Ground, 303, ii.
Caxas ; ann. 160 v. Cash, 128, ii.
Gaxcax; aim. 1563 : s, v. Cuscuss, 787, i,
Caxis; s, r. Oasis, 130, u
Caxix ; s, i\ Oasis, 130, i,
Oaxixes; ann. 1404 : s, v. Oasis, 130, i.
Gayar ; ann. 1727 : s. v. Coir, 181, i.
Cayman ; s. v, 136, i; ann- 1631 : s, v, 136, i.
Caymitos ; ann. 1532-50: s, v. Alligator- pear,
9, ii.
Caymoins ; ann. 1578 : s, i\ Bamboo, 41, i.
Oayolaqiie ; s» v. 136, ii ; aim. 1560 and 1585 :
s, v, 186, ii.
Gayro ; aim. 1516 and 1582 : s. v. Coir, 180,
ii.
Cayu Upas ; ann. 1681 ; s. 2?. Upas, 730, i.
Oayuyt; ann. 1726 : s. 2?. Cuddy, 215, ii.
Cayzerie ; ann, 1573 : s. r. Otto, 494, i.
Cazee ; 5 , v* 136, ii, 775, i, s. v. Oasis, 130, i,
s. v;. Kajee, 363, i, s, v. Putwa, 799, ii, 5 . r.
Law-officer, 818, ii, twice, s. v, Mufty, 826,
i ; aim. 1683 : s. v. 137, i ; ann. 1684 : 5 . v,
775. ii, twice ; aim. 1864 : s. v. 776, i, twice,
Oazee-ool-Cozaat ; aim, 1864 : s. v, Cazee, /^/6,
i, twice,
Cazi ; s. V. Adawlut, 753, ii; ami. 1773: $.
Cazee, 775, ii ; ann, 1777 : s. v. Mufty, 826,
i ; ann. 1885: s. v, Cazee, 776, ii.
Cazy ; ann. 1678 : 5. v, Cazee, 137, h
Cehratana ; s, v. Sarbatane, 600, ii.
Ceochino; s. v. Chick (b), 148, i.
Cece ; 5 . V, Gram, 300, ii*
162
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
[Makch, 19Q2.
Ceded Districts; s. v. 137, i, s, i\ Teloogoo,
695, ij ann., 1801 : s, v, Geiitoo (b), 281, ii :
ann 1873 : s. v, 137, ii ; ann. 1882 : s. v.
Doray, 792, ii.
Cedras ; ann. 1585 : 5. v. Plantain, 541, ii.
Cedrela australis ; s. v. Toon, 710, i.
Cedrela sinensis ; s. v. Toon, 710, i.
Cedrela Toona; s. v. Toon, 710, i ; ann. 1837 :
s, i\ Toon, 710, ii.
Cedrus Atlaiitica ; s. z?. Deodar, 236, ii.
Cedrus deodara ; s, v. Deodar, 236, i,
Cedrus Libani ; s, v. Deodar, 236, ii.
Geer; ann. 1648 : s, v. Seer, 611, ii.
Ceilan; ann. 1665: s. v, Mugg, 455, ii; ann
1666 : s. V. Hoogly, 322, i ; ann. 1753 ; s. z?.
Buddlia, 707, ii, s. v. Mabar, 820, ii ; ann.
1796 : s, V, Jargon, 345, i.
Ceilao ; ann, 1563 : s. i\ Palmyra, 506, ii ; ann.
1572 : s, V, Comorin, Cape, 184, ii.
Ceilon ; aim, 1600: s» v. Pescaria, 531, i; ann.
1602 : 5. ZJ. Trincomalee, 715, ii ; ann. 1673:
s. V, Eleplianta (b), 201, ii.
Ceitils ; 5. V, Jeetul, 349, i; ann. 1554: s, v
Jeetul, 349, ii,
Celastrus nutans; ann, 1837: s, v* Beriben,
67, i,
Celebani • ann, 1712 : a. v. Upas, 7,31, i.
Oelebe ; ann, 1516 : a. z?. Celebes, 137, ii.
Celebes ; s. v. Oajeput, 109, ii, if. v, Celebes, 137,
ii, t^vice, s. ??. Factory, 2G4, ii, s, v. Macas-
sar, 403, ii, 5, V. Moluccas, 440, i, s, v. Upas,
726, ii, twice ; ann. 1552 and 1579 : s. v,
Celebes, 137, ii ; ann, 1031 and 1646 : s, v.
Upas, 729, ii; aim. 1681: s, Upas, 730.
i ; ann. 1685 ; s, v. Upas, 730, ii ; ann. 1688;
s,v, Bugis, 95, ii ; ann, J704: s, v. Upas,
730, ii ; ann. 1712 and 1726: s, v. Upas,
731, i; ann. 1878 : s, v* Bugis, 95, ii.
Celebes; s. i\ 137, ii, s, v» Bugis, 95, i,
Cellates ; ann. 1553 : s, z?. Mandarin, 421, ii.
Cellebes ; aim. 1610 : s. v, Celebes, 138, i, twice.
Cen ; ann. 1590 : s. i\ Bonze, 79, ii.
Cengala ; ann. 1588 : 5. z?. Cliinapatam, 778, i.
Cens-Kalan ; ann. 1332 : 5 , v, Maclieen, 406, i.
Centipede ; 5 , z\ 138, i,
Cen tope ; ann. 1662 : s. z^. Centipede, 138, i.
Centopea ; 5 , Centipede, 138, i.
Centropus riiiifipennis ; s. z?. Crow-plieasant, 214,
i.
Cepayqua ; s, i\ Sapeku, 600, i, twice ; ann.
1510 : s, z?. Pardao, 840, ii*
Cephoy ; ann. 1746 : 6*. v. Sepoy, 613, i.
Oer ; ann. 1554 : 5. v. Seer, 611, ii.
Cerafaggio ; ann. 1584 : s. z?. Pardao, 841, i.
Cerafagio ; ann. 1584 : s. v, ShrofP, 630, i.
Ceram ; s. i\ 138, i, .<?. v. Cassowary, 131, i, 5 . v.
Factory, 264, ii ; ann. 1631 : s. z?. Cassowary,
774, i ; ann. 1659 : s, z?. Oaracoa, 122, ii,
Cerame ; s, v. 138, i ; ann. 1552 and 1566 :
5 . z?, 138, i.
Cerates ; s. v. Carat, 123, ii ; ann. 636 : s. v.
Carat, 123, ii, 3 times.
Ceratonia siliqua ; s. v. Carat, 123, i,
Cerbatana ; s. t\ Sarbatace, 600, ii.
Cerbottana ; s. v. Sarbatane, 600, ii.
Cercopitbecis ; ann. 1631: 5 . z?. Orang-otang,
491, ii.
Cere; ann. 1554: s. v, Seer, 611, ii.
Ceriornis ; s. v, Argus Pheasant, 26, i,
Cerioniis satyra ; a. v, Moonanl, 444, i^,
Cerkars; aim. 1758: s. z?. Circars, 171, i.
Cernove ; 5 . r. Sarnau, 601, ii.
Cero ; ann. 1554: s, v, Porto Piqueno, 550, i.
Cervulus aureus ; s, v, Barking-Deer, 52, ii,
• Cervus Wallichii ; a, z?. Barasinha, 51, ii.
Getti ; ann, 1796 : s. z?. Clietty, 145, ii,
(To he continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
UNLUCKY CHTLBEEN.
There appear to be a number of customs and
superstitions connected with the place each child
occupies in the family which have not been, as
far as 1 am aware,* fully recorded or esplained-
These superstitions are apparently quite distinct
from any of those which attach to children born
under certain stars, or in certain months, or on
certain days of the week.
The First Born.^
The first born has always held a peculiarly
sacred position, especially if born to parents who
have long been without off-spring in answer to a
1 A first-born child (lesih)' must not be married in Jesth. — jp. JV, Q. Vol, III. ^ 10.
March, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
163
vow, in whicli case sacrifice of tlie child was
common in India.® The Mairs used to sacrifice a
first-born son to Mata, the small-pox goddess,^
w'hile Miihammadans throngliont Northern India
believe that first-born children can stop excessive
rain by certain rites * On the other hand a first-
born son willinTelingana attract lightning.®
Twins, as is well known, are peculiarly uncanny,
but in Dahomey a boy born after twins has a
special name (doi'it)) according to Burton: Mission
to Gelele, King of Dahomet Yol. I. p. 99,
Memorial Edition,
But many remarkable ideas cluster round the
third conception or round a child of one sex
horn after three children of the other sex-
Thus in the South-West Pan jab on the borders
of Sindh the former superstition prevails and its
results are thus described : — “ Trikhal is the
third conception after two births (without regard
to the sexes of the former children). It is a
Jatki word, literally meaning * third ’ and implies
contempt. This conception is considered unlucky
among Hindus, especially in JampGr. Every
effort is made to effect abortion, and many cases
of abortion take place. It is suspected that
the third child is killed at birth if the attempts to
cause the abortion have failed. Dread, of the law
prevents any attempt to kill the child when it has
survived its birth. ”
The Trikhal.
This, however, appears to be a local vaidant, as
the other superstition is far more prevalent and
its effects and the measures taken to avert them
are thus described by an intelligent Pan jab
of&cial : — “ A child of one sex born after three
children of the other sex is called, in Panjabi,
Trikhal, as, for example, a boy born after^three
girls. Such a child is considered unlucky, and
its birth portends—
(1) the death of a parent;
(2) loss of wealth by the parents ;
(3) the taking fire of the house in which
the child was born ; or I
(4) some other calamity, such as lightning ‘
or snake-bite. |
If this child gro^ up without the parents i
suffering any injury, and is taller than the parents*
they are benefited instead of injured by the birth,
i. e., their lives are prolonged, or if poor they
® 33ifi!oor6’fl Hi'itdtc Infanticide ^ pp. 193*9,
8 Shirring : llind'a Tnhes and Castes^ Yol III. p. Co.-
become rich and are protected against all
misfortunes. Many Hindus believe that the chil-
dren born after a Trikhal cannot live long.
The following remedies are adopted at the
birth of such a child to avert the evil effects
of birth : —
(1) The father pours a quantity oi ghi down
the gutter of the roof of the room in
which the child was horn.
(2) A brass tray is broken in the centre and
the child passed through the hole.
(3) A horse-shoe is painted with sandUr (red
oxide of mercury) and scented with gikgal
(a drug) and attached to the bed of the
mother. The shoe is re-painted with
sandiir and scented every Tuesday.
( 4) If the third day after the birth be a Sunday
a ceremony known as Trikhal Shantl
(propitiation of the Tnkhal) is performed.
Green leaves from seven trees are col-
lected and put in an earthen pitcher with
101 holes in its bottom. Another pitcher
is filled with water taken from seven
wells. The mother, with her child, sits
under the drain of the roof of the house
in which the child was born. A Pandit
recites to her a kathd from the Trikhal
Shmti Shdstra while a female relative
of the mother holds a sieve over her head.
The pitcher containing the green leaves
is placed on the sieve, and the father
pours the water of the seven wells down
the drain of the roof, so that the water
passing through the pitcher and the
sieve may trickle slowly over the
mother’s head.
(5) If the charm, whose figure is given below,
be set in gold and tied to the neck of
the mother all evil is avoided.
Tiri men yd najan men m^re kharn4 kojagdh di-
yd meri sunnat
yd meri sunnat
yd mM sunnat
yd meri sunnat
yd meri sunnat
yd i sumiat
yd unM sunnat
yd mM sunnat
yd miri sunnat
The belief relates chiefly to the first Trikhal
born in the family : it applies to boys more than
* Tanjah Notes and Queries, 1883, Yol. I. pp. U6 and 433.
* North Indian N, ^ Q, 1891, Yol. I. p. 378.
164
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Maech, 1902.
to gills (and indeed it is said in Hastir® that a
girl after three hoys is not unlucky at alF) and
evil is to he feared hy both parents, hut principally
to the parent of corresponding sex. Moreovei", a
hoy horn after three girls is also apt to he himself
unlucky.
The ceremonies used to avert the evil eJKects are
often those employed when a child is horn under
an evil nakshatra, hut L.Lachmi Narain (Gurdaspur)
states that for a trikhal : —
Five earth ern pitchers filled with water con-
taining gold images of BrahmA Y ishnu, Mah^sh,
Indar and Rudar are worshipped, whereas in
the case of a birth under the asterisms of J esta,
Mfila, Ashl^khan and Magan the leaves of 7 trees*
are used as described in para. 6 (4) above, and in
the case of a child born in Kh^tak
Four images of Brahml, Indar, Rudar and
Sfiraj are placed in 4 pitchers covered with red and
white cloth and a little of the water sprinkled
over the mother and child.
Lastly for a child born dunng an eclipse: —
Three gold images, one of the nakshatra of birth,
another of Rahu and a third of the sun or moon
(as the eclipse may have been) are worshipped.
;r Another name for the trihhal is tr^tar,
(said to he derived from Sks. iri, thi’ee, and attar ^
enemy), and in Hoshiarpfir the performance of a
fire sacrifice with the aid of a Brahman after the
s^tak period is usual. Fala wood is burnt and
sugar, etc., thrown on to it.
In KarnSl and Rohtak a son born after three
girls is usually called telar (or named Telu
B^m) and in Rohtak various ways of averting the
evil he may bring are described. In one the
parents sic on a plough and bathe from an ear-
then vessel containing 108 or 101 holes with water
from the Ganges and 27 wells, 108 medicines (I)
and milk. The water is passed through a sieve,
hut in some places a sieve is held to he unlucky.
In another ceremony the parents bathe in water
(passed through a sieve) drawn from 27 wells and
in which stones from 27 places and leaves from
27 trees have been placed. This must be done
27 days after the birth. 27, 14 or 7 Brahmans
are also feasted.
After these ceremonies a pair of snakes are
made of a precious metal and given with 7 kinds
of grain to the Dakaut Brahman.
6 See Paiyab Notes and Queries, 1886, Vol. III. p. 453.
’ And in Amritsar a girl so bom is called hukhal or
‘ Inoky ^ child. C/. do. 1885, Vol. 11. § 824, aho J 136 (in
Bombay).
8 They should be male trees (kaM, an&r, m, etc.)
according to the JhMam note.
In another rite a horse-shoe, painted with ver-
milion figures, is burnt on the third or tenth day
after the birth. It is lucky if this day falls on a
Sunday.
The superstition appears then to take various
forms and the rites practised are very diverse,
those used to avoid other unlucky births being
often resorted to, though it appears that strictly
speaking special rites should be performed. It is
said to be conhned in Nahan to immigrants from
Hoshiarpdr.
It is possibly connected with the astrological
doctiine of trines, but the powers of the first-born
are not thereby explained.
Several correspondents mention that the belief
and rites are described in the Skdstras but no
references are given. In 1885 a Sanskrit book
called ‘‘ Trikhal Shanti’’ was published at Lahore
giving an account of the belief. The sage Push-
kar asks Bliargat how a Trikhal can be propitiated .
The reply is that it should be abandoned, as it will
cause the death of its parents and maternal uiiclt^
within 7 months ar^d also destroy itself.
The Eighth Child.*®
The eighth child («. e , the one after the senenih ?)
is very unlucky if a son as he is sure to cause his
fathers death.^* But in KarnAl the 8th child is
peculiarly dangerous to the mother.
The remedy is to pass a charkhd or spinning
wheel thrice round the mother and give it to the
midwife. The charkhd must be in perfect order.
DhAi SirA or ‘ 2| Head.’
Mr. Talbot writes that in Jhdlam a Trikhal is
drilled with 2^ holes — a local expression meaning
2 holes ill one ear and 1 in the otliei> or 1 in
each ear and 3 in the nose. In Mozafiargarh a
dh&i sirA, mtila or sat-sirA is a child whose
head has not been properly shaped.
How is the use of the No. 2| to be explained ?
The information obtained requires to be still
further supplemented and the various forms of
belief explained.
H. A. Rose,
Biiperirdendent of Ethnography, Panjah.
Simla, 29th July 1901.
® The part which the maternal uncle plays in marriage
rites is well-known. Ho is in grave peril if his sister’s
child out its upper teeth first.
10 Connected apparently with the eight names of
Rudra. Muir’s Sanskrit Texts, Vol. IV. p. 383, et sSiq.
11 Indian Notes and Queries, 1886, Vol. IV. § 94. ^
Apbil, 1902.]
THEORY OE UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
165
NOTES ON SIR RICHARD C, TEMPLE’S THEORY OP UNIVERSAL GRAMMAR.
BY SIDNEY H. RAY.
I N July, 1899, Colonel (now Sir Richard C.) Temple published in the Journal of the Royal x\siatic
Society an outline of a “ Theory of Universal Grammar, as applied to a Group of Savage
Languages,” and illustrated this theory solely by reference to the South Andaman Group of Languages.
It was, however, plainly manifest that its proper exhibition required examples in other unrelated and
morphologically distinct languages, and so when reviewing Colonel Temple’s paper for the Journal of
the Anthropological Institute, ^ the present writer attempted to apply the theory to a short
statement in various languages, chosen partly with regard to his own studies and partly with
regard to the facility with which the means of analysis were available to him. The languages
chosen were ;
1. English.
2. Hungarian,
3. Latin.
4. Khasi, Hills of N. E. Bengal.
5. Anam, French Cochin China.
6. Ashanti, West Africa.
7. Kafir, South Africa.
8. Malagasy, Madagascar.
9. Olo Ngadju or Dayah, South East
Borneo.
10. Nufor, Butch New Guinea.
11. Motu, British New Guinea.
12. Mortlook Ids, Caroline .Group, Micro-
nesia.
13. Mota, Banks’ Islands, Melanesia.
14. Samoan, Polynesia.
15. Awabakal, Lake Macquarie, Australia.
16. Dakota, North America.
The passage chosen was the description of the sower, taken from the various transla-
tions of the Bible in these languages, and although it is plain that a mere translation ofiers a
somewhat unsatisfactory test of the real structure of a language, the choice affords a means of
comparison which would not appear if the examples were totally distinct in meaning.
In the earlier portion of his paper on the Theory, Colonel Temple, taking the sentence as the
unit of language, discusses its composition and method of indicating purpose, and also the method of
expressing the inter-relation of words in a sentence. This leads him to the definition of a series
of terms in harmony with his analysis of the sentence, wliich therefore take the place of the
old so-called parts of Speech. These terms are : — 1. Integers, words which are complete
sentences ; 2* Indicators of Subjects or Complements of Subjects ; 3. ExpHeators of Subjects or
Complements ; 4. Predicators, indicating the Predicate ; 5. Illustrators of Predicate, Com-
plement or Explicators ; 6. Connectors of the internal components of the sentence; 7. Intro-
ducers,. explaining the purpose of the sentence ; 8. Referent Conjunctors, joining connected
sentences ; 9 Referent Substitutes, representing in a subordinate sentence the word to which it
refers in the principal sentence.
The arrangement of the examples follows Colonel Temple’s order. There is given
first the statement with its words in their proper order, the component parts of inflected or aggluti-
native words being separated by hyphens, and accompanied below by an exact literal translation into
English. Then follows an analysis of the statement into separate sentences. These are indicated by
numerals, the Subjects and Predicates being separated and the Complements indicated by italics.
A word omitted by ellipsis is entered in brackets. All the words of the statement are then grouped
according to their several functions, using* Colonel Temple’s nomenclature.
1 Vide Jour, Anthro:^. Imt, Yol XXX. (N. S, Yol. III.) July 1C99. Miscellanea No. 79,
166
THE INBIAK ANTIQUAHY.
FApril, 1S02.
X. ENGLISH.
Text.
A sow-er wen-t out to sow his seed : and^ as he sow-ed, some fell by the^ wayside ; and^ iti was
trodd-en down, and^ the^ fowl-s of the^ air devour-ed it. 2
Bemarks.
Subjects : 1. a sower,
2. he,
3. some,
4. it,
5. the fowls of the air.
Predicates : 1. went out to sow his seed^
2. as sowed,
3. fell the wayside^
4. was trodden down^
5. devoured it.
Integers ;
Indicators : sower, seed, some, wayside, fowls, air.
Predicators ; went, sow, sowed, fell, was,
devoured.
Explicators : a, his, the,i the, 2 the.s
Illustrators : out, as, trodden, down.
Connectors : and,i by, and, 2 and,^ of.
Referent Conjunctors :
Referent Substitutes : he, it,i it .2
Introducer; to.
2. HUNGARIAN,
Text.
Egy mag-vet>d ember ki-me-ne, hogy el-vet-n6 azi 6 mag-vat
One seed-sow-ing man out-go-he would, in order that away-sow-he might that his seed-sown
a’ mag-vet-es koz-be n^melly es-& az^ ut-ra, es3 el-tapod-tatek, azS
and the seed-sow-thing time -in some falUthey did the way-on, and away-trampled-it was, and the
eg-i madar-ab meg-e-vek az-t.
heaven-of bird-s completely-eat-they did it.
Bemarks.
Subjects: 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
Predicates ; 1.
2 .
4 ,
5.
egy magvetb ember,
(combined with predicate),
nemelly,
(combined with predicate),
az egi madarak.
kim6ne,
elvetn^ az 0 magvat,
a! magvetes hozbe es^k az utra
eltapodtatek,
megev^k azt.
Integers: kimene, elvetne", esek, eltapodtatek,
megevek.
Indicators : ember, magvat, kozbe, nemelly, ma-
darak.
Predicators : (contained in integers).
Explicators: egy, magveto, az,i d, a’ (=az),
magvetes, az,2 az,3 dgi.
Illustrators ; dtra.
Connectors : 4s, 1 4s,2
Referent Conjunctors ;
Referent Substitutes : azt.
Introducers: hogy.
3. LATIN,
Text.
Ex-i-it qui semin-at,! semin-are semen suu-m : eti dum semin-at,2 aliu-d ce-cid-it seous
Forth-goes-he who sows-he sow-to seed his and while sows-he some fell-it beside
Tia-m, et® con-culca-tu-m es-t, et® Toluor-es coel-i com-ed-erunt illu-d,
path and trodden-on is-it and birds sky-of ate-they did that.
April, 1902.]
THEORY OF TJNITERSAL GRAHMAR.
Remarks.
Subjects : 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
6.
Predicates : 1 .
2 ,
4.
5.
6.
(combined with predicate),
qui,
(combined with predicate),
aliud,
(combined with predicate),
yoliicres cceli.
exiit seminar t semen suum^
seminat,
dum seminat,
cecidit secus piam,
conculcatum est,
comederunt illud.
Integers : exiit, seminat, i seminat, 2 cecidit, est,
comederunt.
Indicators : semen, viam, volucres.
Predicators ; (contained in integers).
Explicators : suum, coeli.
Illustrators : dum, conculcatum.
Connectors : secus, et,i et,2 et.®
Referent Conjunctors :
Referent Substitutes: qui, aliud, illud.
Introducers : seminare.
K^ASI.
Text.
nong-bet n® la^ leit-noh ba’n bet^ ia^ u^ symbai jong u te^ haba u® dang
A man-sow he did walk-away that-will sow about the seed of him then when he still
bet, 2 don u-ba la^ hap ha-rdd lynti, te^ la* iuh-roit ia® u;* bad sim
sows it was it-that did fall at-side path then was trodden-on-constantly about it and they bird
byneng ki^ la^ bam-duh ia* u.^
sky they did eat-destroy about it.
Subjects ; 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
6.
Predicates : 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5 .
6.
Remarks.
u nongbet u,
don (an integer),
uba,
(uba),
ki sim byneng ki.
la leitnoh ba’n bet la u symbai
jong w,
te haba dang bet,
(contained in integer),
la hap harM lynti ^
te la iuh-ro 2 i ia w,
la bam-dwA ia u.
Integers : don.
Indicators : nongbet, symbai, lynti, sim,
Predicators : leitnoh, bet,i bet, 2 hap, iuh-roit
bam-duh.
Explicators : u,i u,* ki,^ byneng.
Illustrators : la,i te,^ haba, dang, la, 2 hardd, te,2
la, 3 la.^
Connectors : ia,i jong, ia,2 bad, ia.*
Referent Conjunctors: uba.
Referent Substitutes : u,2 u,^ u,® u,® ki,2 u.^
Introducers: ba’n.
5. ANAM.
Text.
Co m6ti ke Si^ gieo giSng, ma khi Su’o’ng^ gieo m6t2 phan h6t ro*i ra ngoM
There was one that go sow seed but time way sow one falling grain fall go-out side
du’o’ngS ngu*6’i ta di2 d^p, va chim trin trol xuong an h^t,
path he we go tread, those bird above sky descend eat completely.
168
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[Apsil, 1902.
Subjects :
mot,
2.
(mot),
3.
(mot).
4.
mot phtin hot.
5.
(mqtphan hot).
6.
ngu’o’i ta,
7.
(ngu’o’i ta),
8.
va chim tren trd'i.
9.
(va chim tren iro'i).
L^redicates: 1.
CO,
2.
di,
B.
gieo giong.
4.
I'ki diCb'mg gieo rol.
5 .
ra ngoai du'o’ng.
6.
di.
7.
dap,
8.
xuong.
9.
an hU>
Hemarks.
Integers :
Indicators ; giong, hot, ngoai, chiiti.
Predicators : co, di/ gieo, ro’i, ra, di,^ dap,
xuong, an.
Esplicators : mot, 3 phan, du’6’ng,3 ya, tr§n, tro’i.
Illustrators : klii, du’o’ng gieo, h^t.
Connectors : ma.
Eeferent Conjunctors : ke.
Eeferent Substitutes : mot,^ ngu’b'i, ta.
Introducers :
e. ASHANTI.
Text.
0-gu-£o fi-i adi ko-gu-u n’-aba. Na^ o-re-gu no, e-bi gn-u
Sowing-person go-did out to-sow his-seed. And he-continues-sowing that, thiug-some tall-dil
kwafikyeh, na^ wo-tiatia-a so na^ wyim n-n6ma-a be-sosow-e.
wayside and they-trod on and air birds will come-quite eat.
Remarks.
Integers : oregu, wotiatiaa.
Indicators: ogufo, n’aba, ebi, nnumaii.
Predicators : hi, guu, besosowe.
Explicators : wyim.
Illustrators: adi, kwahkyeu, so.
Connectors : na,i na,3 na.^
Referent Conjunctors :
Referent Substitutes : no.
Introducers ; kogiiu.
7. KAFIR.
Text.
Uin-hlwayel-i wa-puma wa-ya kuyi-hlwayela im-bewu y-ake. Eku-hlwayel-eni kw-ake
Person-sowing he-did-go out he-did-go to-sow seed his sowing-at his
ya-wa euye ngas-endlele-ni, ya-nyatel-wa, zati in-taka zas-esulw-mi zayi-dia zayi-gqiba,
it-did-fall part about-path-at it-trodden-was then bird of heaven ihey-did-eat did-destroy.
Subjects : 1. ogufo,
2. (ogufo),
3 ebi,
4. (combined with predicate),
5. wyim nnSmaa.
Predicates: 1 . fii adi koguu n^aia,
2. oregu no,
B. guu kwahkyeh,
4. wotiatiaa so,
5, besosowe.
April, 1902.]
THEORY OF UNIYERSAL GRAMMAR.
160
Remarks.
Subjects : 1. umhlwayeli,
2. (umhlwayeli),
3. enye,
4. (enye),
5. intaka zasesulwini,
6. (intaka zasesalwini).
Predicates:!, wapuma,
2. way a Imyihlwa^ela imhewu yalce^
3. Ekuhlwayeleni kwake yawa nga^
sendleleni,
4. yanyatelwa^
5. zati zayidla,
waya, yawa, yanyatelwa.
Integers : wa-puma,
zayidla, zayigqiba.
Indicators : umhlwayeli, imbewu, enye, intaka,
Predicators : (contained in integers).
Explicators : yake, kwake, zasesulwini.
Illustrators : ekublwayeleni, ngasendleleni, zati.
Connectors \
Referent Con junctors :
Referent Substitutes :
Introducers : kuyiblwayela.
6. zayigqiba.
3, MALAGASY.
Text.
Lasa nyi mpa-naafy ha-mafy ny2 yoa-ny: ary noiiy na-mafy izy,^ dia^ latsa-ka ny® sasa-ny
Went the sower to-sow the seed his : and when did-sow he, then fell down the part-it?
tany a-moro-n-dala-na, ka
earth at-side-of-path, so-that
Subjects :
1 .
2 .
3.
4.
5.
predicates : 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
ny mpamafy,
izy»
ny sasany,
voa,
ny voro-manidina izy.
lasa hamafy ny voany^
nony namafy,
dia latsaka tany amoron^dalana,
hitsakitsaka,
dia lany.
voa hitsakitsa-ka, dia^ lany ny^ voro-ma-nidina
seed trodden on, then devoured the bird-flying they.
Remarks.
Integers :
Indicators : mpamafy, voany, sasany, voa* voro-
manidina.
Predicators : lasa, namafy, latsaka, hitsakitsaka,
lany.
Explicators : ny,^ ny,3 ny,3 ny>
Illustrators : nony, dia,i tany, amoron-dalana, dia.*
Connectors : ary.
Referent Con junctors : ka.
Referent Substitutes : izy,^ izy,*
Introducers : hamafy.
9, OLO NGADJU (OR DAYAK), BORNEO.
Text.
Olo pa-nawur ha-goet, ma- nawur binjie. Pjadi, haiak la ma-nawur-e, maka belahe lawo sara'ii
Man sows out-goes sows’ seed then together he sows it and part falls top-its
jurong penda langit kuman ta lepah,
bird under sky eat that completely.
Remarks.
Integers :
Indicators : olo, binjie, belahe, djalan, burong,
langit.
Predicators; hagoet, manawur, manawure, lawo,
ihundjeng, kuman.
Explicators : panawur.
Illustrators ; djadi, haiak, saran, tinai, lepah.
Connectors ; maka, tuntang, penda.
Referent Conjunctors :
Referent Substitutes : la, ta.
Introducers :
djalan tuntang
i-hundjeng, tinai
path and
was-trodden down, also
Subjects; 1.
olo panawur,
2,
pa),
3.
la,
4,
belahe.
6.
(belahe).
6.
burong penda langit.
Predicates : 1.
hagoet,
2.
manawur binjie.
3.
djadi haiak manawure,
4.
lawo saran djalan.
5,
ihundjeng,
6-
tinai kuman td lepah.
170
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Apkil, I902u
10. NUEOR, NEW GUI3NBA.
Text.
Snoen-ija keeps^ moor i-mbram i2 keeps^ moor-ija bieda ; fa keeps, ^ rowaas osso sapp?
Man he sows seed he-goes be sows seed his and he sows, part one it falis^
bo^ nejan, niai kawassa s-arf-cpen orne, ma^ maan-si ro bo^ s -aan ibro.
on path and people they-tread-much this and bird-s out-of above they-eat it consumed.
Subjects : 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
6 .
7,
8 .
Predicates : 1.
2 .
4.
6.
6.
7,
8 .
Remarks.
snoenija i,.
( 0 ,
i,
i,
rowaas osso i,
kawassa,
maansi ro 6o,
i,
keeps moor,
imbram (subject included),
keeps, moorija hieda,
keeps,
sappi ho nijan,
sarfepen orne (subject repeated),
s’aan (subject repeated),
ibro.
Integers : imbram, s^arfepen, s’aan.
Indicators : snoenija, moor, moorija, rowaas, nejan,,
kawassa, maansi, bo.2
Predicators : keeps, ^ keeps, 2 keeps, ^ sappi, ibro,
Explicators : bieda, osso.
Illnstrators ;
Connectors : fa, bo,^ ma,^ ma,2 ro.
Referent Conjunctors ^
Referent Substitutes : i,^ i,2 i,^ i,^ orne, u?
Introducers ;
11, MOTU, NEW GUINEA.
Text.
Gigi-a-rohoroho tau-na vada^ lao i-e-na sito-na uhe-dia e^ ha-gigi-a-rohoroho ;
Scatter-it-about man-its did go he-thing-his seed-his plant-their he madc-scatter-it-about he
gigi-a-rohoroho-mu, haida dala ise-na ai erae^ moru ; vada^ ae-dia eme^ moi-atao atai
scatter-it-about-ing some path side-its there it-did fall did feet- their they-did tread-down above
manli vada® eme^ ani-a.
bird did they-did eat-it.
Remarks;
Subjects ;
1.
gigiarohoroho tauua,.
2.
e,
8.
e,
4.
haida erne,
5.
aedia erne,.
6.
atai manu erne.
Predicates
; 1.
vada lao iena sitona uhedia.
2.
hagigiarohoroho,
8,
gigiarohorohomu,
4.
dala isena ai moru,
5.
moi atao,
e.
vada ania.
Integers :
Indicators: tauna, sitona,. haida, dala,. isena, aedia
manu.
Predicators : lao, hagigiarohoroho, gigiarohoro-
homu, morn, moiatao, ania,
Explicators : gigiarohoroho, iena.
Illustrators : vada,i ai, vada,2 atai, vada.s
Connectors :
Referent Conjunctors ;
Referent Substitutes ; e,i e,2 eme,^ erne, 2 erne?
Introducers : uhedia.
Apbil, 1902.}
THEORY OF UNIYERSAL GRAMMAR.
171
12. MORTIiOCS: ISLANDS.
Text.
ijan-malemal a-man ken fax la amarai faiUi ua-n ura ; a^ lupuan a-n
Maa-garden one-living he did go forth scattering here and there seed-of plant but when thing-his
atnara^ faili,^ epuelok pun tu kn ial, ra^ ap para la, o man snsu fail Ian ra^
scatter about some fall down on path they after trod away and animal flying about sky they
ken awiani,
did eat.
Bomarks,
Subjects : 1.
Ran-malemal aman a,
2.
an anmra faili,
3.
epuelok,
4.
ra,
5.
man susu fail Ian ra.
Predicates: 1.
ken fai la amara faili uan ura,
2.
lupuan (verb ‘to be ’ implied),
3.
pun tu Ian ial,
4.
ap pura la.
5.
ken aniani.
Integers :
Indicators : Ban, uan, epuelok, ial, man, Ian.
Predicators : fai, pun, pura, aniani.
Explicators ; malemal, aman, ura, an, susii.
Illustrators : ken, la, am^ra^, am^ 2 ra ,2 faili,^
lupuan, faili,2 tu, ap, la, fail, ken.
Connectors ; a,^ Ian, o.
Referent Oonjunctors :
Referent Substitutes : a,^ ra,i ra.^
Introducers :
13. MOTA, BANK’S ISLANDS,
Text.
I-gene we^ savsavur me^ sage si-n savur^ mo-na o^ sivui^: ti savur,^ wa^
Some-person does scattering did go so that-he scatter for-him the seed while sow and
iuan sivui^ we^ mama-s a pa-ii mate-sala, wa^ me^ vano-vara, wa^ manu ta-vuna-na
some seed does fall on side-its road and was trodden-on and the bird belonging to-above-its
me® gana qet.
did eat completely.
Bemarks.
Subjects : 1.
2 .
3 .
4.
5.
6 .
Predicates ; 1.
2 .
4.
5.
6 .
igene we savsayur,
sin,
(ni=he),
tuan sivui,
(tuan sivui},
o manu tavunana.
me sage,
savur mona o sivui
ti savur,
we mamas a pan matesala,
me vanovara,
me gana qet.
Integers :
Indicators ; sivui,i sivui, ^ pan, matesala, manu,
Predicators : sage, savur, ^ savur ,2 ?nama8,
vanovarao, gana.
Explicatrs : savsavur, mona, o,^ tuan,
tavunana.
Illustrators : we,^ me,^ ti, we,^ me,2 me,® qet.
Connectors : wa,^ a, wa,^ wa.®
Referent Oonjunctors:
Referent Substitutes : igene.
Introducers ; sin.
14u SAMOAN.
Text.
‘XJa^ alu atu le^ tagata lulu^ saito^ e^ lulu® ai^ saito na ia lulu® saito,®
Did go forth the man scattering corn to scatter there corn (%n) scatters corn did-
pa*w ai® isi i ‘au-ala ; ‘ua® soli-a, ‘ua^ ‘ ai-na fo‘i e® manu fe-lelei.
fall there some on the ridge-road was trod-den was eat-en also by bird s-flying.
172
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April, 1902.
Remarks.
Subjects: 1.
le tagata lulu saito,
2.
ia,
3.
isi,
4.
(isi),
5.
(isi).
Predicates: 1.
‘ua alu atu e lulu at saito.
2.
na lulu saito,
3.
‘ua pa‘u ai i le ^auala,
4.
‘ua solia.
5.
*ua aina foH e manu felelei.
16.
Upilli-kan noa^ U-wa yeai
Sower (workerj he go-did forth (?)
apulli-ela noa^ ba, winta porkulle-un
doiag-was he so part dropping was
ngatiin* tibbin-to takul-la moroko tin-to.
and bird-by eat-did sky from,
gabjecis : 1. UpiUikan npa,
2. noa,
3. winta,
4. (winta),
5. tibbinto moroko tinto.
Predicates : 1. uwa yeai ho upulliko ngikoumha
ko^
2. Tipulliela ha^
3. porkuljeun kaiyinkon fa yapung
ka.
Integers :
Indicators : tagata, saito,i saito,3saito,3isi, ‘auala,
manu,
Predicators ; alu, lulu, 2 lulu,^ pa‘u, solia, ‘aina.
Explicators : le,i lulu,i le,2 felelei.
Illustrators : ‘ua,^ atu, ai,i na, ‘ua,2 ai,2 ‘ua,3 ‘ua ^
fo‘i,
Connectors : i, e.2
Referent Conjunctors :
Referent Substitutes : ia.
Entroducers : e,i
AWABAKAL.
Text.
ngatun^
and
baran,
trodden-was down
Bemct^rks,
Integers :
Indicators: upillikan, upulliko, winta, yapnng,
tibbinto, moroko.
Predicators : uwa, upaUiela, porkulleun, waitawa
takulla,
Explicators : ngikodmba.
Illustrators : yeai (7), ba, kaiyinkon, baran.
Connectors: ngatun,i ka, ngatun,2 ngatun,3 tinto.
Referent Conjunctors : ta.
Referent Substitutes i noa,! ftoa.*
Introducers : ko,i ko.?
4. waitawa haran^
5. takulla,
The most difBoult word here is “ta,” which is explained by Threlkeld* to mean “ it is.” This
suggests that it is an integer, but the meaning seems to plainly point to its function as a Eefereni
Conjunctor explaining the relation of the 'sentence winta porhilleun kaiyinkon to the phrase
yapung ka^ ^
ko^ upulli-ko ngiko-dmba ko ;*
in order to work or sow him-of purpose
kaiyiukon ta yapung ka ; ngatun® waita-wa
side it-is path on and
16. DAKOTA.
Text.
W-o]ui heca wan taka su kini oju iyaja. W-oju,® unkan apa cankn i-cahda
Sower such-a-one a thing seed the sow he-has-gone he-sows, and part way by-side-of
hinhpaya; unkan na-atinza-pi, qa mahpiya o-kinyan-pi kin® temya-pi.
it-falls-down and down-tread-they and clouds in-flying-they the deVour-they.
* Australian Grammar, Sydney, 1834, p. 27,
April, 190‘2.]
THEORY OP tTNIYERSAL GRAIVBIAR,
173
Remarks.
Subjects: 1.
2 .
3.
4.
5.
Predicates; 1.
2 .
3.
4 ,
6 .
woju heca wan,
(combined with predicate),
apa,
(combined with predicate),
malipiya okinyanpi Icin,
tahu sii hin oju iyaya,
woju,
canlcii icalida hinfipaya,
naatinzapi,
temyapi.
Integers: iyaya, TOju,® hiiiHpaya, naatinzapi,
temyapi.
Indicators : woju,i taku, apa, canku, okinyanpi.
Predicators ; (included in integers).
Explicators : heca, wan, su, kin,i malipiya kin 3
Illustrators :
Connectors ; unkan, icahda, iinkan, qa.
Referent Conjunctors ;
Referent Substitutes :
Introducers ; oju.
It is evident from the foregoing that the first principles of the Theory can be
applied to any of the Languages, although some of them (^. g, the Anam) make great use of
ellipses, whilst others {e. g, the Motu) are somewhat tautological.
The second part of Colonel Templets discussion relates to the functions of vrords
as indicated by their form. The stem of .a word may be simple, consisting only of the root, or
be modified by radical affixes to form a compound stem. Qualitative affixes indicate the function of
the word and the class to which it belongs, and they may be prefixed, infixed, or suffixed, either
separably or inseparably.
The following tables, therefore, give a list of all the roots and stems used in the
foregoing examples, with lists of the affixes by which their functions are indicated.
It is here necessary to observe that the list of roots or stems which are Indicators, does not necessa-
rily coincide w'ith the list of Indicators which are used in the examples, for by the action of the affixes
they may fulfil the functions of Explicators, Illustrators or other classes of word. The Sxame observa-
tion applies to ail the lists of roots.
Two other tables are added. The first shows Intromutations in the form of words in some
of the Languages. The second gives a list of Reduplications.
I. TABLES OR ROOTS AND STEMS.
Indicators.
Mea/ixiiig,
English,
Rungarian,
Latin,
Khasi,
Anam.
AshanU,
man, person
ember
' *
nong
seed
seed
magvat
semen
symbai ...
giong, hot
aba
time
koz ...
khi
••••«.
thing ...
•
part
some
nemelly
aliu
bi
path
way
ut
via
lyati
duVng ...
kwafi
side
side
rad
ngoai
nkyen
bird
fowl ...
madar ...
vplncr
aim
chim
noma
upper regions
air
eg ... ...
coel ... ...
byneng ...
tr^n, troi
wyim
174
THE Indian antIqDary.
[Ateii, 1902.
■ — — — ' ‘ ' ■ ■ ■ ■
Meaning.,
Kafir,
Malagasy,
Olo Ngadju.
Nufor,
Motu,
Mortlock.
liuui, person ...
olo
siioen 4,
tau
7 'an
seed
bewu
voa
binjie
moor 4,.
sito
ua
part ...
enye
sasa ...
belahe
rowaas ...
haida
epuelok
path
encllele
dala ...
djalaii
nejaii
dala
ial
side ...
moro
ise ,4.
bird ...
taka
voro
burong
maan
manu
man
upper regions
esulw
langit
bo
ia?i
people
kawassa ..
feet ...
ae
plant
i
uhe
lira
earth
tany
thing
e
a
garden
• •• < mm
malemal
top
Sara
Meaning.
Moia.
iS^aoiioa.
Aioahakal,
Dakota.
man, person
tagata ...
seed...
...
sivtti
saito 4.4
...
SU
part
mm*
isi
winta
apa
path...
sala
ala
•••
yapung
cankn
side .■«.
...
pa ... .4.
kaiyinkon
cahda
bird
*<»
manu
manu
• ••
tibbin
upper regions
...
Tuna
moroko...
maBpiya
thing
• • ft
taku
ridge or point
saammm
inata
‘au
—
Fredicators.
Meaning^
go
sow, scatter
fall
be
tread
eat
destroy, donsume
go out
descend
come
%
English. Hungarian. Latin.
wen ..
sow , .
fell
was . .
trod ..
deyour
yet
es
taped
e
m6
semm
cecidi
es
conciilcatl
corned..
exii
KhasK
leit •
bet
hap
don
iuh
b^m
duh
Anam.
di
gieo „
plian, ro'
CO
dap
an
ra
xu 6 ng.,
Ashanti.
fi «
m
gu
tiatia ...
sosow .. J
be
Kafir.
Malagasy.
ya
hlwayel
wa ..
nyatelwaj
dla ..
gqiba ..
puma ..
lasa
fafy
latsaka
hitsakitsaka
lany
sidy
Apaiii, 1902.]
THEORY OE UNIYERSAL GRAMMAR.
T r* w
1 iO
Zleaning*
Olo Kgadju,
Nufor,
MortlocJe,
Mota,
Samoan.
Aicalalcal.
2)akota.
go...
mbram
lao
fai
sage ...
alu
U
iyaya
sow, scatter
sawur
keeps ...
gigi ..
amara..
savur ...
lula
upulli
ojll
fall
lawo
sappi ...
moru
..
???amas . .
pa^u
porkulle ...
liinlipaya*
tread
hiTiidjeng
arf
moi ...
pura ...
vano ..
soli
waita
atinza
eat
kuman
aan
ani
ama?2i ...
gana ..
^ai
...
takul
temya
destroy ..
ibro ..
• • • • •
go out
fly
hagoet ....
i
......
susu ..
lelei
...
kinyan
Explieators,
Meaning.
English.
Hungarian.
Latin.
Khasi.
Anam.
Malagasy.
one
liis
the
many
a . • . ...
.his
the
egy
0 .,.. -
az
i
su .
••• ...
n ...
u
-ake
va
ny
Meaning.
Hufor.
Mortloch.
Mota*
Samoan.
Aivahalcal.
Dakota.
one
his
the ... ...
some
such a one ...
OSSO ... . . •
bieda
a ••• ...
0 ...
tuan
le
• • » ..
'
ngikoumba ...
* - «
wan
■Jiin. . - .
heca
Illustrators.
Meaning.
English.
Latin.
Khasi.
Anam.
^ Ashanti.
Kajir.
Malagasy.
out
out
adi
while, as
as
dum
down
down
• a * ...
past time
la
then, afterwards...
te
i
^ati
dia
when
haba
nony
still, continuing..
dang
completely
het
above
so
- —
Its ^THB Indian ANTiQtrAN,Y. tArEn,, 1902.
Meaning,
Olo Ngadju.
Moiu,
Morilocle,
Mota.
Samoan,
Atvahakal.
outward, forth
• ••
la.»,
atu ...
yeai
down
« • »
tu
« #• • • •
baran
past time
vada
ken
me
‘ua
then, afterwards
djadi
ap
when
na
.t. . . • .
still, continuing
*
ti,«* ...
completely ...
• •
lepah
qet
above
atai
••••••
■ • • • • ^
together
..
haiak
there
ai... ...
ai.#, a,.
also ... ...
,,
tinai
fo4
thus, so
..
ba
present tense
..
we
... .to
here and there, about
faili
Connectors^
Meaning,
English,
Hung.
Latin.
Khaai,
Anam,
Ashanti*
Malagasy.
Olo Ngadja.
and
and ...
et
bad ...
MM
na
ary ...
maka, tuntang
beside ...
hy ...
secus ...
of
of
jong ...'
HMM
about, concerning
but
under
ia
penda
Meaning,
Nufor,
Mortlock.
Mota.
Samoan.
Aivahahal,
LaJcota.
and
but
on
out of
by
from
fa, ma
bo
ro ...
0 , , , ...
a , ...
Ian
wa
a ... ...
t ••• ...
e
ngatun . . ,
ka
1
tinto
unkan, qa
Beferent Conjunctors.
Meaning.
Khask
Anam,
Awahakak
ka
•• ••
ta
that ...
that is
so that
Apsil, 1902 .]
THEOBY OP UNIYERSAL GRAMMAR.
177
Referent Substitutes.
Meaning, j
j English,
Hungarian,
Latin,
Khasi,
Anam,
Ashanti.
Malagasy,
Olo Ngadju.
i
he
he
U
ngu’oM
Lo
izy
la
it, that
it
az
m ...
u, ba ...
ta
he who ...
they
qui ...
ki ...
1
'we
ta
Meaning.
Hufor.
Motui,
Mortlock,
Mota.
Samoan,
AwahakaZ.
he
mm
ia
noa
it, that
they
...
erne
this
of unknown name
...
orne
gene
Introducers.
Meaning.
English.
Hungarian.
Mota.
Samoan,
1 Atoahakal.
that he might
in order that
purpose
to ... ...
1
1
kogy
SI ... •••
1 e
ko
II. — TABLE OP AFFIXES.
Prefixes — Radical.
■Out : Hung, ki-, Latin es-, Olo Hgadju ha-.
away ; Hung, el-.
completely : Hung. meg-.
continuance : Ashanti re-.
about : Kafir ngas-.
down : Dakota na-.
classification : Kafir in-, im-, y-, kw-.
Prefixes — Functional.
In order to ;
at ;
in;
of, belonging to ;
he :
his :
he did :
it did :
they:
they did c
Ashanti ko-, Kafir kuyi-, Malagasy ha-.
Khasi ha, Malagasy a-, Dakota i-.
Dakota, o-.
Kafir zas-, Mota ta-.
Ashanti o-, Motn i-, Kufor i-, Dakota w*
Ashanti n’-.
Kafir wa-.
Kafir ya-,
Ashanti wo-, Nufor s-.
Kafir zayi-,
178
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Apeil, 1902.
Prefixes — Qualitative.
Indicating :
Agent :
a thing :
a person :
plurality :
name of an action :
past time :
present time :
causative :
passive :
Ashanti o-, Kafir nm-, Malagasy mpa-, Olo Ngadju pa-, Dakota «
Ashanti e-.
Mota i-.
Ashanti n-, Samoan fe-.
Kafir eku-.
Malagasy na-.
Malagasy ma-, man-, Olo Ngadju ma-.
Motu ha-.
Olo Ngadju i-.
Suffixes — Radical.
Away ; Khasi -noh.
constantly : Khasi -roit, Nufor -epen.
about : Motu -rohoroho.
do.wn : Motu -atap.
Suffixes — Functional.
Meaning — In order to :
Latin -are, Awabakal -ko.
at:
Kafir -eni, -ni.
in :
Hungarian -be.
on:
Hungarian -ra.
of, belonging to: Hungarian -i, Latin -i, Mortlock -n, Awabakal -umba.
Awabakal -to.
English -t, Latin, -it, -at, -t, Olo Kgadju -e, Motu -a, Mota -n.
Malagasy -ny, -n, Olo Kgadju -n, Motu -na, Mortlock -n, Mota -na, -u.
Hungarian -ne.
Hungarian -ek, -vek, Latin -erunt,
Motu -dia.
transitive action : Mota -s.
by means of ;
he or it :
liis, its :
he would :
they did ;
their :
Suffixes — Qualitative.
Indicating :
Agent ;
a thing :
living thing :
plurality :
intention :
past time :
present time :
passive :
object of an action :
specification : 3
classification :
indefinite :
English -er, Awabakal -kan.
Hungarian -es, Latin -ud, -um.
Mortlock -man.
Engfish -s, Hungarian ^k, Latin -es, Kufor -si, Dakota -i,i
Khasi -n. ^ '
English -ed, -en, Latin -turn, Ashanti -i, -a, Awabakal -wa
-ela, -la, -un. ’
Hungarian -6, Kafir -i, Motu -mu.
Hungarian -tatek, Latin -tu-, Kafir -wa, Samoan -a -na.
Hungarian -t, Latin -m.
Nufor -iya.
Ashanti -fo.
Malagasy -na, -ka.
=> The meaning of this Nufor eufSs is expressed by the English •< a eertain.”
Apbtl, 1902.]
THEOET OE EHIYERSAL GRAMMAR.
179
III. — Table of Intromutations,
Mutation.
Meaiiinff.
Zanffuage.
Hoot.
1 IVord In te,d.
a to e
Past tense
English...
fall
fell
ea to 0 ...
...
,, ...
» ...
tread
...
trodd
e to a • • •
euphony
Hungarian
mag-vet
mag- vat
e to ii (ivi) ...
completed action.
Latin ...
ex-e-o ...
ex-ii-t
i ^0 e
plural ...
,,
volucris ...
volucres
a to i ,,,
completed action.
}» •*.
cad-o
ce-cid‘it
e to i
euphony
Kafir ...
esiilwe . . .
esulwini
a to e
jj
,, ...
umhwayela
• ••
ekuhwayeleni
a to i
) j
umliwayeli
s to n
»5
Malagasy
sidy (sidina)
manidina
f to m
...
J5
fafy
mamafy
s ^0 n
J5
Old Ngadju
sawiir . . .
manawur, panavrar.
a to e • ••
...
composition
Mota
mata
mates ala
u to i (?) ...
...
0)
Awabakal
1
upulliko
upillikau
IV, — Table of Reduplications.
Meaning.
Language.
Simple /orm. j
Fo'i'jn in text.
Completed action
Latin ...
# « •
cado ...
cecidit
repetition
Malagasy
hitsa
...
• • .
hitsakitsaka
intensity ...
Motu ...
• ••
...
roho ...
...
rohoroho
explication
...
Mortlock
...
....
k. .* •
malemal
,,
j >
• ••
....
SUSII
continuance
if
...
a?zia??i
continuance
...
Mota ...
savur ...
...
.. .
savsavur
onomatopoetic
...
(ma)
...
.. .
marnas
intensity ...
Samoan
...
...
lue
...
...
lulu
The final section of Colonel Temple’s paper discusses the classes of languages as
shown by their variation in forms of words, position of words in the sentence, or a combination of
form and position. The principles of classification are as follows ; —
1. Syntactical Iianguages. (Position of words indicates meaning.)
2, Formative Languages. (Forms indicate meaning.)
a. Agglutinative, (Affixes without alteration.)
1. Pre-mntative. (With Prefix.)
2. latro-mntative. (With Infix.)
3. Post-mutative, (With Suffix.)
b. Synthetic. (Affixes with alteration.)
1, Pre-mutative.
2, Intro-mutative.
3, Post-mutative.
A language may belong primarily to one class and secondarily to another class.
ISO
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April, 1902.
Tlie sixteen languages of wMch examples are giYen in this paper may therefore be
primarily classed as follows : —
1 . Syntactical— Anam.
2. Formative.
a. Agglutinative.
1. Pre-mutative — Khasi, Ashanti, Malagasy, Old Ngadjn, Nnfor,
Mortlock, Mota, Samoan.
2. Post-mutative — Hungarian.
b. Synthetic.
3. Pre-mutative — Kafir, Dakota.
2. Post-mutative — English, Latin, Awabakal.
The foregoing texts and analyses give a general sketch of the applicability of Col. Temple’s
Theory': to the phenomena of varied languages. A further exhibition of its value may hereafter be
given by arranging the entire grammar of a given language in accordance with the principles laid
down in the Theory.
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON,” 1755.
BY Sib BICHAEB 0. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. ISl.)
Transactions, on Board The Sloop Happy Deliverance from Bird Island
Towards [the] River S* Lucia.
Wednesday Feb^y IS*? 1756. The First part Light Airs, Westerly and Pair Weather,
Middle and Latter Strong Gales and Cloudy Weal at 2 P M, Weigh<i and with Gods Permission,
Intend to Make [the] ^River St Lucia Our First port : at -? P M Bird Island Bore W B N.
Distant 14 Leagues, the -Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from NT W to E B S. Distance off
Shore 8 Miles,
Thursday IQth. Strong Gales and Variable with Unsettled Wea^ and a Large Sea, Which we
were Obliged to Keep Right before : at 5 A M it moderated [grew Moderate] which Gave us Some
Relief, for while the Gale Lasted Every One Expected the Next Moment to be their Last.
This [These] 24 Hours Find my Self to the Soward of Account 35 M? Which I Impute to an
Error in the Course, as we Could by no Means Make the Compass Stand,
Friday 20*^ Light Gales Westerly & fair Wea^ : At 6 P M Saw the Land the Extreems
[Extremes] 'from N to N E Dist of 7 Leagues. At Sun Rise Do from North to N W Dist off
Shore 7 Leagues k at Noon from W N W to N E Dist 4 Leag8 A M. This Day 24 Miles to the
Soward of Acc? which is Occasioned by a Current's That I find by the Land Setts from N E.
This Morning the Gramposes was [were] So Thick About us we Could Scarce Steer Clear of them*
Running Right Over Some, but Drawing a Small Draught of water did not Touch any of them
But [tho’] Were SuflEleiently PrightRed. ’
Saturd^ 2L Light Airs & Calms. Att Sun Sett the Extreems [Extreme si of the
Land from W N W to NEE Dist 5 Leagues. Att Sun Eise D° Bore from N W to N B E
»» Hus euireni is noted by Dunn, p. 356. and aU the SoiKnj DirecMons.
April j 1902.]
THE WRECK OE THE “DODDINGTON ” 1755.
181
Sunday 22. Moderate Gales with Some Light Squalls and Hazey WeaT. At 3 p m: Bore awa\
to look at an Opening which Made like a River, but did not prove^^ S^. Hauh^ our W’ind and Tack'*
heverall Times, in Order to try ii there was less Current, In Shore than in the Offing, but Found it
Sett us at the Rate of 2 Miles [Knots] Hour, To the "Westward. At 1 D? the ^Ymd Came
Fair Again, and we made the Best of it we Could ; keeping about 4 Miles off Shore where we Found
Less Current and a Cold Shore ; At Sun Rise the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from EKE to
Korth Bistt of Shore 3 Miles. At noon I)o Bore from W B S to E K E List 4 Miles. Kotwith-
standing We Sailed so Agreeable along Shore this day, as I thought, without Meeting any Current,
find my Self 27 Miles to the Southward of Acct LaV^ Observ^ 32®. 49' S^.
Monday 23 **^ peb^y 1756, The First and Middle parts fresh Gales, latter Moderate. At
P M. Anchor^ within a Mile of the Shore, but the Wind Freshening up in the S E Which
Makes it a Bad Road, Weighe? Again in About an Hour, and from that Time till 5AM: lost
more Ground, than We gott in a Week Afterwards, tho" we had favourable Winds for mos-t
Part of the Time. At 6 A M. Saw the Land Bearing Ko List 5 Leagues At Koon the Extreems
[Extremes] from N E to K W B W Latt p^ Obs’^ 33° : 13'
Tuesday 24:^K Light Variable Breezes. At Sun Rise the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land
from N E to W N W List 4 Leagues. At Koon L® Bore from E B K to K W' List 1 Mile, Thi>
pay Find my Self 22 Miles to the Southward of Accl Latt^ Obs*! 33° 22' S<^.
Wednesday 26^*^. The First part fresh Gales and Fair Wea^ towards Middle And Latter
Mostly Calm. From Yesterday Noon till 7 PM. Tacke<l Severall Times Standing off and On, but
finding we Lost Ground, Came to an Anchor, And Began Immediately to fish. And had Very great
Success, by Catching Enough To last us Severall day’s had we Salt to Cure them. We Are in hopes
We Shall not want fish while it Continues fair Wea’^ Enough to ride at an Anchor, Which will help
out our Small Store of Provisions remaining ; Having Expended Kear Half already, and tiio we
have Run More than the Distance from the Island to S? Lucia, by Lead Reckoning am Certain
that we have not gott More than 30 Leagues on Oui- way* Try? the Current and Found it Sett
2 Miles [Knotts] Hour.
Thursday 26^^. The First and IMiddle Moderate and fair Weather, Latter Fresh Gales and
a Large Sea, Caught Several fine Fish,
Friday 27^^. The First part fresh Gales, and the Sea So High^ that we Expected to part
Every Minute, In the Evening the Wind and Sea Moderated [grew Moderate] & at 10 P M fell
Calm. At 11 : a Breeze Sprmig up at West, Weigh?. At Sun Rise the Extreems [Extremes) of
the Land from K E B E tO' W‘ dist 4 Miles. At Noon L^ Wt to E B K List 2 Miles. This
day there was 16 Biscuits Sold For 20 Lollers, Latt? Obs? 33° : 58' S°.
Saturday 28*^. Light Airs & Calms. At Sud Rise the Extreems [Extremes] of the
Land from E B K to W B S List 2 Miles. Being Calm in the Morning got out Our Oars, and
Rowd in for the Shore in Order to Anchor, and Land with the Small Boat, if We Could to
Cutt Wood, having Only 2 Lays Wood on Board. Anchor? in 20 F^ Sandy Ground. List off
Shore 1 Mile. Found the Current Sett 1 Mile [Knot] Hour To the Westward. (A M :)
7 Miles to The Seward of Acc^ Latt? Obs^^ 32° : 52' S®.
6* It might hay© been one of the streams to E, of Gape Padron. See Horsburgh, Ed, 1809, p. 249,
1&2
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Apeil, 1902.
Sunday Peb’'y 1766. A Fresh Gale Easterly till 4 AM, When the Wind Shifted to the
W estward and we Weigh'^ at Noon. The Estreems [Extremes^ of the Land from E B N to W N
W Dist of Shore 5 Miles. I Never was getting an Anchor up with Better will than this Morning, for
\esterday we Lost One. Immediately let go Another which held us. Was in Danger of Foundering
Every Minnte. The Sea Brealting so prodigiously, and we Could not, ASord to loose another
Grapnail. Besides, in driving to the westward was Starving, therefore Could by No Means Agree
to Slip, there being but Little Choice Either to Founder at Anchor, or Drive to Leeward and
Starve Latt? Obs'.* 32°: 44' S°.
Monday Maroli 1=*. The First Part Calm, The Middle and Latter Fresh Gales. At Noon
got the Boat Out and 3 Men went a shore to Try if they Could Land And gett Some Wood.
At the Same Time we got Our Oars Out on Board and Row'? After them in Order to Anchor, but,
was Agreeably Disappointed by a Breeze Springing up from the W*ward, When we got within a mile of
the Shore. [We] Lay too for Our Boat which Return'* on Board, without Wood, not being Able to
Land. Caught Pish Enough to Last us 2 Meales while we Lay too. And should have Caught Many
More, had not the Sharks Talmn aw.ay all Our Hooks. At Sun Rise The Estreems [Extremes] of
tlie Land from East to W B S Dist of Shore 3 Miles. About 10 o Clock Came into a Great
Eipling. Which Surprized us greatly [much] thinking it was Breakers, and for 2 Hours 1 Never
Saw So Confused [a] Sea, Which Threatned our destruction every Moment, About 12 it W^as
More Regular which gave us Some Relief & as we Came Nearer the Land it was Quite Smooth,
Lat'/ Obs'J 31°: 58' S».
Tuesday 2^. The first part Fresh Gales and Squalls, Middle Calm, latter a fresh Breeze.
At 5PM HauF in for an Opening which Made Like a Harbour®® but did not prove So. As we
Came Near the Land mett with a Large Confused Sea, Which is Occasioned By a Strong Current :
for When we Were Running 4 Knotts to y® Eastward as we Thought, We found we drove to the
Westward by the Land at least a Mile [Knot] an hour. As soon as we discover^ Our Mistake
hauF oH E S E in hope to run out of the Current but by my Observation find [found] it Continues
[Continued]. [Therefore] For finding my Self 87 Mf To the Soward, of Acc® which made me
propose [I propos’d] to the people to Stand to the S<>ward, but they would not Agree to it on anv
Terms, having no Wood on Board and Very Little Provissions. Two of them having [had now] no
?Tf; T« u p 'f t!'' 0“ but au oL.
A- half of Sa t Pork p- Day, I propos d putting Back to the Island to gett Wood, and Proceed for
the Cape. Accordingly it was Agreed on & at Noon we Bore Away Lattitude Ohs'* 33°. OS' S®.
Wed^B&y March 3._ 1768. The First and latter Parts Moderate and Fair, the Middle
Cloudy with Thunder L^htnmg and Rain. At Snn Sett the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land
om fiom N E to W N W Diet of Shore 2 Leag?. At Sun Rise D" from W B S to E N E Dist 3 or
fl «!+ rl •'*’ “0* keep the Ground-
t herelore, Stood in Shore And Anclior'* in 15 Fathom Dist of -Shore A Mile The Extreemi
[Es-tr-emesl of the Land from E ¥ E to W <5 w wri. n i ® J-oe ii^xtieemis
ind then Made Sail at Nrn /sfoor I Orrer T! J",
a Hard Gale from the Westward ^hich makes rmadel mp ^ Threatning
WM to go to i B.sl,tord, .0 AI,.S Molt r»Ll . to L “ ™
®® Periiaps one of the rivers E. of Cape Padron mentioned in Horebnrfeh, Ed. 1809, 1. 249.
Apeil, 1902.]
THE WB.EGK: of the “DOBDINGTON,’’ 1755.
1S3
Thursday 4t^. The First part Modei*ate and Fair WeaY but Soon Chaug*^ to a hard Gale and
Dirty Wea^ With Very Large Sea. Soon After we got under weigh [Weigh *^3 Began to
Freshen from the Westward. We Close Eeef? the Main Sail and got the Bowsprit in, then Lay too
which was about 1 : o Clock in Which Situation The Yessell Seem? to Behave Well, Which gave
me great Hopes of Proceeding to The Cape. But Soon After was Convinced to the Contrary; for
When I little Expected it She Shipp? a Sea, Which had like to have Wash’ed all the Watch ofi‘
Deck. Soon After that Another. So I found that we Should not be able to Cope with the Seas. We
Were Liable to meet with in going to the Southward. [Therefore] I Propos’d going to the K'^ward
Again ; which was Agreed to and at 2 Bore away To the Eastward again. From That Time till
9 0 Clock, the Gale Continued to Increase and I think in all the Time I have been to Sea, l^erer Saw
[any thing So] Frightfull a sea as there was from 5 : o Clock [till] to 9. For my part must Own
I Expected to perish in it Every Moment.
Friday 5*?. The First and Middle Parts Squally with Rain, Latter pleasent Gales, and
fair Wee^. At Sun Sett the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from IN' E B IN’ to W' S W Dist of
Shore 3 Leagues. Since my last Observation Find my Self G5 Miles to the S°ward of Account
Latt? Obser? 33°: 34 S^.
Saturday March 1753. The First & Latter parts Moderate : & fair. Middle Squally
and Some Rain. At Sun Sett the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from E B H to W* Dist
b Miles. Find my Self This Day 6 Miles to the S9ward of Account from the Time That we Bore
Away to the Eastward Again, -When the Wind was 'Westerly Steer^ of the Land -to gett an offing
and Make a Search along Shore, when the Wind Comes to the E%ard in Hopes by that Means to
Make a Better hand of it. But it proves [proved] to the Contrary : for by the Make of the Land
find Ourselves no farthar to the Edward, then [than] We Were this day Week, tho: we have had
the Wind in Onr Favour. For This [These] 3 days past, have dress^^ Our Victuals with the
Remaining part of The Cable ■ we parted, and this day there was a Silver | pint Mugg Offer? for
6 Biscuits. Went to an allowance of Water 2 Man, having only 3 Hogsheads & J left, which
will Last us About a Fortnight. We .are now Standing in Shore in Order to fish and Are deter-
mined Next fair Wind to Run Close along Shore, in the Eddy of the points, Notwithstanding we did
not Think the Wind large Enough, at S W B W and Our Course for it Blew so hard 4b the Sea
Ran so High That We Were Obliged to keep her Eight before it Latt? Obs? 33°: 4'
Sunday March 7*?. Light Airs and Calms. Att 2PM Got the Boat Out and 3 'Men went
in Shore to look for a Landing Place, but Could find None. At 3 Anchored and Canght fish
Enough, to last us 2 Bays, the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from East to W^ Dist 1 Mile.
The Rock Where [off which] we lost our Grapnail of off last Sunday E B N Dist 3 Miles. At
2 A M. Weigh*! Sailed Close along shore. Still meet a Current Setting to the W^vard Mile
[Knot] hour. At 7 Falling Calm, Anch? and Soon After Saw Severall of the Natives, Close
down to the Water Side, At the Same Time Saw Severall droves. of Cattejl [Cattle] Which
Encouraged me to Send our Boat ashore Once More and try if they Could Land. Wheu they Came
in Shore Pound the Surf to Run [Ran] Very High, but being encouraged by the Natives who Seem ^
greatly Rejoyced at the Sight of our People, one Tho® Arnold wont on Shore, but had like to have
to pay [j>aid] dear for it, Not being, Able, to Gett off Again thro : the Surf, but Sailing Along Shore
4 or 5 Miles, Came to a Small Bay Where there was a Little Surf by Which Means got him off
and He gave the Following Description of the Natives at his first Landing. They Seem'd a
little Shy of him, but he Advanced towards them Making Motion's of Submission all the way he went.
He Game to a Number of them Setting down, who Made Motions for him to Sett down, by them
184
THE INDIAN. ANTIQUABY.
[April, 1902.
whicii he did. Then an Old Man, held np the Lap [Lappet] ol the Garment which was a Bullocks
Hide, expecting he would give him Something, and having a few Beads About his Neck, he gave
Them to him. Then Another Held up his Garment in the Same Manner, And he Gave Him a small
piece of Buntin Which was all he had, & they ail Would be Glad to Accept, any Thing you would give
them, but Never Oifere'd To Take any thing by Force. Our Man Made Motions to them for Some-
thing to Eat, & they gave him Some Indian Corn.^® He then went to gett Some Wood to Make a
Cattamaran to gett of [with] on which they Assisted him, but he Could not gett her Thro : the Surf.
They then Directed him to the Bay, Where he gott off <fc having Told the people in the Boat how
Civiil they Were to him and that we might gett Some Sheep & Wood if they would go A Shore
again, they no Sooner Came on Board, but wanted to Return Which I did not Approve of [at that time],
There being a fine Breeze Westerly, but those on Board, as well as [those] them in the Boat, Were
desirious of Staying an Hour or two, Saying, if I did not, [they] would not go on Shore Again.
Therefore, Consented, and 3 of them went on Shore Again, And Return^ with Wood Enough to
Last iis 3 or 4 Days Latt. Oh&^ 32° : 57' S®.
Monday .8. Light Airs and Fair Wea^- At 2 P M Made Sail [so] Close Along Shore, That
we Could Talk with a Man : by Which Means kept out of The Current, Except when we Came off the
PoiiiLs Where it was so Strong, that it was with Difficulty we got Round them. A M, Saw Several! of
the Natives, and many Droves of Cattle, Which they Seem*? to be very Carefull off, for when we Came
near any of them that was [were] Feeding by the Water Side, their keeper would drive them to the
Country. At Sun Rise the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from E B N to West Dist off "Shore
J of a Mile. At Noon the Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from E B N to W S W Dist of a
Mile. [We are] to the Seward of Aocouut 8 Miles Lattf Obs^ 32° : 38' S®.
Tuesday 9th* A Fresh Gale Westerly with Unnsettled Wea^ At Sun Rise the Extreems
[Extremes] of the Land from N E B E to W^^ Dist off Shore 2 Leagues. At Noon the Extreems
[Extremes] of the Land from E N E to W S W Dist | a Mile Lattf Acc* 31° : 49' S®.
Wednesday The first part Light Airs and fair Wea^^ Middle & Latter Calm. At
5 PM. the Wind Shifting to the Edward Anchor^ in 12 F“ water. The Extreems [Extremes] of the
Land from E B N to W B S Dist ^ of a Mile. As Soon as we Anchor^ we heard Severall People
Hallowing to us, and Shew-i a White Flagg. We Could not go on Shore to them, the Surf Ran so
High. At 3 A M Found Our Cable had Swept a Rock, Which Took us from that Time till 11
before We Clear it. Ran a Little Farther out into Better Ground, Sent the Boat to Try if they
Could Land, but Could notLatt^ Obs*^ 31°; 41' S®.
Thursday March llth The First and Latter parts Strong Gales Wterly, and a large Sea
Tumbling in On the Shore, Which Made us Very Uneasy Knowing Our Selves to be in Foul
Ground. Latter part Calm. In Shortning in The Cable, found it Foul of a Rock Again, But it
Soon Clear? This Morning 4 Men went in the Boat to Try to Land but Could Not L&tt^ Obs^
3i° : 41' S®, ^ '
Friday 12*1*. The First Part D« WeaT Middle & latter little Wind. At Daylight The
Wmd Came to the N°ward and we Weigh? but did not gett above a Mile Before it fell Calm Came to
Anchor Again. 4 Men Attempting Landing in this Place but Could not. Cannot Catch any Fish
here ; Which we feel the Effects of, for those that have no Bread Are Almost Starv^.
X. e. Mealies.
;a.PSIL, 1902.]
IHE WEEOK OF THE « DODDING-TON, ’’ 1755.
:S5
Satmrday 13. The First Part Strong Gales Easterly, Middle and latter Calm. This Morning
:2 Men Went in Shore to Try to Catch Fish, but Eeturn<i without Success, Assureing [Assuring] ns
there was Less Surf and in their Opinion might Land. Accordingly 4 Men went to try and 2 of
them got on shore, and the Other Two Came on Board for fear it Should Freshen up to a Gale,
as it has done [these] this 3 days past. The Two that Landed We Saw Walk along Shore till Mett
by Some of the Natives, who Seem^ a Little Shy of them at first. We who were on Board soon lost
.Sight of thein.®7
Sunday 14^^. Moderate Gales E«erly and fair. Landed 2 More people who were JJesirous
<ijf going a Shore, at the Time they Jump? out of the Boat a Shark Took Hold of one of the Peoples
Oars, and Almost pulF it from him. Towards Night Less Wind and [looked J looks as if it would
Shift to the Westward, Which Made me Very Uneasy for the People that Were on Shore; least [lestj
it Should Blow so hard that Should not be Able to wait till Morning ; so Made Signalls in the Night
hj Shewing Lights in hopes it Would Fetch Them down to the Water Side, when we might Have got
them off ; but it was to no purpose, for they did not Come down till 6 o Clock next Morning, when
it was to [too] Late, There being a Gale of wind and to [too] much See for the Small Boat. So we
Wav^ [as we sail’d] along Shore. After we had Run about 4 or 5 Miles Came to a Small Bay
Where there was Shelter from a Westerly Wind, Anchor^ in 5 F^ Water 4 Men went on
.‘Shore. 2 to meet the 4 that [were] was left Behind & 2 to Sound at Y® Mouth of a River Within us.
Which .[we] Are in great hopes Shall gett into in About 3 Hours. The 2 Men Heturn<J With the
Other 4 and Severall of the Natives. We Are Expecting them on Board Every Minute, butt whether
the Surf is to High or the Boat Stove Cannot Tell, for they do not Attempt to Come off.
Monday March 16^^ 1756. The First Part a Fresh Gale Westerly with Squalls & hard Rain,
Middle Calm, Latter a Light Air Easterly. Was Very Uneasy all Night, for The people and Boats.
As Soon as it was Day light weigh^i & Stood Close in Shore to Call to Them, Threatning if they
^did not Come off would go ^way And Leave them; for While we Lay [Lie] here, Are Expending
what Little provissions we have Left not Catching any Fish, and Very Little Expectation of Getting
into the Biver there being a very great Bar. Our Threatning had [its] the Desired Effect : for
two of them Ventured off tho* there was a Great Surf on the Shore. The Reason they did not Oome
off before, Was on Account of the Surf. They Were Very well Used by the Natives, Who gave
them Bread, Milk and Fruit: the Wind is Oome Easterly which Makes the place We Are in a Bsrd
road, <feis a fair Wind into the River, Which with the Civil Usage of the Natives & Our
people on Shore, Tempts us Very Much to Hazard going over the Barr, Which was Agreed On. At
10 0 Clock Weighti and Run for the River, the Small Boat a head a Sounding. They made ja Signal
for us to Haul of. Upon which we Wore and Anchor'i again. They Informed us [they] had but
8 Foot Water, Which we Thought to Little, with the Sand She would have. Therefore Agreed to
Wait till High Water. At 2 iu the Afternoon Weigh? with a fresh Breeze E^'erly, and run Over
the Barr, Much Safer than we Expected, and Came to Anchor, in the River in J less three Fathoms.
At Spring Tides have 3 Fathom at high Water : & 8 Foot att Low Water ; MT Collet Ss my
Self Went on Shore to get Provissions, & Bought a Fine Bullock Weighing About 6 : for
a pair of Copper Bangles for their [the Natives] Arms, and Some Small peices of Iron, - We kltl d
Bullock Immediately and Supp? very Heartily Upon it.
67 TMs sentence was first written thus — 'They soon got ont of onr Sight on Board.’
- 58 The description- answers to several -Eivers in Horsbnrgh, Ed. 1809, 1. 2i$ f. ; bnt.mbst probably the" places
.described are FauTs Cove and the River -St. Johi; or UmzibnvD. See Taylor, 1.86, ^ ^ ,
186
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Apeil, 1902.
' Tuesday 16*^,' Wind Variable & fair Wcaf This Morning there is but few of the Natives to
be Seen. And [I don t find] They have Nothing for Our Use. In the Afternoon I went about
5 Miles up the River Taking on [one] of the Natives With me, by Whose Assistance I got about
3 Peck of Grain giving them Brass Buttons in return. [I] Saw a Great Number of Mannates or
Sea Cow's in the River. As Soon as I Retuni'i ou Board, Sent the Boat, for [Those] tliem Who
Were Opposite the Vessell a trading. They got Only as Much Bread As Would Serve A Meal. We
have not been On Shore on the East Side, being much discouraged, by the people on the W*- Side,,
telling us they would Cutt our Throats.
Wednesday 17 March. 1756. The First part Wterly. In the Night Blew A Storm of Wind
Southerly and [with] Constant hard Rain. Our Southermost Anchor Came Home, Altho’ .the
Place is as Smooth as any Dock. At Noon Mr Collett went up the River Taking two of the
Natives with him, but Mott with Little Success, getting only a Dozen heads of Corn, but Thinks
[he] Should have got Much More, About 4 Miles Higlier up, then [than] I went. Could he have
persuaded ye Natives to go on Shore, Which they Refused, Telling them Those on Shore would kill
them, at the Some Time Shewing a Place in On of their Leggs, Where he was Wounded by an
Arrow, where we Lay got Some Corn :
Thursday IS**. TJic First part Strong Gales at S W , Lattar More Moderate, with Continual
Ram. Middle the Wind at N W and fair Weatlicr. Got no Trade to Day Escoiit a Bullock. Gent
a Shore the Water Casks to fill at a Small Cicck.
Friday 19‘*, Light Airs at N W and fair Wear Got our Vessell by the Stern and Stoppd a.
Leak froward [forward], M^ Collett & Powell with one of the Natives Landed on theE* Side,
Where they were Treated Veiy Civilly; They Travelled about- 8 Miles before they Came to any
Hutts Where they gott 4 or 5 pound of Potatoes, Some Corn & a fowls (sic ) .
Saturday 20 1756. Wind.s Variable and jileasent Weav. Sent 2' Men with one of the Natives
in the Conntry to gett Some Calves to Carry to Sea. Got a Great Quantity oi Corn to day and
one fowle.
Sunday 20. The First Part Wind Westerly & Rainy W'ea^ Latter Fair. 7 of our People
went on Shore on the Side & Brought about 12 pound of Potatoes & Some Corn & Bread. We
lickwise [likewise] got Same Bread & Corn on ye Side.
Monday 22*. Fresh Gules Westerly with Heavy Bain. The 2 Men Returned & Brought a
Bullock with Them, which is all they could gett, without Copper or Brass. Sent Some in the Coun-
try, with One of the Natives got a Little Indian Com & Some Guiniea [Guinea] Corn.
Tuesday 23*. Wind and Wea* as Before. Got a few Heads of Corn and Some Milk.
Wednesday March 24** 1766.
Each Side to get Some Calves for
Retum..ffithout Either; The- People Refuseing [Refusing] to Pari with Them. Those on the Side
got near a Bushoil of Potatoes, Sonic Bread & Goj-n..
Winds as Before <fe fair Weather. 5 men went of (sie)
a Sea Stock, & a Bullock for present Expending; but
ApkiLj 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON/^ 1765.
187 .
Thursday 25. Moderate Gales .Westerly and fair Wea^- Gott Plenty of Corn & Bread.
The Man is Returned from the Country without Calves, Bought a Bullock for a Brass Image of a
(Slock. . - ^
Friday 26. Light Airs Easterly and fair Wea^ This Morning Collett &: Self Went
on the East Side & Brought a Bullock, Some Bread & Corn. The People .Return*^ from the
W* Side and Brought a Cah and 5 Fowles. We Lickwise Bought a Cow for 4 pair of Cop^ Bangles
and agread [agreed] for a ISTother for a [the] Brass Bottom of a Compass.
Sunday 27. The First part Light Airs, W^erly, the Latter E^erly, which Prevented us from
Sailing, as'we Intended in the Morning. However, Shall Take The First Oppertunity, haveing
[having] Plenty of Bread & Corn, to Last a fortnight. Lickwise 2 Calves, a Cow and 20 Fowles-
The Natives on the Eastside Brought Down Corn Bread & Potatoes.
Sunday 28th. Wind and WeaY as Before. Severall of the Natives whome we Have not Seen
Before, Came to [the Place] Where we Lay & Brought a Bullock with Them Which We Bought
f<>r a Brass Image, & Some Small Iron. We lickwise Gott Some Bread &> Corn. „Got Every thing
on Board in Readiness for Sailing in the Morning.
Monday Wind Northerly and fair Wea^ At 5 A M Weigh? and'Soon got to the
Barr Where we Found More Suif than we Expected, and had it Been Day Light Enough for us to
have Seen it, before we Came Near it, I am Certain Should not have Attempted Coming Over it ; for
When we Got Among the Breakers found them Allmost to many for ns, 2 Very large Seas Braking
Right on us, Another Hove the Boat Broadside to the Sea, but Luckily She wore before Another
Sea, took her, or Else must Inevitably been Lost on the Rocks, which [were] was Not Twice her
Length from us. However, Got Safe out, & hope Shall not be [obliged] Necessitated to put into a
Bart Harbour Again. These People Answer the Description of a Hottentots (sic).
Tuesday 30*^ March 1756. The First part Little Winds and fair WeaV Middle and Latter
Fresh Gales, with a Large Sea. At 1 P M the Land Where we Lay at Anchor, before we went in
'the Harbour W B S, Dist 6 Leags At 6 the Extreams [Extremes] of the Land from N E B E to
W B S, DistJ off Shore 3 or 4 Miles. This Wening Found that we got ground in turning.
Therefore Hope the Westerly Current [has] is done. This day am to the Northward of Account 10
M® Latt Obscrv 30° : 32' S®,
Wednesday 31®** Moderate Breezes at S W & fair Wear the Land here is Much More
Regular than any we have past for Some Time, and Sends More To the N^ward Than, Laid Down
ill the Chart Latt^^ Acc* 29° : 29' S<^.
Thursday April 1®*. Light Breezes Westerly and fair Weafatt Sun Sett The E'xtreems
[Extremes] of the Land from NEBEtbWBS Dist 1 Mile. At Noon.'Do from - E N E to Wt
Dist of Shore 1 Mile. At 8 A M anchor? & at 10 -Weigh? Again When we Steer‘d N W it was to
look at an Opening which Madedike a River,- but did not. prove So, Latt? .p^.Acc* 28"^ ; 5' S®..
188
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Aprii,, 1902.
Friday 2^. The First part a Fresh Gale, Easterly & fair Wear towards Night Less Wind,
Middle & latter Fresh Gales Westerly with a Great Sea. At Sun Sett The Extreems [Ex*
tremes] of the Land from N E to W B S Dist off Shore 4 Miles. At Noon Do Bore from N N E.
to W S W Dist 2 Miles Latt^i pr Acc* 28° : 34' S®.
Saturday 3*. Wind Variable & Dirty Wea^*- Att Sun Sett the Extreams [Extremes] of the
Land from N E B N to S W Dist off 2 Miles. At Noon from North to West Dist 2 Leagues.
An Opening which I Take to be the River Lucians No Dist 4 Leag! Since Yesterday Lost
about 8 Leagues having Little Wind.
Sunday 4. The first & Middle Parts Fresh Gales Northerly. Latter Little Wind and Calm.
At 4 P M Anchor^ in 12 Fathom the Extreems [Extremes] of The Land from N E to West Dist
1 Mile. Found the Current Sett to the Westw^ 2 [Knots] Miles Hour. At Noon the Wind
Shifted to ye Westward Weigh<i ypith a Design to putt into S Lucia if the Opening Mentioned
Yesterday proves to be it in Order to Replenish Our Stock being almost [expended] done.
Monday April! 5 : 1756« For the Most part Fair WeaT At 9 PM Anchor^ Near the Opening.
Intended to go in [on] in the Morning if it proved So, Which it did, butt Appearing to be a Bar
Harbour & the Wind Continuing Westerly [we] Made Sail. Sometime made an Opening Where we
Saw no Snrf. The Wind Tempts us to keep [On] One to the Eastward. At Noon the Wind Came
To the Eastward & We Bore away for the River S* Lucia. At 3 P M an choral about 1 Mile from
the Entrance which Broke Eight a Cross, so that we did not Care for going in, tho’ it did not Appear
so Dangerous as the Other. In the Night it Blew Fresh, & We Rid Very hard, Latt<^ Obs^
28° : IS' S^
Tuesday 6. This Morning Little Wind. Tho’ it Blew fresh all Night East^^ly (Which ie
Right in the Harbour) there was butt Little Surf, Therefore, it was Agreed on to go in. Accord
ingly Weigh and Gott Safe Over having No less than 10 Foot Water. In Running up the River
to Anchor, Grounded Upon a Sand, but Recov^ the Damage, and got her off Again Next Side.
And [jWe then] Moor^ in 3 Fathom Water. While we Lay a Ground, the Natives Came on Each
Side of the River. We Sent on Shore to Them, and by motions Soon Made them Understand we
wanted Some Bullocks, Which they Immediatly Brought, but for want of Brass Toys, Could mot
Buy any. Gott about 4 dozen of Fowls for Brass Buttons.
Wednesday 7*^. Dark Cloudy Wea^ with Thunder Lightning and Rain. At 10 0 Clock a
great Number of the Natives Came to us on Each Side, Which Gave us Great Hopes of Getting
Cattle ; but did [Con'd] not for Want of Brass. Gott More Fowls for Buttons. M** Collett
and Webb went about 3 Miles on the East Side, as did my Self and another on the West Side,
about 6 Miles. We got Some Fowles : Potatoes and Pumpkins.
Thursday 8. Light Airs and pleasent Weather. The people on the Side. Brought a
jGreat Many Fowls Tobacco & Sugar' Cane & Dough To Bread, Which we get for Duttons.
Qot^8 piimpkiue on y® V* Side,
^ ^ Thfe is, however, donbffah TM descriptipn reads more Jike Port Natal or Durban. See Taylor, p. 86 1
April, 1902.]
THE WREOK OF THE “DODDINQTON 1755.
189
Friday 9*^. A Strong Gale E^erly & fair Weat there has been Very Few IlTatives down to
day. Collett & 8 of the people [went] is gone in the Country. Early This Morning
and [are] and Not Yett Returned.
Saturday 10 : D° Wind and Weay At Noon Our people Returned and Brought 2 Bullocks
Which We got for a pair of Brass Handles of a Chest and Some Small Peices of Brass.
Sunday Aprill : 11 : 1756, Wind and Wea? till 6 : o Clock in the Evening, When the
Wind Shifted to y ♦’W^ward and Blew Hard. ^
Monday 12. A Fresh Gale W^erly and Cloudy Wea^» & Rain. Got Another Small Bullock,
Which We Kill^‘ • Are now Waiting the First Smooth Barr for Sailing.
Tuesday 13. Moderate Gales Westerly and Fair Weather. Got Another Small Bullock and
a few Loaves of Bread.
Wodnojsday 14 ; Moderate Gales Easterly, and fair Wea^ Got Some Fowls and Bread.
Th.ursday 16^^- The Most part a Strong Gale Easterly. Got a Bullock.
Friday 16*^* Wind and Wear as pr Yesterday got Some Fowls and Bread, Butt pay much
dearer for them [than] then when we fijrst Came in, for What we got for a Button [then] must now
give a peice of Brass or Iron [for].
Saturday 17 ; Fresh Gales Easterly & Cloudy Weay A Great Number of the Natives Cam®
down of Whom we Bought. 6 dozen of Fowls, and 4 Bushells of Potatoes, and a Smail Root that
Eats Like a Bean When Boil? In the Night the Wind Shifted to the Westward.
Sunday 18^? A pleasent Gale Westerly and Fair WeaT . At 7 A M Got Under Weigh and
When we Came to the Barr Severall of the people [were] was so Frightued at the surf, that they
Would Not Venture Over. Therefore, Haul^ down all the Sails And Brought the Boat to An
Anchor. [Ten] And 10 of them Gott the Small Boat Out and went on Shore, saying [declarmg]
they would Rather Live With the Natives the Remainder [of their life, Than stand the Chance of
•being] all their life Time rather than be Drown’d. One of them Brought The Boat Back Again.
[The Rest of us] We all Agreed to go Over. Accordingly got Under Weigh with Gods Permission
Intending to go Over, tho must Confess for Above Half an Hour, Which Time We Were in the
Breakers, thought [those] then Best off That [were] was on Shore. As Soon As We Were Through,
Saw the people .Walk Away, and We made the Best of Ours. At Noon the River S W 6 Leagues
From Whence I Take my Departure Laying [Lying] in the Latt'l 28°: 14' 8 ^,
Monday April 19 : 1756: A Fine Gale Westerly and fair Weather. Att Sun Sett the
Extreems [Extremes] of the Land from NEBNtoSWBS Dist of 1 Mile & Att Sun Rise
190
THE INDIAI^ ASTTIQUART.
[April, 1902.
from SWIStoNNE Dist 1 Mile, An Entrance of a Biver®^ With a Large Barr W S W
1 Mile & This day find my Self to the N^ward of Acc^^ 7 M Course N 15 Dist
113 Miles, Longitude Made 00® 32'' ^ist 00° : 28' Et Latt^ Obser^ 26°; 19^ S^.
Tuesday 20th* Pleasent Galea & fair Wea^ . At 5 PM being abreast of The 8° Point of Dela-
goa Bay, Bore xAway Designing to go in and Stay Fo-r Our people, Who were Travelling on Foot
along Shore. At Sun Sett the 8° Point of the Bay Bore So 3 Miles the Body of the Island
Marys S W 2 miles. The Low Land in Sight from y® Masthead on the Side from N to
iN" W B W Dist About 3 Leagues. After [it was*] Dark Ban under an Easy Sail. Waiting for
The Moon which Woultf be up at 10 O' Clock, Not Suspecting butt we had a Whole Night at the Rate
wo Were going. Sounded [& found] Ground [in] 5 Fathom, Upon Which Alter<^ Our Course, more
Northerly, Which was More off the Land. Still Shoal<i our Water to 2: J Fathom, We then Came
to Anch' & an Hour After The Sea Broke Very Much Close to us, therefore was [Were} Oblig<i to
Weigh, tho we did Not kuow Where to Better Ourselvs, the Wind Blowing into the Bay, and The
Only way we Could Make a Stretch was towards the Island, Where We Expected less Water. But it
prove’d Otherwise ; For we by deepning [deepen’d] our water Gradually to 6 Fathom, then Came
too again. Att Sun Rise, the Point S E S Miles, the Island S W, 1 Mile. Breakers from North to
N W B W. They Seem to us to be on a Spitt of Sand, & a Channell into the Bay on Each Side of it.
Last Night When we Came too, it was High Water, and as the Sea Falls, it Breaks, the Sand Drying
n Some places on Spring Tides. At Noon it Was Low Water, and we Found Ourselves Surrounded
with Breakers. Therefore Thought [it] the Best way to go Out, the Same way we Game in ; Which
Vfe did, & in going Over the Sand Where it Broke had but 10 Feet Water. When we got
Over, Deepned to 6 Fathom ; which We kept Along About 2 Miles Steering N W And then Came
into 9 & 10 Fathom, Which Depth We had about a Mile & Soon Deepned [Shoal’d} Again to 3 &
4 Fathom for About 1 Mile. Then Came into 5 Fathom which we kept [held} About 4 Leag®. Then
Shoal^ it Gradually to 3 Fathom. Steering from West to W B S & About 4 o’Clock, Came to an
Anchor in 9 Fathom, Where to Onr Gi'eat Joy Found Riding Tho Boso Gaily from Bombay
Commanded by CapJ Edw? Chander.
Wednesday April 21 1756. The First part Fair Weather, Wind W%rly, Latter fresh Gales
Easterly with Rain. About 11 O Clock got under Weigh in Order to go Up Maboys Biver,®^
Where Capt Chandler was Trading, butt was prevented, Not having Water Enough Over the
Barr. Therefore, Returned to Delagoa again, and Dispatch‘d a Letter to Capt Chandler, Desireing
him to Spare us What Necessaries we Wanted,
Thursday 22^ Wind and Wea^ as Before : got Some Rice for Cloaths We are [were]
Treated Very Civilly by the Commanding Officers of the Rose,
Friday 23*' Light Land and Sea Breezes and fair WeaT Bought Severall Fowls : Some
Rice and Hony. The Natives Stole 31 Head of Oattell [Cattle] from the Rose Gally’s [People].
Saturday 24 th. Do Wind & Bought a Great Many Fowls Some Rice and Hony. Have a
Great Number of the Natives on Board with [their] there Trade,
6® THs must be really the River St. Lucia. See Taylor, I 87
-or sI Admiralty Charts. St. Maiy>s Id. m all dix-eotions up to Taylor, 1874, who has. I. p. 87. Inyaok
I’or Maurice River, See Taylor, I. 88.
Apbil, 1902.]
THE WRECK OE THE ‘^‘HOBDXN’GTON,” 1755.
191
Sunday 25. Light Land and Sea Breezes with pleasent Wear
Monday 26. Wind and Wea^ . Near Noon About 300 of the NatiTes Came To Capt
Chandler Banksale & Drove off 66 Head of Cattell [Cattle] which he had Purchase’d [& paid
for] : Which We on Board Observing, Landed as Soon As possible and Pursue'd the Robbers About
3 Miles, but Could not Gett Sight of them. Therefore not Thinking it prudent to pursue them any
further, Return’
Upon Our First Arrival [heard] found Capt Chandler was up in the Country About 60 Miles, 62
Therefore Dispach’ed One [a Letter] to him, Informing him of Our ^isfortune, & at the Same
Time the Behaviour of the people, [during our Stay on Bird Island] desiring [and
desired] him to Assist us to gett [in getting back] the Honourable Corapanys Money ; [and] which
if [we] Effected [it] to Grant a passage to my Self Collett Webb Yates and McDowell ^3
and myself to Bombay.
The Misfortune Above Mentioned Open'^ the 7 day after The Letter was Sent, and haying
Receiv^ no answer Conjecture from the Behaviour of the Natives, that the Letters Might be Stoppu
or that it Might not be well with Capt Chandler. Therefore I proposed going up Mohoy’s River
with Our Boat the Next Morning : Which we did, and About 20 Miles up meet [Met] Capt
Chandler Comeing down in his Boat very 111 w*^ a Fever, He told me my Letter Came Safe to
Hand Which he Answer? Immediatly, and was Very Much Surpriz^^ I had not Receiv? it. How-
soever we found afterwards that the Bearer was afraid to Venture Near the Vessel After what had
happen^. The 3*^ day we meet [Met] Capt Chandler We gott [return’d] on Board, and Soon
Afterwards some [the] assistance of some of his People [seiz’d] took the Treasure And Plate
out of the [our] Sloop, and put it on board the Rose Gaily : for which Capt Chandler gave me a
Bill of Lading,
Sunday 2* May 1756. Three of the people Arriv? from the Side of TTie Bay Where they
Left the Rest of those that woul? Not Venture Over S* Lucia Barr. They Remained there till the
Sloop Sailed Which was 10 Days After the Arrival of the 3 Before Mentioned. They all Got on
Board of her Alive, but Soon After 2 of them died, the Best in a Bad State of Health. Theire Stay
was but Short Where they Took the people in before they putt to Sea, in Order to go to Johanna,
butt After being at Sea, 5 or 6 Days found themselves off River S^ Lucia and 4> days Afterwards we
Met them as we [were] was going out in the Rose Galley, within the Outer Barr of Delagoa. They
had on Board After my Self M^ Collett & Webb, (the)®^ 2 Navigators, who often told me on
the Island they was As Capable of Conducting the Sloop as I was ; those Were Powell and
Chisholm but Finding Themselves Mistaken in [their] there Capacity s, Sold her to Capt Chandler
for 500 Rupees the Carpenter Took a Note for the Same payable at Bombay. While this
Business was Transacting was Laying at Anchor A Little Within the Outer Barr, Waiting for wind
to go Over, Which we got The Second day, And After a Passage of 25 days Arrived in Morandavia
Road on the Island of Madagascar, and 2 days After Capt Hutchinson in the Caernarvon
Anchord here, Who Favours me with a passage to Madrass where the Honble Companys
Treasure and Packett is Consigned to, Who has Also favoured all the people With a passage
being 15 in Number my Self Include’d and all that’s Now Living, Except Powell, who Some Time
before the Caernarvon Sailed, Secrete’d himself in the Country, To Keep Out of Capt“ Hutchinson’s
way, who Declare’d he would Take him With him. hSy Collett is One of the Number that Died.
(To he continued,)
63 * that I could have no answer to a Letter from which in 4 days* scored through.
68 < was always conformable to my commands * scored through,
66 * the ’ written over words erased.
192
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Aphil, 1902.
THE INSCRIPTIONS OF MAHANAMAN AT BODH-GAYA.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, I.C.S. (Eetd.).
Becent researches and speculations of M. Sylvain Levi hare given a special interest to the
Inscriptions of MaMnaman at Bddh-GayA edited by Dr. Fleet some years ago, and
invite further discussion of the documents, from the historian’s point of view. Although I am
unable to fully agree with M, Sylvaiii Levi, and may fail to convince my readers that a final solution
of the historical puzzle suggested by these inscriptions has been obtained, I hope to succeed in
throwing some light on ihe enigma. The inscriptions in question are two, the longer being
No. 71, and the shorter 72, of Fleet, ^
The longer record is dated on the seventh day of the bright fortnight of the month Chaitra
in the year 269 of an unspecified era and commemorates the erection in that year of a Buddhist
temple at Bodh-Gaya by a Ceylonese monk named Mahanaman. The donor’s spiritual descent is
traced back ultimately to the saint Maha-Kusyapa, and is given in detail for siy generations
as follows : —
(1) the 'Sramapa Bhava ;
(2) his disciple (sisJiya) Rahula ;
(3) the ascetic (yati) Upasena [I.] ;
(4) Mahanaman [I.] j
(5) Upasena [II.] ;
(6) MahanS-man [II.]? disciple of No. 5, and greater even than his master, who was
famed for his goodness.
This inscription is composed in learned Sanskrit verse.
The second record is nothing but a brief dedication of a Buddhist image expressed in
the customary conventional formula, as commonly used in the fifth and sixth centuries A. D., and
Dr. Fleet’s translation is as follows : — Om ! This (is) the appropriate religious gift of the Sfikya
Bhikshu, the Sthavira Mahantoan, a resident of Amradvipa. Whatever religious merit (there is)
in this (act) let it be for the acquisition of supreme knowledge by all sentient beings 1”
This document is not dated. The language is differentiated from learned Sanskrit by the use of
the genitive MaMndmasya^ instead of the correct form Mahdndmnah^ and by the redundant astu at
the end of the formula; the meaning ‘let it be’ having been already expressed by bhavatu.
Dr. Fleet said that the Sthavira Mah&n^man, who recorded this brief dedication, ‘is
obviously the second Mahanaman mentioned in the preceding inscription.’ But is the alleged
fact really obvious? To me it is not. On the contrary, I am clearly of opinion that the
Mahd.nd.maii of the image dedication is probably distinct from the Mahd.nd.man of the
temple record. M, Levi, who also has expressed a belief in the unity of the dedicators of the
image and the temple, nevertheless remarks with emphasis on the contrast between the two inscriptions
in ^language. ^Comparee,' he says, ^avec cette savante inscription, V autre, en sa banale bndvetd,
prisente un eontraste cwieux. Le genitif Mahmdmasya pour Malianamnas, en face du nominatif
regulier Mdhandma employe dans le premier texte, suffit d dUeler un 7'Macteur plus familier avee le
pracrit qu' avec le sansMt,’
^ The longer inscription, which is dated, was first pnblicly mentioned in an extract from a letter of Sir Alexan-'
der Cunningham printed by me in Xnd, JinL XV. (1886}, p. 347. A month later Dr. Fleet edited and translated
both inscriptions in the same volume, pp. 356-359. The documents were republished by him in 1888 in *The
Gupta Inscriptions,* pp. 274-9, Ph XLI., Nos. 71 and 72. M. LoTi*s discussion of the inscriptions is a section of
his very valuable and interesting memoir entitled ‘Les Missions de Wang-Hiuen-Ts’e dans I’lnde’ (Journal
Asiatiq^ue, Mai-Juin, 1900, pp, 406-411 5 reprint, pp. 45-55).
April, 1902.]
INSCRIPTIONS OP MAHANAMAN,
193
This contrast is not noticed bj Dr. Fleet in either of his editions. The two inscriptions present
an equally strong contrast in the manner in which they name Mah^aman.
The long record gives the donor of the temple no title, and describes him as a disciple of Upasena
(II.). The short record gives the donor of the image the special clerical title of Sthavira, and calls
him *a Sakya friar’ (Sdkya bhikshSh)» Why should we assume these two Mahanamans to be iden-
tical ? The identity of name is nothing. Mahaiiaman was a common name for monks in Ceylon, and
two persons of that name are mentioned in the longer of the two documents under discussion.
The two donors are differently described in the two documents, and the presumption is that they
are different persons. If they were identical why should pure pandit’s Sanskrit be used in the one
inscription, and Prakritized Sanskrit in the other ?
The occurrence of both inscriptions at Bodh-Graya is no proof of identi|^. There is no improba-
bility in supposing that two Mahanamans from Ceylon may have performed pious acts at the holiest
of Buddhist holy places. It is quite possible that the donor of the image may have been the
Mahaoaman who was the spiritual grandfather of the builder of the temple. The only substantial
argument for identifying the two donors is the palaeographical one. Dr. Fleet was of opinion that
the characters of the short dedication ‘ allot it to precisely the same time’ as the longer dated
record. Certainly, if there is any difference in the characters, it is very slight, and the two records
belong substantially to the same palaeographical stage of development, but there is nothing to
prevent one from being fifty years older than the other. To my eye the short record looks the
earlier of the two. The words Amradvipddhivdst and Mahdndmd in the longer document may be
compared with Amradvipa-vdsi and MaMndmasya in the shorter.
My conclusion is that the two documents, although nearly contemporaneous, are
records not of one donor, hut of two donors. In the remaining discussion I shall therefore
confine my attention to the long dated document, of which the substance has been given at the
beginning of this article.
Dr. Fleet went too far when he said that there is a “probability” that the donor of the
temple at Bddh-Gaya should be identified with the Mahanaman, who is the reputed author of the
earlier part of the Mahavamsa. The exact date of the author of the Mahavamsa is not known.
Tumour supposed that Mahanaman’s contribution to that work was written in the reign of Dhatu-
&8ua which he placed in the period A. D. 459 to 477. But Tumour’s arguments are not conclusive.
The earlier chapters of the Mahavamsa appear to be not very much later than the Dipavamsa, and
may have been written as early as A. D. 400. The date, 269, of the inscription cannot possibly
be interpreted so as to place the donor of the temple in approximately A. D. 400, and the guess
identifying the donor with the author of the Mahavamsa must he rejected. It never
had any foundation except the identity of name, which is of no significance, the name being a
common one in Ceylon. When writing the text of ‘ The Gupta Inscriptions ’ Dr. Fleet had * no
doubt ’ that the date of the inscription, 269, must be referred to the Gupta era, and be
considered equivalent to A. D. 588-589. Dr. Btihler adopted this date and inserted it in his
* Indische Palseographie.’ When compiling the index to his great work Dr. Fleet admitted a doubt
as to the era used in the inscription and suggested that it might ‘perhaps ’ be the Kalachuri era,
of which the epoch is A. D. 248-49. On that hypothesis the date A. D. would be 618. It is not
very easy to understand why a Ceylonese monk on a visit to Gay^ should use the era of the Kalachuri
princes of CliMi, in the region now known as the Central Provinces, and I think that the Kalachuri
interpretation may be safely rejected as being highly improbable.
The Gupta interpretation is much more probable. The use of the Gupta era at Gay4
in A. D. 588 involves no improbability, and in the opinion both of Dr. Fleet and of Dr. Biihler the
characters of the inscription are consistent with this interpretation.
M. Sylvain L6vi*s Chinese studies have led him to reject the interpretation approved
fey Fleet and Biihler, and to propose to treat the inscription as dated in the Saka era of
A. D. 78 - The record according to his view was composed in the year A. D. 347. This bold proposal
194
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[Apbil, 1902,
is supported by arguments of considerable apparent strength and deserves attentive examination.
It rests mainly upon a passage in the history composed by the Chinese Tvriter Wang-Hiuen-t’se about
the middle of the seventh century A. D., vhich is translated as follows by M. Ldvi : —
“ Le Hi'vg-tcJioan de 'VVang Hiiien-t’se dit: Dans les royaumes de V Occident, Jes
^ hienheureuses images sont sans fin. Et, a propos de 1’ image de Mo-lio-pou-ti
(Mahabodhi) il dit : Jadis, le roi de Cheu-tzeu (Ceylon), nomme QM-mi-lcia-po-mo^
ce qui signifie en Chinois ‘ merite-nuage ’ [Koung-te-iiin] (^rl Meghavarman) roi
Indien {^fan), chargea deux bhiksiis d’ aller visiter ce monastere [le monaster e eleve par
Acoba a V est de V arbre de Bodhi, et plus tard agrandi ; of. H. T. Mem, I, 465],
Le plus grand avait nom Mo-ho-nan^ ce qui signifie ‘grand-nom * (Maba-naman) ; T antre se
nommait lompo, ce qui signifie donne-prophetie [ckeou-hi'] (Upa — ).
Ces deux bhiksus rendirent hommage au Trcne-de-diamant (Vajrasana) de V arbre de
Bodhi. Le monastke ne lem* offrit pas d’ asile ; les deux bhiksus reviurent dans leur
patrie. Le roi interrogea les bhiksus : ‘ Vous Otes alles porter vos hommages aux
lieux sanits. Que disent d* heureux les presages, 6 bhik§us?’ Ils respondirent :
‘ Dans la gi'ande contree de Jambudvipa, il n’y a pas un lieu oh demcurer en paix.’
Le roi, ayant entendu ces paroles, envoya des gens avec des pierres precieuses poxir
offrir des pr^sente au roi San-meu-todo-kin-to (Samudragupta). Et c’est pourquoi
jusqu’ a present, ce sont les bhiksus du royaume de Ceylan qui resident dans ce
monastere.”
The substance of this j^^ssage in English is that king M%havarnian (or more correctly,
Meghavarna) of Ceylon sent two monks, the senior named Mahanaman, and the younger named
Upa— ?, to do homage to the Diamond Throne and visit Asdka’s monastery to the east of the
Bodhi tree. The monks were ill received, and on their return to Ceylon complained of the scant
hospitality offered to them. King M^ghavarna thereupon sent them back to India with valuable
presents to King Samudra Gupta, under whose patronage suitable arrangements were made for the
residence.of Ceylonese pilgrims at B6dh-Gaya, in pursuance qfjwhich monks from the island were resi*
dent at the monastery in the seventh century A. D.
The same story with variations is told at greater length by Hiuen Tsiang. His version,
which is too long for complete quotation, may he summarized as follows
The Mahabodhi monastery outside the northern gate of the wall of the Bodhi tree was built
by a former king of Ceylon with great splendour. The building, which was three storeys in
height, included six halls, was adorned with three towers, and surrounded by a strong wall
thirty or forty feet high. The decorations were executed with the highest artistic skill in the
richest colours. The statue of Buddha cast in gold and silver was studded with gems. The
subsidiary stUpas were worthy in size and splendour of the great monastery with which they were
connected, and enshrined valuable relics of Buddha himself. The monks, who exceeded one
thousand in number, belonged to the Sthavira school of the Mahdytoa. The origin of this
magnificent establishment was in this wise. In olden days a pious king of Ceylon had a
brother, who became an ascetic and went on pilgrimage to India.a At all the monasteries he was
treated with contumely as a foreigner, and experienced great difficulty in obtaining entertain-
ment. On his return to Ceylon he narrated the discomforts which he had endured and besought
his royal brother to erect monasteries at the holy places throughout India. The king accepted
the suggestion, and in order to give effect to it, sent an envoy to the Indian king, Mahfi Srf
Raja, with gifts and jewels of all ki|ids. The Indian monarch accepted the gifts as tribute, and
in return for them gave the envoy permission to erect a monastery at one of the holy places
where the Tath^gata had left traces of his presence. The envoy returned home and the king of
Ceylon, after due deliberation, decided to build tbe monastery near the holy tree. The royal
purpose -was recorded on a copper plate, an d the monastery, which was erected in accordance
® Compare the legend af Aifika aad his brother Mahendra. (Beal, Simn Tsiang, II. 246.)
ApiiiL, 1902.]
INSCRIPTIONS OF MAHANAMAN.
Wo
witb. tbe permission of Mab^ Sri Raja, was specially assigned for tbe accommodation ci
priests from Ceylon, wbo could fcbis enjoy independence, and be in a position to claim from tbe
Indians honourable treatment as brethren,^
Tbe reader will observe that Hiuen Tsiang does not name tbe king of Ceylon, and tbat be
calls tbe Indian monarob, Maba Sri Raja, omitting bis personal name. I need bardly say tbat
tbe Gupta sovereigns always prefixed Sri to tbeir personal names, and assumed tbe title of
Mabaraj^biraja,
Hiuen Tsiang mentions only one envoy, tbe brother of tbe island king, whereas Wang-
Hiuen-t’se states tbat there were two envoys, and does not mention that either of them was
related to tbe Ceylonese monarch. But tbe differences between the two accounts do not
amount to discrepancies, and I have no doubt tbat tbe Mababddbi monastery adjoining the
northern wall of tbe Bodhi tree enclosure was built at tbe expense of King Megbavarna of
Ceylon by permission of Samudra Gupta, king of India.
According to tbe MaMvamsa, King M%bavarna (Kitti Siri Megbavanna) reigned from
A. D. 304 to 332.'^ It is possible tbat these dates may be liable to some slight adjustment, but
a special enquiry undertaken by M. Sylvain Levi has satisfied him tbat tbe Ceylonese
chronology for the period in question is trustworthy. There is not, I believe, any reason
to doubt tbe substantial accuracy of tbe Ceylonese dates even from tbe much earlier time of
Duttbagamani, about B. C. 161, although tbe dates prior to bis reign are not to be trusted.
Consequently, if tbe Mabanaman, wbo set up tbe inscription in the year 269 was
the Mabanaman deputed witb Upa — ? by Eling Mlgbavarna, bis visits to B6db-Gaya
must have occurred between 304 and 332. Tbe possible limits of time are further circum-
scribed by tbe fact tbat Samudra Gupta was contemporaneous witb MSgbavarna, Samudra
Gupta cannot well have begun to reign before A. D. 326 or 827.® If Mab^n^man of
tbe inscription is identical witb tbe envoy of Mdgbavarna, his visits to B6db-Gay^ must be
dated in round numbers in A. D. 330, and tbe era used in bis inscription must be approximately
(380 — 269 =:) A. D. 61.
Tbe difficulty caused by tbe fact tbat tbe Saka era begins in A, D. 78 is met by M. Levi
witb tbe remark tbat tbe discrepancy is small. An error of some seventeen years in tbe
Ceylonese chronology is, however, bardly consistent witb M. Levi’s statement of tbe result of
bis special enquiry as being tbat “ 1 ’ exactitude des Annales singalaises sort victorieuse de
cette confrontation.” The date 269, when interpreted as in tbe Saka era, is equivalent to
A. D. 347, fifteen years after M%bavarna’s decease.
This considerable discrepancy is a strong, if not fatal, objection to M* Levi’s interpretation
of tbe date of tbe inscription.
Another weighty objection arises from the fact tbat, so far as is at present known, tbe Saka
era was not used in Northern India in tbe fourth century.® Tbe earliest known example of its
use in a northern inscription is supplied by tbe second prasasti of Baijn^tb dated 'Saka-Mla-gat-
ahddh 7 [26]; and tbe next example is as late as Saka 1059. This second example happens
to come from Govindpur in the Gaya District.
3 Beal, II. 133-135.
* These are the dates given in Wijesimha’s revised translation of the Mahavamsa and differ slightly from those
given by Tumour, A. D. 802 and 330.
3 I shall discuss the dates of Samudra Gupta* s reign in a separate paper.
6 luFielhorris ‘List of the Inscriptions of Northern India’ (App. to S:pigra:p7iia Indica,Yol,Y.), the eight
earliest inscriptions dated in the Saka era, excluding Assam and Orissa, are No. 351, Baijnuth, year 7[26] ; No. 362,
Gdvindpur, year 1059 ; No. 868, MAchMi near Alwar, year 1304; No. 379, Nagarl near Ohitor, year 1426 ; No. 381,
Tilb^gampnr near Belhi, year 1460 ; No. 382, Sadadi in M^w^r, year 1520 ; No. 885, ChambA, year 1582 ; and No. 386,
IJdaypur, year 1635. I agree generally withM. Boyer’s views concerning the Saka era, and am convinced that it
arose in Western India, Kanishka having nothing to do with its establishment, and not using it. {Journal Asiatique^
Hai-Juin, 1900, p. 526 ; ibid. Juillet-Aodt, 1897.) Dr. Fleet informs me that the century in the BaijnAth pra^asti is
probably to be read as 9, not as 7. The year 926 Saka would correspond to KUt Yuga 4105, and to Laukjka
[40]80.
196
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Apbil, 1902.
Inscriptions dated in tlie Saka era are extremely rare in North ern India. Between
A* D. 400 and 1635 only eight instances are known, besides a few in Assam and Orissa* The
presumption against a northern inscription dated in an nnnamed era being intended to be
understood as dated in the Saka era is very strong, and when the inscription is assigned to
the fourth century the presumption is almost conclusive,
A third and very cogent objection to M. Levi’s interpretation of the date of MaMn^man’s
inscription is based on the alphabetical characters of the record. Drs. Biihler and Fleets
two experts of the highest skill, are agreed that the characters are those of the sixth century,
and probably of the latter part of that century, M. Levi’s interpretation requires us to
believe that the document was inscribed some two centuries and a half earlier. This
palseographical difficulty not having been noticed in M. Levi’s articles in the Journal Asiatique,
1 drew his attention to the omission, and was favoured in reply with an expression of his
opinion, which is to the eSect that palaeographical tests have little independent value
Qautoriie absolue^), although they may be used as a check upon controle’), or guide indice*)
to the interpretation of positive history* The learned author is disposed to think that the
Chinese account of the mission of Mahanaman may be considered as positive history applicable
to the Mahanaman of the inscription* It would be, he observes, a very strange coincidence
that Mahanaman and his colleague Upa — ? should have been sent to Bodh-Gaya from
Ceylon in or about A. D. 330, to build a monastery and stHjpas^ while another Mahanaman, the
disciple of UpasSna, should have come to the same place from Ceylon nearly two centuries
and a half later and dedicated *a mansion of Buddha.’ But the coincidence is not really so
startling as it seems to be at first sight. The Chinese record preserves nothing more than
the first element Vpa — in the name of Mahanaman’s colleague* His full name may have been
Upagupta, or anything else beginning with the particle Upa — rather than Upas^na, and the
Chinese interpretation ‘ donne-proph^tie,’ or * gift of prophecy ’ does not suit the conjectural
reading UpasSna. The proof is wanting that the junior envoy from king Meghavarjaa was
named Upas^na. Moreover, the Chinese document expressly states that Mahanaman was the
elder, and Upa — ? the younger envoy, whereas the inscription states that Mahanaman the
envoy was the disciple of UpasSna, and therefore necessarily his junior. It cannot be
possible that the disciple was regarded as senior to his master. The edifice erected by the
envoy Mahanaman was a magnificent fortified monastery, with appurtenant stHpas containing
personal relics of Buddha. A foundation of such extent and grandeur would be very inade-
quately described, ^when the magniloquence of Sanskrit verse is considered, by the words of
the inscription which briefly refer to ' this beautiful mansion of the Teacher of mankind with
an open pavilion on all sides .... this temple of the great saint.’ The language of the
inscription is adequate as a description of an ordinary shrine containing a statue of the Teacher
but would be a very meagre panegyric of the great three-storeyed monastery with six halls'
three towers, and appurtenant relic stupas, which was the work of the envoy of the Ceylonese
king,
^ The palseographical argument, too, is much stronger than M. L6vi is willing to admit.
It is undoubtedly true, as M. L6vi has pointed out to me, that alphabetical forms characteristic
of late documents often occur sporadically mixed with ancient forms in much earlier docu-
ments, and that this fact must be remembered as a check upon hasty determinations of date
based solely upon palseographical considerations. But the late alphabetical forms in the
B6dh-Gaya inscription of Mahanaman are not merely sporadic. The whole inscription is late
in appearance, and totally different in alphabetical character from any of the inscriptions of
Samudra Gupta s time. I shall not attempt to prove this proposition in detail. Any student
who is sufficiently interested in the matter to read this paper will probably be able to compare
for himself the Mahanaman inscription with the records of Samudra Gupta’s reign which are
reproduced in the same volume, and to judge whether or not they can possibly be contem-
poraneous. The Mahanaman inscription, it must he remembered, is engraved in the northern
variety of the Brdhmi alphabet, the development of which is known by comparison of a long
April, 1902]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTUHT.
197
series o£ dated examples. In that long series the inscription in qnestion, according to the
judgment of both Blihler and Fleet, two highly qualified experts, finds its place among the
records of the sixth century, and few persons are competent to dispute the validity of such
experts' decision. So far as my limited knowledge enables me to judge, I am of opinion that
it is sound. The script and formula of both inscriptions should be compared with the
MathurA Inscription dated 280, which is No. 70 in Dr. Fleet’s book.
My conclusions are that
(1) the identity of the Mahanaman, disciple of Upas^na, who dedicated a shrine or
temple, with the Sthavira Mahanaman, who dedicated the image at Bodh-Gaya,
is not proved, and there are reasons for believing that the dedication of the image
is earlier than that of the temple ;
(2) the date 269 of the inscription recording the dedication of the temple cannot be
interpreted either in terms of theSaka or of the Kalachuri era, and is best inter-
preted in terms of the Gupta ei*a ;
(3) The Mahanaman of the temple dedication is neither the author of the MaJidvamsa,
nor the envoy of the Ceylonese king M6ghavarua ;
(4) History knows nothing of the person, or persons, named Mahanaman who dedi-
cated the temple and image at B6dh-Gay^, and no historical inference of
importance seems to be dedncible from the inscription dated in the year 269.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIIth CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIB RICHARD C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p, 147,)
Appendix to Consultation May 1793.
3 j 5 *o. A. — A Return of the Establishment of Port Cornwallis and
Abstract of Monthly Pay.
Time of
Eli try and
Discharge.
Archibald Blair Comme. allow®®, not
settled.
1
o
&
P*
fi
o
bo
j-i
P
m
1
European Gunner at 50 per Month.
Master Carpenter at 60 D®,
Overseers 2 at 35 D®.
Bengal Carpenters Pay as per column. |
c*
P
2
0
1
OQ
S
•43
p
Ditto Gardiners D®, |
O*
P
CD
Potters and Briokmakers D^’. |
Bricklayers. |
1 Havildar, 1 Naik, & 10 Privates D«. j
Ditto Taylors. |
■Washermen. |
Fishermen. |
Bakers, j
Serangs. |
QD
1 p
I
1
P
Laborers.
Malays.
Chinese Gardners.
W omen for provision.
W
P3
03*1
P3
K
P3
P3
P3
P3
1 ^
1
1
&
^2
CQ
OQ*
cc
OQ
OQ
OQ
OQ*
OQ
OQ
OQ
OQ
eS
OQ
OQ
OQ*
80
63
28
28
50
10725
24
32
35
30
24
! 249
12C
87-£
5...
March 1792.
1
1
2
X®. A.
6
6
4
2
4
?
12
2
4
3
2
2
38
2C
€
5
Ill
...
1182
8
i'*'
April ..
...
1
1
2
...
6
6
4
2
4
2
12
4
3
2
2
38
2(
6
S
511
...
1182
9
j
May
...
1
1
2
...
6
6
4
2
4
2
12
2
4
8
2
2
88
2(
€
8
...
1182
8
1
June
1
1
2
•••
6
6
4
2
4
2
12
2
4
3
2
2
38
2(
S
8
...
1171
9
j...
July
...
...
1
1
2
6
6
4
2
4
2
12
2
4
3
2
2
38
2{
6
I
8
...
1171
9
1...
1
■■■■
mmmm
mam
MM
Mi
J
Mi
MM
MM
■M
■MM
■MM
Mi
_
mmm
MM
MMi
»M
5890
|J0' -
(Signed) Archibald Blair.
I hereby do Certify, upon my honor that the above Abstract is true and just.
(Signed) Archibald Blair.
198
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April, 1902.
Appendix to Consultation 1®^ May 1793.
N®. B. — Monthly Expenee of Provisions for the NTatives of the
Establishment at Port Cornwallis.
Rice.
Doll. 1
Ghee.
Salt.
Salt Meat.
Wheat.
Spirits.
Mds. Sr.
Mds.
Mds. Sr.
Mds.
Casks.
Maunds.
Gallons.
March 1792for]34Men 1
and Women J
103*34
51-37
6-20
6-20
1
April for 1 34
do. ...
100*20
50*10
6*12
6*12
May for 131
do. ...
101*20
60*30
6*14
6*14
Jane for 130
do. ...
97*20
48*30
6* 4
1
6- 4
1
8
15
July for 130
do. ...
100*30
60-16
6-11
6*11
! 2
1
10
25
504* 4
252* 2
31-21
31-21
3
18
40
Appendix to Consultation 1®* May 1793.
[No. B.] Provisions received on Account of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
Rice, j
Doll,
Ghee.
Salt.
Salt
meat.
Wheat,
Spirits.
1
1
Mds. Seer,
Mds. Seer.
Mds. Seer.
Mds. Seer
Cash,
Maunds.
Gallons.
Remaining* in Store Feb- 1
ruary 1792 j
165*18
0*30
5*38
0*38
...
—
••••••
Received by the Viper ]
March 13 j
50- 0
50* 0
20* 0
20- 0
...
...
Received by the Hanger ]
from Calcutta June
J
180- 0
50- 0
20* 0
20- 0
6
1
50
Pipe
1-8 inches
Received by the Viper ]
from Prince of Wales f
Isld. June )
272- 0
1 200- 0
l
...
dry.
667-18
45-38
40-38
6
50
1-130
252-02
31-21
31-21
3
18
40
Remaining in Store July 1
Bpt 1792 /
168**14
48*28
14*17
9-17
3
:
90
Signed Archibald Blair.
I do hereby ceitify uj.on my honor that the above account is true and just.
(Segued) Archibald Blair.
Apeil, 1902] THE ANDAMANS IN THE NYIIIth OENTXIRY.
199
Appendix to Consultation 1st 1793.
No, C. — Expenses of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
1792;
]
Siecas '
1 A.
1 p.
1
March
•••
To Sundry as per account particular ,,,
114
0
0
May
3rd
To ditto purchased at Calcutta
j 184
4
1
0
J5
To Provibion & Stores purchased at Prince of Wales Island.
I 613
14
0
f>
To Amount Pay to July 31®^ 1792 as per Pay List
5S90
10
0
Octr.
iBt
To the passage of 25 Artificers to Calcutta in the Union ...
250
0 i
0
1 7052
1 1
' 12
0
No.
C. — Cash received on account of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
By Balance of March 17 1792
1507
10
6
By three Months work of Six Joiners
240
0
0
1
By two Ditto of Six Sawers
132
0
0
By Cash received of Bruce Boswell Esq^®, Marine Pay ....
7000
0
0
8879
10
6
Port Cornwallis Jan^y p* 1793
7052
12
0
1 1826
14
G
(Signed) Archibald Blair.
I do hereby certify that the above Account is true and just upon my honor.
(Signed) Archibald Blair,
Appendix to Consultation l®t May 1793.
No. D. — Expences of the Settlement at the Andamans.
1792.
Siccas
A.
P.
August
To 200 Maunds of Eice Supplied at the Andamans ...
700
0
0
To 200 Ditto Doll Ditto
700
0
0
To 20 Ditto Ghee Ditto
400
0
0
j To 20 Ditto Salt Ditto
80
0
0
To Stores and Provisions purchased at Calcutta as per
account particular ... ...
21497
7
0
To the Freight of the Schooner Leeboard from November
1792 till Febvy 28**^ 1793 ...
1000
0
0
To a Launch with seven Men for the same period
500
0
0
200
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
[April, 1902.
To the People of the Ranger for Extra work
Siccas
369
A.
0
P.
0
To the People of the Union for Ditto
350
0
0
To the Schooner Leeboard Coppered & Stored
2200
0
0
To a Launch with Masts, Sails, Oars Coropleat
800
0
0
To the Amount of Pay till the 1 5^^ instant as per Pay List
No 1
.« ••• ... ..a
19823
13
0
48,420
4
0
Errors Excepted.
Port Cornwallis March 12*^ 1798. (Sig^i) Archibald Blair,
I hereby do Certify upon my honor that the above Account is true and Just.
(Signed) Archibald Blair,
[No. B 1.] — Appendix to Consultation May 1793.
Cash received on account of the Settlement at the Andamans.
By Balance Jan^y 1®* 1798 ... ,,,
1826
14
6
By Cash received of Bruce Boswell Esq^. Marine Pay Master October 29^^
1700
Xi ... ... ,,, ...
38,000
0
0
By Cash received of Captain Alex'. Kyd Superintendant
0
0
45826
14
6
By Balance due me ...
' 2593
5
6
48,420
4
Appendix to Consultation 1®* May 1793.
No. B. — Eeturn of the Establishment at the Andamans.23
Names or Quality.
Numbers.
Archibald Blair Lieut, in Charge
David Wood Surgeon
Deputy Store Keeper
Homan Clerk Gunner
European Overseers
Master Carpenter...
Foreman D^
2, 4, 5 highest N°, for any month ...
1
1
1
1
6
1
2
With this ligt is an abstract of Pay for each month from Aug’. 1792 to March 1793.
Sa. a.
April, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
201
Names or Quality,
Tent and Sail Maker
Sergeant Major
Havildars
Naieks'
Private Sepoys
Chinese Carpenters
Chinese Gardener* ...
Bengal Carpenters
Ditto Turner
Ditto Smiths
Ditto Sawers
Ditto Bakers
Ditto Taylors
Ditto Washermen
Ditto Potters
Ditto Brickmakers
Ditto Bricklayers;..,
Ditto Gardeners
Bengal Fishermen
Serangs
Tindals
Lascars
Native Ov^erseers ...
Laborers
highest No.
JO, 20, 29
1, 2, 4, 6, 10
2, 4, 6
1 , 2 , 3
2, 4, 5
highest N®,
in any month
16, 22, 32, 34, 38, 53
5, 15, 20, 170, 181
Barbers
Stone Cutters ...
Copper Smiths ••• •••
Oramies
Malays
'Women Children <fc Servants 3, 6
202
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April, 19o2.
Appendix to Consultation May 1793 .
No. F. — Expence of Provisions of the Settlements of Port Cornwallis
and Old Harbour,
Wo. F 1,
Provisions received on account of the Settlements
and Old Harbour.
of Port Cornwallis
1792,
j Eioe.
BoU.
Ghee.
1 Salt.
Salt Mt.
Spirits,
1 Biscuits.
Wheat.
Remaining in Store
Sf*.
M*!. S^,
Casks.
Qallns,
Bags.
July 31st..,
163-11
48*38
14-17
9*17
3
90
15
Supplied
200-00
200-00 1
20*00
20-Oo|
7
...
00-14
Reca. pr Viper Not'-.
1
••• ...
160-00
4r00
Hec^, p^. Union Dec^
gra
•••
600-00
40-00
10*00
10-00
...
• • •
...
April, 1901]
THE ANDAjMANS IN THE XYIIIth OENTITRY.
1792.
Rice.
Doll.
Ohee.
SJt.
1 Salt m.
Spirits.
Biscuits. '
Whe a t
]VM. S'.
M'i. Sr.
Md. Sr
Casks.
Gallns.
Md. Sr.
Rec*-^. pT the Corn-
wallis Jaiiry 6^^
93
1100-00
200-00
64-00
13
30
Rec'*. by the Union
Janfy. ...j
•iOO-Ol
G20-00^
45-00
f
280
5
Ditto Ditto lO^ii ...
500-00
...
3123 1-1
1108-88
423-17!
143-17
23
370
14-00
5:?
1825 35
922-37
117-08j
127-08
13
290
14-00
Reraaiiig. in Store
March 15^-^
1297-lt
186 01
o-ogj
80
27
(Signed) Archibald Blair.
The above is a true copy of the Return of Provisions delivered by Captain Blair to me.
4^^ April 1798. ' (Signed) A, Kyd Superintendant Andamans.
Appendix to Consultation 1®® May 1793.
N'o, Q. Account of Persons and Stores purciiased at Calcutta for the
Settlement at tbe Andamans.
179-2
a.
P*
Oct*-.
2 St
To 90 Maunds of Bolt Iron at» 10 per
900
...
...
To 200 of Flat bar Iron at 6-8
1300
...
...
To 200 d*^. of Square d®. at 7 ... ...
1400
To Coolie and Boat hire ...
25
8
12th
To 160 Maunds of Rice at 1*7
230
.*
i ••
To packing, Coolie hire and Boat hire
8
8
...
To 160 Gunny Bags
17
8
..
To 4 Mds. of Chee at 12 ...
43
...
14fcu
To 300 ,) Firewood
48
...
To 2 D uppers
2
•*
...
To Coolie and Boatliire ... ...
...
...
To 4 Barrels Petch ...
65
...
...
i
To Coolie and Boatbire
2
—
. • »
204
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Apbil, 1902.
Novi
a.
To 10 Gronndstonos ...
...
A A •
AAA
...
50
> A *
To Coolie aiGid Boathire
• ••
• ••
AAA
AAA
A A4
2
8
To 1000 Mats for Dunage
• • •
• • «
A# A
A A ft
A A >
40
« ..
To 40 G-ramsticks ...
AAA
...
» A •
35
2
To Coolie and Boathire
A • A
» * A
...
...
3
8
To 200 Codalies at 10a.
• • •
A* A
AAA
A A A
...
125
...
To 4 Whip Sa^vs ...
#•«
• A •
AAA
AAA
• .
74
...
To 6 Crosscut D°. ...
AAA
A A A
...
36
...
To Coolie hire
• • •
• A «
AAA
• ••
...
1
...
To 11 Europe and 65 country Prihaxes
AAA
...
106
5
To 51 Wood Axes ...
...
A*A
...
...
54
4
To, 8 d®. Europe ..
AAA
...
ft AA
. . •
12
0
To 7 d®. Hoes ...
• ••
AAA
AAA
7
0
To 46 Iron Crows
A AA
AAA
• •
150
0
To Coolie hire and Boat hire
AAA
• • ■
...
..
12
8
To 22 Copper Pots and 40 Dishes ...
.4 .
...
434
6
To 4 Chests for packing
...
•••
...
...
12
To 2 pair Bellows ...
...
...
. ..
...
32
To Coolie hire
...
...
...
2
2
To Boathire for embarking artilery
••
...
...
22
A Aft
To d®, for Sundry Stores
• A A
A A#
...
2
ft Aft
To Coolie hire for d®.
AAA
«• *
2
To 1 Anyil ...
• A.
ft AA
...
70
To 4 Fishing Nets ...
A A ft
...
loo
To 6 Lanterns
A AA
.»*
...
18
To 60 Copper Dishes, and
A A A
the
whole
75
4
To 5 Dozen Smiths Files
AAA
...
....
» A •
25
To 1 Bench and 4 Hand Vice
AAA
...
AA.*
31
1
To 4 Sledge Hammers
• ••
W A A
...
• At*
24
To Coolie and Boathire
...
. • .
...
11
To 2 pair Jack screws
...
AAA
...
. .*
. •*
so
ApkiIi, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XTIIIth CENTURY.
205
To 5 bags Leenseed Oil
• ••
To 1 Case d\
• • •
• t«
• ft*
To 2 bags paint
• • •
ft*.
i
To Boat and Coolie bire
...
«« t
ftft*
To 110 Lines and fishing books
...
• ••
ft* •
To 8 Europe Hoes
• ••
...
ft ft •
To 5 Chittagong Twine and packing
...
ft ft •
To 2 Chalk
• ••
• ••
...
...
To 120 D®. Salt at 4 ...
• ••
...
To 120 bags for
• ••
• ••
...
To 100 fire Wood
• ••
...
•ft
To 8 Hides
...
To 2 Chests for packing
...
B ••
• » ■
To Boathire ...
• ••
• ••
• ft*
To 10 Gunnie Twine ...
• ••
...
...
• ft •
To packing and Coolie hire ...
• ••
...
• ft ■
To 40 of Ghee at 12 ...
ft ft •
To 80 d\ at 9| ...
m J#
ft ft •
To 40 d®. Oil at 6 ...
• ••
...
...
ft ft ■
To 60 Jars covered
...
••
To 25 Duppers
...
...
• >•
To 20 do.
...
• ft*
To packing Coolie and Boathire
• ••
• m9
...
To 22 lbs, fine Twine for Nets
To Crusscut Saws
« • •
• ••
• • *
To 200 Wheat at 1-10 ...
« « •
^ •
V *
...
To 200 Bags
...
• ft*
•
To Boathire Coolie hire and packing...
...
• ft*
...
To 6 Fishing Nets
...
• ft »
...
To 4 Cast Nets
...
•ft*
*«.
To Packing &c»
...
• ••
...
S».
200
44
48
4
64
8
71
8
480
13
20
10
3
4
50
4
480
760
240
45
18
15
20
11
16
325
22
5
80
40
3
a.
206
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHT,
[Apeil, 1902.
-
S».
a.
P-
To 2 Bags of White Lead
...
...
• 4
92
• Oft
« •«
To 3 Fishing Boats
«•
•
90
• ••
To Charges on D^. ...
...
• • •
...
..
10
• ft ft
To 1 Maund Europe Twine ...
...
. ••
• •
60
...
ft ft ft
To 275 pair Hinges „r
• « .
...
• m
275
• ft ft
To 24 Padlocks
• •
36
« ft ft
ftftft
To 10 Mds, Gunnie Twine ...
• • •
50
...
* ft ft
To package &c^.
• • •
• mm
3
ft ft ft
To 1 Bozen Door Locks
•••
•••
...
54
• ft ft
To Boatliire
..
2
* *.
To 8 Hides ...
10
ft ft ft
To 4 Timeglasses
...
...
...
11
. *.
• <•
To 14 Biscuit
...
• • *
..
84
• ft •
To Jars packing &c^
• • •
* ..
14
ft • ft
...
To 2000 of Rice at 1-6 ... .
V • *
• ••
2750
ft • ft
ft ft ft
To 1000 do. at 1-12
...
• ••
r % ft
1750
To 3000 Bags
• ••
830
To packing d®,
•
0«t
» • •
...
18
• mm
To Boathire *
...
• • •
...
82
...
To Cooliehire
...
«• *
,,
82
• ft •
To 1000 Mds. of Doll at 1-8 ...
• •*
» V*
...
1500
• Oft
ft Oft
To 50 Do. Patna Rice
...
• ••
115
10
To 200 DO. Gram
* • •
...
2G2
8
• mm
To 10 Bo. fine Boll • ...
...
• f
...
20
ft ft ft
To 1260 bags ^
...
• • «
• ft 1
138
ft ••
To packing
...
• •*
9
• ft*
mm-ij
To Coolie and Boathire
•• .
» * *
80
ft ft ft
To 42 Wood Axes Europe ...
t . *
a »
ft ft
42
ft ft ft
• •ft
To packing Sundrys
...
• • *
8
ft ft*.
•••
To 2 Cags [? bags] of Paint ...
• ••
• ft*
GO
• ft ft
1
To Sundrys for Copper Smith...
• •
• 4
18
A • ft
Apeil, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XTIIIth OENTUET.
207
S®'.
a.
; p*
To Cloathing for tlie Detachment
134
12
...
To 3 Casks of Spirts
. 393
7
...
To Boathire
3
...
...
To 2 Sledge Hammers, Gleu, Tin & Tinkal
28
...
...
To 2 Glass Lan[t]erns
5
...
« * •
To Coolie and Boathire ...
6
***
.*•
To repairing a Chronometer ... ... ...
28
1
« •«
To Sundrys for a Stone cutter
10
To 10 of Sugars...
100
...
•«.
To Boathire Coolie hire and packing
3
• • •
To Boathire for Sending the People on hoard
20
* ««
To 12 Hides for covering the amunition
1-2
•••
To 100 bags of Paddy
136
• • •
t
To Boathire &ca
4
• • •
To d®, attending down the Biver
50
• • •
• • •
To Carpenters Tools of Sorts... ... ... ...
300
• • •
To 4 of Wax Candles
240
To 2 Boxes for do* ••• •** ••• •*
4
•••
•• •
To 500 Mds. Mimgy Bice at 1-12
875
«««
To 1000 bags ... ••• - •••
110
To packing boathire & Coolie hire ...
23
To 10 Maunds Ghee ...
120
...
To package for do. &o^. •••
6
8
To 40 Mds. Salt ... ••• ••• •••
160
To 30 bags and Shipping Charges ...
12
8
...
19,543
2
« ««
To Commissiou of 10 per Cent.
1,954
5
•••
<
21,497
7
z
(Sig®.) Archibald Blair.
208
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[April, 1902.
Appendix to Consultation May 1793,
No. H, — Account particular of Provisions and Stores purchased
[for] the Settlement at Port Cornwallis,
1792
March,
To 10 lb. of Europe Twine for making Lines
10
0
0
To 1 Cast Net
8
0
0
To Thread for repairing Ditto
6
0
0
To 1 Maund wax Candles
58
0
0
To 4 Ditto of Oil
32
0
0
May
3rd
To a Oompleat set of cloathing for 1 Havildar 1 Naick
and 10 privates...
90
12
0
To Soap &c^. for the Washermen
16
8
0
To 1 Maund Nails
23
0
0
To 1 Ditto Candles
54
0
May
28*^*
To 272 Maunds of Eice from Prince of Wales Island
544
0
0
To 136 Bags
27
4
0
To Coolie and Boathire
4
0
0
To 4 Pecul Dammer
35
0
0
To 1 Oally[ ? Catty] Brass Wire for fishing ,,,
"1
3
8
0
Sig^. Archibald Blair*
I do hereby Certify upon my honor that account is true and just.
fSig*^.) Archibald Blair,
Appendix to Consultation pt. May 1703,
No. I — Expence of Stores at Port Cornwallis,
1792
March
Pick Axes worn ont
4
Europe Twine for fishing Lines ...
10 lbs.
Cast Net
1
Dammer for paying the Boats bottoms
1 md.
Oil for Ditto
1 do.
Ditto for Artificers and Lamps
1 do.
April
Oil for Sundry’s ...
1 do.
Apeil, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE SYIIIth CENTUBY.
209
* May
Bengal Hoes worn out
...
• 9 9
• • •
6
Pick Axes do,
» . »
...
...
2
Spades do, •••
f « *
...
2
Hatchets do.
• 99
...
4
Expence of Candles for three Months
...
...
1 Md.
...
...
...
1 do.
Europe Rope for Boats Moorings Tickles
»*»
2 Coils,
June
Iron for Sundrys
...
.« *
• t *
4 Mds.
Hammer for paying the Boats
...
...
3 do.
Oil for mixing ditto ... ...
...
2
Ditto for Artificers Lamps &c»
...
1
July
Oil for Lamps Ac®-.
1 Md.
Felling Axes
...
»*•
...
2
Hatchets ...
...
• • •
4
I do hereby certify upon my honor that the above account is true and
just.
CSig^.) Archibald Blair.
1793. — Ho. XXV.
Fort William 6*1^ May 1793.
Head a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans,
Major Xyd April,
Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to Governmeiit, Fort William.
Sir, — I beg you will be so good, as to acquaint the Most Noble Marquis Cornwallis GoTernor
General in Council that I have this day dispatched for Calcutta the Viper Snow, under Charge of
Lieutenant Roper ; — Since I had the honor of addressing his Lordship in Council by the Union
there has been no occurrence of any consequence, I have only the pleasure of saying therefore that
every thing is going on well at this Settlement and that I have hopes, that the Stores and Provisions
and all the People will be under cover before the setting in of the Rains.
When the Sea Horse Snow returned last from the Coeos, she brought from that
Island, John Bell, a Mill Wright and one Native of Madras who were the only remaining
part of a small Settlement which had been formed there about fourteen Months ago by
some Speculators at Madras, for the purpose of Manufacturing Cocoanut Oil by means
of a Wind Mill which they had actually erected ; but in the Month of May last their
employers having neglected to send them any Assistance the W orkmen in a fit of despondency took
the rash Resolution of embarking on a slight Raft with a very small quantity of Provisions and Water,
and there cannot be a doubt that they must all have perished ; since that period John Bell and one
Man, have remained in the Island in hopes of receiving Assistance from Madras, but being reduced to
the greatest distress & Misery for want of every necessary, they were glad to leave the island before
210
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April. WOl
tlie Monsoon set in again ; indeed at all events, I should have thought it necessary to have
prevented them from going on with their Plan, as the Coconuts of that Island becomes a very Valuable
and necessary Article of Provision for the Natives of this Establishment When the Viper Snow went
last there I sent John Bell back and gave him every Assistanc.e to bring off such parts of the
Machinery of his Mill as he thought of any value which is now landed here and will be delivered to the
Proprietors if they choose to send for it, I will take the liberty of observing that I think the conduct of
those People who ever they are is very nefarious, for independant of their taking upon them to
transport, from Madras, a Number of the Natives to a foreign Country without the permission of
Grovernment they have acted in the most cruel and most unfeeling manner in leaving them on a
barren Island without giving them any support or Assistance, which has been the occasion of the loss
of the greatest part of the party and must inevitably have caused the rest to perish in the most
miserable manner, had it not been for the event of Governments forming a Settlement here,
I request that you will represent to the Board that a supply of Cash for the payment of the
People of this Establishment will be necessary to be sent by the Union, I therefore request that Ten
Thousand S®- Rs. may be sent of which I should wish 500 Bs. to be in Copper Coin. In compliance
with the directions of the Board I have receiv’d into the Treasury here 5000 Rs. from individuals
mostly in small Sums, for which I have given them drafts on my own Agent and now draw on Govern-
ment for the Amount, in favor of Mess***, 'Wilsone Harrington and Downie which I request
may be done honor to There will be in future I imagine a great part of the Cash necessary for
the Settlement supplied in this way, but I beg leave that it may be observed to the Board, that it will
be necessary that there should be an Exchange of one Cent in my favor, or I must be a loser of
that Amount to pay the Agency without Government chooses to direct that a Separate Bill of
Exchange should be made out, for every triiiiug Sum paid in which would be an endless trouble.
I have the honor to be &ca
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A. Kyd,
15**^ April 1793. Sup*. Andamans.
Ordered that the Bill drawn by Major Kyd, in favor of Mess**®. VYilsone, Harrington
& Downie, be duly honored, and that the Question relative to the Exchange to be authorized in his
future Drafts, be referred to the Accountant General.
Agreed that a supply of Cash to the Amount of 10,000 Sa. Es. including the Proportion of
0.>pper Coin, mentioned by the Saperinteudanfc at the Andamans be sent to him by the Union, and
that an Order on the Treasary be issued for the Money with directions to the Sub Treasurer to pack
it and dispatch it consigned to the Superin tendant by that Vessel.
1793. — No. XXVI.
Port William 10*^ May 1793.
Read a Letter and its enclosure from Captain Blair.
Captain Blair Dated 8 *^ May.
To Edward Hay Esq*^®, Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I beg leave to inclose a Note from the Engraver, with hia Terms and the time it will take
to finish a Plate of the accompanying Chart.
As the Expellee is moi’e than I imagined I should be glad to have the sanction of Government
before I proceed further.
May 170 a, ^
I am,
(Signed) Archibald Blair.
ImL, 1902.]
THE AHDAMANS m THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
211
Enclosed ia a Letter from Captain Blair 8^^ May.
Captain A, Blair.
Sir, — Accompanying I return the Chart which you favored me With yesterday to peruse, I find
it contains considerably more work than that I engraved for Captain Popham The price will
be Twelve hundred Sicca Rupees and will take Ten Weeks to complete it.
I am,
May 8**^ 1793. (Signed) R. Brittridge.
Th© Chart received from Captain Blair is one of th© ISTorth part of the Andamans shewing
the Places of those dangerous Coral Ledges lately discovered, and a safe Track to avoid them, with
an explanatory Line encompassing the dangerous Space.
The Governor General in Council being entirely of Opinion that it will be very proper to have
this Chart published, it is Agreed that the same shall be done at the Company’s Expence and that
Captain Blair shall be Authorized to employ Brittridge in engraving it on the Terms mentioned
in his Letter, striking off as many Copies as shall be thought by Captain Blair necessary.
1793. — E-o. XXVII.
The following Letter has been received from Capt. Allen.
Captain Allen 9*^ May.
To E, Hay Esq^®, Secretary to Government.
Sir, — I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the Phoenix left the Pilot on the 7^^ Instant
having on board one hundred and thirteen Sepoys and Settlers for the Andamans being Nineteen in
Number more than are mentioned in Captain Apsley’s list which contained only Ninety-four Thev are
all well and hearty.
Calcutta I have the honor to be &c®
9*^ May 1793. (Signed) Georg© Allen.
Fort William 17^^ May 1793.
Read a Letter from the Town Major,
To I. L. Chauvet Esq^. Sub Secretary.
Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that in Obedience to the Commands of Government
Conveyed to me by your letter of the 26tli Ultimo I have engaged 2 Sirdars and 70 Bildars
or Coolies to serve at the Andaman Islands, and that these people, with women and Children
not exceeding ten more, are in readiness to embark whenever the Vessel may be prepared to
receive them.
I am
Fort William Town Major’s Office (Signed) A. Apsley
May 1793. Tn.
Ordered that the people abovementioned be embarked in the Union ; and that the Garrison
Storekeeper be directed to order a Sufficient supply of Provisions and W ater to be put on board for
their use in the Voyage to the Andamans.
1793. — No. XXVIII.
Fort William 27*^ May 1793.
Deputy Accountant General 24?^ May.
My Lord, — I have had the Honor to receive Sub Secretary Shafc ©spear Letter of
the Instant transmitting Captain Blairs Accounts of his Receipts and Disbursements at the
Andaman Islands from March 1792 to 12^^ March 1798, and Conveying the Commands of your
Lordship in Council to the Accountant General, to report thereon.
These Accounts Commence with a Balance of Sicca Rupees 1507-10-6 under date 17^^ March
1792, the accuracy of which Cannot be ascertained, as the account of Captain Blair’s Disbursements
prior to that date have not yet been transmitted to this office.
212
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[April, 1902.
I beg leave to observe that the Sums Charged for the Articles provided at Calcutta, Prince of
Wales’s Island and the Andamans, are unaccompanied by any Vouchers ; your Lordship in Council
will therefore be pleased to determine on the Charges for those articles as well as for Commission at
the rate of 10 per Cent on the purchase of the principal part of the Stores.
The only check which these accounts could undergo in this Office was a comparison of the Snms
advanced to Captain Blair and an Examination of the Additions and Calculations of Account all of
which are perfectly correct.
I have the honor to be with the highest respect &ic\
Fort William Acc*. Gen^®. Office (Signed) Thos. Myers
the 24th May 179S. Depty Ac*. Genk
Ordered that the Accounts above Mentioned be sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster and
Naval Storekeeper for his report thereon. The Governor General in Council does not think it proper
to Authorise the Commission of 10 per Cent drawn by Captain Blair on his Purchases of Stores, as
it does not accord with the existing Regxilations.
1793. -r No. XXIX.
Fort William 81®* May 1793.
The following Letter and its enclosure were received from the Acting Marine Paymaster, and,
under the Circumstances stated therein the Secretary was directed to call on Captain Blair to
Certify to his Accounts upon Honor, as true and Just, which having been done, Authority was
given for Paying them aud an Order on the Treasury was issued yesterday, in favor of the Actio g
Marine Paymaster for the Sum of S®-. Rs. 639-1-6 to enable him to discharge the Balance due to
Captain Blair on the 12*^ March 1 793, on Account of Supplies &c\ for the Settlement at the Andamans
except the Commission Charged and declined to be admitted at the last meeting, on his Purchases of
Stores.
To Edward Hay Esq’^. Secretary to the Government,
Sir, — In Consequence of your desire that the Accounts for 1792/S delivered by Captain Blair,
might be examined, I wrote to that Gentleman this day, to furnish me with the different vouchers,
enclosed is a Copy of his reply which I beg leave to forward you.
The Particular quality of each article, not being generally specified, in Captain Blair’s Accounts,
renders it difficult to examine them with precision.
The Accounts, fourteen in number, I herewith return.
I am &c»
(Signed) Bruce Boswell
Acting Marine Paymaster,
Fort William Marine Paymaster’s Office
the 29*ii May 1793.
Enclosed in a Letter from the Acting Marine Paymaster dated 29*^ May,
To Bruce Boswell IJsq^e. Acting Marine Paymaster,
Sir, — Being unacquainted with Official forms, it never occurred to me that Vouchers were neces-
sary for the Stores I purchased for the Settlement at the Andamans, but had I been informed that
they were, on the delivery of my first set of Accounts, I Ccr/;ainly should not have omitted them with
those which have been sent for your examination.
I have no doubt on a Comparison of the Prices Current, of the Times, when the Stores were
purchased, with those charged in my Accounts that it will appear they have been reasonably bought.
I am &c».
(Signed) Archibald Blair,
(A true Copy) (Signed) Bruce Boswell Acts Marine Paym^
Calcutta
May 1793.
(To he continued,)
Apeil, 1902]
INDEX TO TELE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
213
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO TITLE’S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OP ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BT CHAELES PAETEIDGE, M.a,
(Continued from p, 16^ J
Cevel ; ann. 1510 : s. v. Dabul, 224, ii.
Cevul ; ann. 1510 : «. v. Chord, 163, i.
Ceylam ; 108, ii, footnote ; ann. 1516 : s. v,
Ceylon. 139, i.
Ceylan; ann. 1610: s, »• Singalese, 636, ij
ann. 1779 : s. v. Buddha, 91, i.
Ceylon ; s. v, 138, i, 776, ii, a. Adigar, 4, i,
s. V. Bazaar, 66, ii, ». ». Berberyn, 66, i, a. v.
Beriberi, 66, ii, a. ». Bo Tree, 81, ii, a. ».
Boutique, 81, ii, a. v. Budgerow, 91, ii, a, v,
Bufialo, 93, ii, a. v. Bungalow, 98, ii, a. v.
Burgher (a), 100, i, a. v. Burma, 100, ii, a. v.
Cabook, 106, i, a. ». Calamander Wood,
110, i, a. V. Candy, n. p. 119, ii, a. v. Capelan,
, 122, i, a. V. Cat’s-eye,134, i, a. Cavally, 13.5,
ii, a. V. Chetty, 145, i, a. v. Cbilaw, 149,
i and ii, see 151, ii, footnote, a. v. Choolia, 159,
i, s. ». Choya, 166, i, a. v, Cobily Mash, 172,
i, a. V. Coco-de-Mer, 177, i, a. v. Colombo,
182, ii, a. v. Comboy, 183, ii, 8 times, a. ».
Corcopali, 196, ii, 3 times, a. v. Coromandel,
199, i, twice, see 199, ii, footnote, a, d. Corral,
200, ii, see 202, ii, footnote, a. v. Covil, 207, ii,
a. V. Crease, 212, ii, a. v. Cutchfey, 223, i,
s. V. Devil Worship, 238, i, a. e. Dewally (b),
238, ii, see 245, ii, footnote, twice, a. v. Don-
dera Head, 249, ii, a. v. Doney, 249, ii, a. p,
Elu, 262, i, a. p. Fiscal, 270, ii, a. ».:Florican,
270, ii, a. ». Galle, Point de, 274, ii, a. Gow,
299, i, a, p. Hackery, 310, i, a. p. Horse-keeper,
324,’ ii, a. ». Jafna,340, ii, a. p. Jaggery, 340,
ii, twice, a. p. Jargon, 344, ii, a. p. Jhoom,
351, ii, a. p. Klmg,372, i, twice, a. ». Lascar,
888, ii, a. p. Laterite, 390, i, a. ». Lemon-
grass, 892, i, a. p. Lubbye, 899, ii, a. p.
Lunka, 401, i, a. p. Mabar, 401, i, a. p.
Madura, 408, i, a. v, Malabar (b), 413, i, a. p.
Malabathmm, 415, i, a. p. Maldives, 417 ii,
a. p. Mangelin, 422, ii, a. p. Margosa, 427, ii,
s, p. Modelliar, 435, i, a. p. Moor, 445, ii, a, p.
Muckna, 454, i, a. p. Mongoose, 457, ii, a. ».
Negombo, 476, ii, a. p. Oojyne, 487, i, a. p.
Pagoda, 498, u, a, 0. Pali, 505, ii, twice, a. p.
Palmyra, 506, ii, twice, a. p. Palmyra Point,
507, i, a. P, Pand^ram, 507,ii. v. Pnran-
gbee, 512,ii, a. p. Patchouli, 517,ii,a. p, Patola,
520, ii, a. V. Pepper, 529, ii, a. Polonga]
545, 1, a. p. Portia, 549, ii, a. v. Pra, 551 j
a. p. Pracrit, 552, i, a. ». Putlam, 665, ii, J.v.
Eamasammy, 573, i, a. v. Rest-house, 577, y
a. p. Rogue, 679, ii, a. p. Sarong, 601, ii, 6O2’
P. Serendib, 615, ii, twice, a. p. Shaman]
620, ii, a. p. Singalese, 635, ii, 4 times, a. v.
Snake-stone, 643, i, a. 0. Talapoin, 677, i, a. p.
Talipot, 679, i, a, 0, Tiyan, 704, i, a. v. Tom-
tom, 708, i, a. 0. Trincomalee, 715, ii, y,
Veddas, 736, i, a. 0. Vidaua, 738, i,
Vihara, 738, ii, a. 0. Wanderoo, 739, u, 5. p,
Zirbad, 750, i, a. 0. Caryota, 773, ii, twice’, a. p.
Chittagong, 778, i, a. 0. Devil-bird, 790, /, a. 0.
Elu, 797, ii, 798, i ; ann. 404 : a. 0. Concan,
189, ii ; ann. 500 : a. 0. Java, 347, i ; nnn,
545 : a. 0. Maldives, 417, ii ; ann. 851 : a. 0!
Chank, 141, i; ann. 1161: a. 0. Ohmboja,
115, ii, twice ; ann. 1220 : a. 0. Sofala, 645
ii; ann. 1344; a. 0. Fanam, 265, ii; ann.
1508 : a. 0, Aljofar, 755, ii ; ann. 1516 ; a. r.
Qnilon, 570, ii ; ann. 1552 ; a. 0. Singalese,
636, i ; ann. 1554 : a. 0. Mangelin, 423
i, a. 0. Jam, 810, i, 3 times ; ann. 1563 . p’
Cobra de CapeUo, 173, i, a. 0. Eagle-wood,
258, ii ; ann. 1572 : a. 0. Comorin, Cape,
184, ii; ann. 1586 : a. 0. 139, i ; ann. 1607 •
a. 0. Modelliar, 435, i ; ann. 1610 ; s. j,.
Carnatic, 126, i ; ann, 1659 : a. 0, Beriberi,
67, i, a. 0, Soursop (b), 650, i ; ann, 1672 :
a, 0. Trincomalee, 715, ii ; ann. 1673; s. v.
Pattamar (a), 521, i. ; ann. 1681 : a. 0. Guana,
304, i ; ann. 1726 ; a. 0. Mandarin, 421 ii
a. 0. Vedas, 735, i ; ann. 1768 : s.v. Anaconda,
16, ii, twice ; ann, 1770; a. 0. Buddha, 91 i
a. 0. Veddas, 736, i ; ann. 1779 ; a. 0. Columbo
Boot, 183, i; ann. 1796 : a. 0. Jargon, 345,
i ; ann. 1799: a. 0. Ambaree, 11 , j.
1801 : a. 0. Buddha, 91, i ; ann. 1803 ;’ «. p,
Anaconds, 17, i, a. 0. Lascar, 389, i .
1807 : a, 0. Lascap, 389, ii ; ann. 1809 : a. 0.
Beriberi, 67, i ; ann. 1810 : a. 0. Bandy, 44,
ii ; ann. 1813 : a. 0. Calamander Wood, 110,
i ; ann. 1818 : a, 0. Pali» 506, i ; ann. 1825 :
214
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[April, 1902.
s. V. Calamander Wood, 110, i; aun. 1826:
s. V. Bandy, 44, ii ; ana. 1834 : s. v. Dagoba,
226, i ; ann, 1837': s. v, Pali, 506, i, twice;
ann. 1841: s. v. Cobily Mash, 172, ii ; ann.
1855 : s. V. Dagoba, 226, i ; ann. 1860 : s. v.
Catamaran, 183, i, s. v. Corral, 200, ii, s. v.
Gow, 299, ii, s. V. Malabar (B), 413, ii, s. n.
Portia, 550, i ; ann. 1862 : s. v. Obeeta, 143,
ii ; aun. 1870: s. v. Deccan, 233, ii ; ann.
1877 : s. V. Burgher (a), 100, ii; ann. 1881 :
s. V. Talipot, 679, i.
Ceylone ; ann. 1761: «. ». Trincomalee, 716, i.
Ceylonese ; s. v. Pra, 551, ii, s. v. Vidana, 738, ii.
Oha; ann. 1660: s. Tea, 689, ii ; ann. 1611 :
s. V. Tea, 690, i, twice ; ann. 1797 : s. v.
■ Cangne, 121 , i.
Oha, ann. 1677: s. v. Tea, 690, i.
Oha ; s. v. Chaw, 142, i.
Chaa ; ann. 1598: s. v. Tea, 690, i.
Chabassi ; ann. 1330 : s. v. Jack, 337 , i.
Chabee ; s. v. 139, i.
Chaberis ; s. v. Cauvery, 136, i. ; ann. 150 : s. v.
Cauvery, 135, ii.
•Chdberos ; s, v. CauTory, 135, i.
Chaberou ; ann. 150 : s, ». Cauyery, 135, ii.
ChabI ; s. V. Chabee, 139, i.
Chabootah ; ann. 1811 ; s. v. Chabootra, 139, i,
•Chabootra ; s. v. 139. i, 776, ii ; ann. 1827 :
• s. V, 776, ii ; ann. 1834 : s. v. 139, ii.
Chabootrah ; s. v. Pial, 533 , ii. '
Chaboras ; s. v. Elephant, 796, i.
•Chabuk ; ann. 1817 : s. v. Ohawbuck, 142, ii.
Chabuk ; s. v. Chawbuck, 142, i.
Chabak-suwar ; s, v. Chawbuckswar, 142, ii.
Ohabutara; s. v. Chabootra, 139, i.
Chabutra ; s. v. Pial, 538, ii.
Chafautra ; s. v, Chabootra, 139, i.
Chacarani ; ann. 1516 : s. ». Chiicker (a), 166, ii.
Ohaoassi;’ ann. 1330: s. v. Jack, 337, i.
Obacatay ; ann. 1404 ; s. P.Caravanseray, 772, ii,
Chaccos ; ann, 1711 : s. v. Gecko, 280, i,
Ch’a-chi’rh ; s. v. Teapoy, 862, i,
Chacker ; s. e. Nokar, 481, i.
Chacknr; s. v. 139, ii,
Chacor ann. 1190 : s. v, Chiekore, 149, i.
■ Chacurid; s. v. Codavascam, 178, ii.
Chadar ; a. v. Chudder, 167, ii.
Chadar-ohhat ; s, z’. Chntt, 170, i.
Chadder; ann. 1878 : s. Chndder, 167, ii
Ghader; ann. 1525 : e. j,. Chudder, 167, ii
Chaiji ; s. Chatty, 142, i. "
Chadoek; s. v, Pommelo, 546, i.
Chador ; ann 1614 : .. .. Chinte, 155, ii
Ohudder, 167, ii.
Chaghatai ; s. v. Tanga, 682, i.
Chagrin; e. Shagreen. 619, ii; ann. 1663 •
s. V. Shagreen, 619, ii.
Ohagura ; a. v. Chonl, 162, ii.
Chah ; s. 2 ,. Chop, 161, i, twice.
Chabar-piii ; ann. 1549 : s. tv Charpoy, 141, ii
Chahute ; a. v. Cuddy, 215, ii.
Cha-i-KhitaT ; s. v. Tea, 689, i.
Chaimur ; s. v. Choul, 162, ii.
Ohaimiir ; ann. 9l6 : s. e,. Choul, 162, ii.
Chaitja; s, v, Dagoba, 225, ii.
Chaiwal ; anu. 1507: s. Bombay, 77, i.
Cha-Jehan ; ann. 1665 : s. v. Taj, 860, i,
Chakad; anu. 1554: s. .. Sind, 634, ii ; ann.
■i&oo : s. V. Jacqnete, 339, ii.
Chaljal ; a. v. Jackal, 388, ii.
Chakar ; s. v. Cbncker, 166, ii.
Chakar; s. i;. Chaokur, 139, ii, twice, s.
^okar, 481, i.
Chakar kai-na; a. v. Ohncker (b), 166, ii.
Cbakarna ; a. v. Chuoker (b), 166, ii,
Ohakazi ; «. v. Jackass Copal, 339, i, 3 times.
Chakazzi ; s. e>. Jackass Copal, 339, i.
Chake-Bamke; ann. 1350: s. Jack, 337 , ii.
Chakiria ; s. v. Codavascam, 178, ii.
Chakka; a, v. Hackery, 805, ii.
Chakka; a. v. Jack, 335, ii.
Cbakkawatti; ann. 460: s. Ohuckerbutty,
Chakla ; s. Hidgelee, 314, ii, a. ». Chncklah,
Chakmak ; s, v, Chuckmuck, 780, i,
Chakmak Jang; 5 . y. Chuckmuck, 780, i.
Chakmau ; s, v, Chuj^kun, 168, ii.
Ohakorj ann. 1190 ; 5 . 2 ;, Chiekore, 149, i.
Cha-kor ; $, v, Chiekore, 148, ii.
Chakora; 5 . v, Chiekore, 148, ii.
Chakr j 5 , v, Chuoker, 166, ii.
Chakra ; a. v. Chuoker, 166, ii, s.v. Chuekrnm,
167, 1 , s. V. Ohurruck, 169, ii, s. Akalee,
i, 5 . V, Hackery, 806, i,
Chakram ; a. v. Chuokrum, 167, i.
Chakramu ; a. v. Chuekrnm, 167, i.
Chakravartti ; s. Oospetir, 201 , ii, s. ».
QuUon, 569, i. ; ann. 400 : a. v. Chucker-
bntty, 166, ii ; ann. 700: s. w. Oospetir,
202 , i ; ann, 1856 : s. Chnckerbntty,
April, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
215
Cliakravarfcti ; s, v, Chuckerbutty, 166, ii.
Chakwa j s, v. Braliminy Dack, 85, i, twice.
Cbakwa ; s, v, Brabminy Duck, 85, i.
Cbakwa-cbakwi ; s. v, Brabminy Duck, 85, i.
Cbakwi ; s, v. Brabminy Duck, 85, i, twice.
Chal ; anil. 1665 : $. v. Shawl, 624, i, twice.
Cbalangue; s. v, Obelingo, 777, i.
Cbalani; s, v, Eupee, 586, i,
Gbalanta ; 604, i, footnote,
Cbalayam ; $• v, Cbalia, 139, ii.
Chalcedony; s. v, Babagooree, 31, ii, s, t\
Cat’s-eye, 134, i; aniii 1516: s. v. Babagoo-
ree, 32, i.
Chaleitis; s. v, Sonaparanta, 647, i.
Cbaldaea; s, i\ Sissoo, 639, i.
Gbale; ann. 1843 : 5. -y. Sbalee, 620, i; ann.
1572: s. y. Cbalia, 139, ii, twice, s. v. Cranga-
nore, 211, ii ; ann. 1666: s, t\ Shawl, 624, i.
Gbale ; Cbalia, 139, ii ; ann. 1572 : s. y
Quilon, 570, ii, twice.
Obalen ; ann. 1541 : 5. Peking, 526, i,
Cbalia; b. y. 139, ii, s. v. Bey poor, 68, ij
ann. 1330 : s. y. Sbmkali, 627, ii ; ann.
1566-8 : s. v. Oarrack 127, i.
Chalias ; s, y. Piece-goods, 535, ii*
Obalium ; s» v, Cbalia, 139, ii*
(To he
Cballany ; ann, 1610 : s. t\ Tola, 707, ii,
Cballe; ann. 1781 : s, i\ Shawl, 624, ii.
Cbalna ; s, v, Obullo, 780, i,
Cbalo; $, v. Obullo, 780, i.
Chalons ; s, y. Sbalee, 620, i, 3 times.
Cbalouns ; s. t\ Sbalee, 620, i.
Cbalnkja ; s. y. Oalyan, 114, ii, s, v» India:
329, ii.
Cbalukya ; s. v, Coromandel, 199, i ; ami
1128 : s, i\ China, 151, ii.
Cbalwaneb ; ann. 1590: s. v> Eunn, 585, i.
Ciialyam: 5, y. Cbalia, 139, ii, twice.
Chalyani ; ann. 1516 : s. v. Cbalia, 139, ii.
Cham ; s, t\ Champa, 140, i.
Chamarj s. y. Cbuckler, 167, i.
Cbamara ; s. y, Ohowry (^b), 165, i; ann, 1810:
s. y, C bo wry, 165, ii.
Cbamara ; ann. 1572 : s. y. Beypoor, 68, ii,
s. y. Cannauore, 121, i.
Cbamara; s. i\ Obowry (b), 165, i, twice;
ann. 634-5: s. y. Chowry, 165, ii.
Cbamarocb ; ann. 1598 : i?. v. Oarambola, 123, i.
Obamba; ann. 1298: s. y. Champa, 140, i,
s. y. Java, 347, ii.
Cbamdernagor ; ann. 1705: s. y, Cbinsura,
154, ii.
continued,)
NOTES AND QUEEIES.
DOOB GRASS.
Herb is an earlier and better quotation than
that to be found in Yule.
‘ 1795. — The short wiry grass, known in Bengal
by the name of Boop, which is quickly propagated
by jDlanting it in little bunches, and of which we
liad fortunately taken down a considerable quan-
tity, soon spread itself over the idsings we bad
cleared, and e^eetnally prevented any of the Soil
from being carried off, thus insuring good pasture
whenever a sufficient space could be cleared
— Kyd’s MS. Beport on the Andamans in
Bengal Consult, for 1795.
R. 0. Temple.
PONSEY.
1756. — ‘‘ He was then beckoning to bis Servant
. that stood in a ponsy above the Gaut ....
at the Gaut besides the Ponsey were the Gouve-
noursServNas .... So without given me
time to make an Answer, be run down stairs and
np to the side of the river to get into the Ponsey
. . . . Therefore with Mr o Harea got into the
-same Ponsey were the Gouvenour was and set off
the last boat that left tbe.Gant.” — Ales. Grant’s
Defence, ante, Yol. XSYIII, pp. 299-300.
This word is not in Yule and represents the
common Bengali word pansui for a small boat or
wherry in general use in Calcutta.
E. 0. Temple.'
THE SANSKRIT VERSION OF EUCLID.
With reference to a remai'k made by Prof. A.
Weber, in a note to bis paper {ante, Yol. XXX,
p. 287), respecting a Sanskrit version of Euclid, I
may point out that, at the Stockholm Oriental Con-
gress, on the reading of the late H. H. Druva’s paper
respecting this work found at Jaypur, I mentioned
that Raja Sawai Jayasinha bad in bis library the
EistoriaCoelestis of Flamsteed and other European
works, and that there was no reasonlto suppose that
be bad not some of the 17tb century versions of
Euclid also — most of which contained the whole
fifteen books of the Geometry. After my return
from Stockholm I wrote to the late Prof. W eber, ^
reminding him that Lancelot Wilkinson had, long
ago (in the Jouv, As. Soc. Beng. Yol. YI. p. 938),
called attention to the same work — the Beldid
Ganita which had been translated into Sanskrit
by Samrat Jagann^tba for the famous Jaypur
Raja, the astronomer-prince.
J. Btogess.
216
THE lEDlAN ANTIQUAHT.
[April. 1902.
THE JAHEO.
The available information regarding tbe jan^o
or thread of caste is fragmentary and incomplete.
In the Panjl-b fuller data as to its form, and the
different tribes which wear it, may throw light on
the extent to which Bi-ahmanioal influence has
prevailed.
The orthodox jan4o is thus described':— “ The
janeo or sacred thread of the Hindtis is thus
made : The four fingers of the hand are closed
and a thread is wound back and front over them
( ? to represent the union of the four sacred
elements in created things ) 96 times — i, e*,
12 X 8, or according to the ogdoad, common only
to the Eastern nations and the Chinese. This
thread forms a strand of the janeo. Three of
these strands are then taken together and divided
into the three parts, and these are then twisted
to the right and made into three threads of six
strands each. This is called an agra. Two agras
go to a janeo, or aggregate of six threads of six
strands each. Thejanio is knotted together by a
number of knots depending on the descent and
sect of the wearer. It is worn over the left
shoulder, which is a concession to Buddhism, as
it was originally worn round the waist.
In worahipping the gods the janSo is worn over
the left shoulder and held across the palm under
the thumb of the left hand, while the libations
are made with the right hand forward. In
worshipping the pitris (ancestors) it is worn on
the right shoulders and the libation is made with
the fingers of the right hand raised higher than
the palm,^ so that the water pours to the right.
In worshipping the Rishis the thread goes round
the neck, and the water is poured out with both
hands inwards towards the chest.
When dii'ty the janio must be made into the
form of the svastika or mystic cross, in the
manner that children play at “ cat’s cradle,’’ and
then washed.
But this is not the only form. Eor
mstanee “ Jogis wear Sijan^o, or sacred thread,
round their necks, of nine onbits length, and made
of three strands, woven of black wool of eight
threads on a bobbin, and plaited into a bobbin-
thread, like our own braid necklaces. Ronnd
their waists they wear similar thread of two
separate bohbin-threads of eight strands each,
twisted together with a Ipop at one end and a
button a-t the pther. To the janiq they attach a
round circlet of hora (rhinoceros it should be),
and to this they attach a nddh, or whistle, which
makes a noise something like a ponch, but not
so loud.”
Further, the use of knots indicates the status
of the wearer, thus; — ‘‘ Among Sarwariya
Brdhmans, there are three higher grades and
thirteen who are inferior. The higher grades have
five and the inferi or three knots in the jaiiio, or
Brfihmanical cord. If a man borrow the cord of
a person of another grade he adjusts the knots
according to his rank j for the knot is the
important part of the cord.” Similarly the
Gaur Brahmans in Bikanir have 5 knots, but the
Adh Gaur only 3.
It is, however, difficult to say how far the
wearing of the janio indicates status, e, g., the
Lobanas wear it and even when Sikhs are very
particular about it, whereas among J^ts only
Akb^rt Jdts wear it and then only at their
marriages {Hoshiarpur Gazetteer, p. 56). Pro-
bably some one will bo able to explain tbe
apparent inconsistency betwen this and the last
para.
The Khosfi Jdts of one village (Rattiah) in Tah-
sil Moga in the Ferozepur District continue to wear
it, though the tribe as a whole has abandoned it.
Lastly, it appears that occasionally some
sections of a caste wear the jan6o while others
do not, e. g., some of the Stmfirs wear it, and
certain g6ts among the KAngrfi Gaddis, among
whom it is used at marriage ceremonies in a
curious way.
Some Hanets in the Simla Hills also wear
it — pot all.
Information then is rec^uired on the follow-
ing points : —
(1) State the sections of each caste which
wear tine janio in any form.
(2) For each such section, state tbe way in
which the 7 is worn, the number
of strands and knots in it and
describe any peculiarities in its
material or manufacture.
(3) Is it wora on any special occasion, but
pot ordinarily ? If so, when ?
(4) State the explanations given of the
variations in above.
(5) Add any inforination you can (giving
references to books if necessary) to
the above ; e. g., is there any connec-
tion between seotaidal marks and
the different forms of the janio f
H. A. Rose,
Superintendent of Ethnography, Fanjdh.
Simlc^, §4th July 1901,
•pv J ^ perhaps be oompar,d lyith ^hose ia plates %. and VI. in De-Marohi’s M OvUo
:Knvaio Koma An%a, 1896 ^ Vo}. J. . « ^
Mat, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
217
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. E. FLEET, LO.S. (Eetd.), Ph.B., C.I.E.
The places mentioned in the Wap.i plates of A. D. 807.
T his record lias been edited bj me in Yol. XL above, p. 156 with a lithograph. It was
originally brought to notice, in the Jou7\ B, As . Soc., P, S., Yol. Y., by Mr, W. H,
Wathen, who published the text of it, as inscription No. 2, opposite p. 344, with a translation
of it, by Mr. L. R. Reid, at p. 350 A remark on p. 350, at the head of the translation, tells
us that the plates were found by Mr, Reid in the Nasik district. And a further remark on
p. 353 records the belief by Mr, Wathen that they were obtained in the Wanadindorf district,
^‘near Nasika, in the Marratta country.” These remarks have been understood to connect them
with Wani, a small town about ten miles north-north-east from DindSri, the head-quarters of
the Dindori tMuka of the Nasik district, Bombay Presidency. In the Indian Atlas sheet No. 38
(1857), the name of this town is given as ^Wun.’ It is given, however, as ‘Wani ’ in the
Deccan Topographical Survey sheet No. 4 (1876), and in the Postal Directory of the Bombay
Circle (1879). And it is certified as Yani, in Nagari characters, in the compilation entitled
Bombay Places and Common Official Words (1878). And from these sources, combined, I con-
tinue to nse the form Warn, as being most probably the actually pronounced form of the name.
The plates have come to be customarily known as the Wani plates, or sometimes the Wani-
Dindori plates. And the results given in the present note will shew that, whether they were
actually obtained at Wani or not, they really do belong to the neighbourhood of that town.
It has been said, in the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency^ YoL XYI,, Nasik, p. 661,^ that
Want itself is mentioned in the record, by the name of ‘Yan.’ That, however, is a mistake, due
to the facts that, instead of Vatanagara-vishay^dntargatak, which the original really has in lines
39, 40, the text published by Mr. Wathen gives Vaji nagara, ^c,, and that Mr. Reid’s translation
gives “of the Yan division of the Nasika district.” And it is also questionable whether
Wani has any claim to such antiquity, as a place of any importance, though it has been “ once
** the head*-quarters of a petty division ; ” for, we are further told, in the same place, that the
“old site of Yani is said to have been at the base of Ahivant fort, about five miles to the
“nortli-west of the present site," and that “in 1760, when the Nasik forts passed' from the
“Moghals to the Marathas, Dhodap took the place of Ahivant, and the people of the village
“of Ahivant went and settled at Vani, greatly increasing its population.” The iihivaat fort,
it may be added, is shewn as ‘ Iwautta’ in the Atlas sheet No. 38, and as ‘lawatta’ in the Topo-
graphical sheet No. 4, about six miles north-north-west from Wani, And ‘Dhodap’ is the
Dhodap fort, — the ‘ Dhorap ’ of the Atlas sheet, — about nine miles east-north-east-haM-east
from Waisii.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the Yyaya samvatsara, Saka-Samvat 730
.(current)^ falling in A, D. 807, the Rashtrakfi^ king Govinda III., when in residence or in
camp at which is the modern M&rkii?.da, a hilLfort, in the Kalwan tMuka of
the Nasik district, about fourteen miles north-north-east from Dipd6rJ, granted to a Brahman,
whose grandfather was a resident of Vengi and belonged to the community of Chaturvedins of
that place, a village {grama) named Ambaka, lying in the Vatanagara district {mshaya) of
the NTdfSika country (desa). And it specifies the boundaries of Ambaka as being, on the east,
a village (^r^m«) named Yadavura ; bn the south, a village named Vftrikhe^a ; on the west,
a village named Pallitavftda, and a river (nadi) named Hulinda.; and, on. the north, a village
named [Padmajnala.
l Silso, id, p. iss, note 1. On p. 661, the record is wrongly spoken of as being dated in A, D. 930,
218
THE INDIAH ANTIQUART.
[May, 1902.
The names of Yadavura, Pallitavftda, and PadmanAla, seem to have disappeared; at any
rate, I cannot trace anything representing them, even as names of hamlets.^ Bnt the other
names snfSce to fix the locality to which the record belongs. Vatanagara is certainly the
‘Wurner’ of the Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), the ‘ Wadner’ of the Topographical sheet No. &
(1877), and the ‘Warneir’ of tte Topographical sheet No. 9 (1876): these various spell-
ings, of conrse, all represent Wa<Jn6r ; and the place is a small town or large village, in lat.
20° 14', long. 74° 5', in the Chand6r (Chandwad) talnka of the Nasik district, about twenty-
two miles towards the north-east from Nasik. Ambaka is the ‘Amb’ of the Atlas sheet
No. 38, and the ‘Amb4’ of the Topographical sheet No. 8 (1875), in the Dindfirf taluka, about
five miles north-east-by-east from Dinddri, and eight and a half miles on the west of Wadner.
Varikhfida is the ‘Wurkher* of the Atlas sheet No. 38, and the ‘"Warkhair’ of the*
Topographical sheet No. 8, close on the south-west of 'Amb,' ‘Am be.’ ■ And the Pulinda
river is a large nullah, flowing southwards close on the west of the village-sites of ‘ Amb,'
‘ Ambe,’ and ‘ Wurkber,’ ‘ Warkhair,’ which joins the NadavE, Kadiva, or Khadva river about
a mile on the south-west of ‘ Wurkher,’ ‘ Wirkhair : > the name of the nullah is entered as
‘Unanda’ in the Topographical sheet No. 4, and as ‘Unanda’’ in the Topographical sheet
No. 8 ; tlie real name seems to be UnandS..^
Vengi, which is mentioned as the place of abode of the grantee’s grandfather, was the capital of
a province, known as the Vengi or Vengi mapdS'la. which is most familiar to ns in connection
with the Eastern Chalukya kings. According to a record of A.D. 1186,, it was a sixteen-thousand
province that is to say, a province which included, according to fact or tradition or conventional
acceptation, sixteen thousand cities, towns, and villages.® The position of the capital seems to be
veiy closely marked by the stiU existing village of Pedda-V6gi, “the larger Vhgi,” about seven
miles north of EUore (Elfiru), the head-guarters of the Ellore taiujca of the G6davari district, Madras
Presidency.® Pedda-V6gi is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 94 (1899) as ‘ Pedavaigie,’ in
lat. 16° 48', long, 81° 10'. There is, somewhere close by, another village, called Chinna-V6gi, ‘‘ the
smaller V6gi,” which, however, cannot be found in the map. And it seems? that Sir Walter Elliot
has told us that the evideuces of ancient buildings, and the many curious mounds, which probably
cover the remains of the old city, extend from Pedda-Vegi as far as Chinna-V6gi and Dendnltou,
This last-mentioned place is shewn in the map as ‘ Dendaloor,’ in lat. 16° 45', long. 81° 13', about
five miles towards the south-east from ‘Pedavaigie.’ It is mentioned as JienduJtira in the Chikkulla
plates of VikramSndravarman II.®
Wheii I was preparing this record for publication, Mr. W. Ramsay, I.O.S., gave me the
identification of Ambaka with ‘Amba’ and of VMkheda with ‘ Warkhad,’ and also o-ave me
the name of the nullah as Unandd ; see Vol. ZI. above, p. 157. The record, however, seems
to have been fully localised even before that time; for, Mr. Reid’s translation of it presents
‘Ambegaon’ as the modern name of Ambakagrama and ‘Warkher’ as the modern name of
f Pallitavtaa is the modem ‘ Paramori, the ‘ Purmoree ’ of the Atlas sheet No. 38
Lmh ’ Topographical Survey sheet No. 8 (1875), - about two miles on the west of
vuSp “ the -ambaka of the record ; see Gan. Bo. Pres. Vol. XVI.. Nftsik, p. 185, note 1. And the
“ the required position. But it is difficult to understand how the name Pallitavfida
eould pass into any such form as ‘ Paramori.’
No L^ildT-aaS'tT Mnd&.TTuand& flows, is given as ‘Cadiva’ in the Atlas sheet
Saim in al^eets Nos. 4 and 8. It is certified as KMvfl or Xadavd. in mgar!
‘ See Bp. Itid. Vol. IV. p. 60, verse 85.
and n^e uumeiioal components in the anment territorial appellations, see Vol. XXIX. above, p. 277,
to his Pedda-V^gi appears to be due to Sir Walter Elliot, I am not able to refer
? See Mr. SewelVs Lists of Antiquities, Madras, Vol. I. p. 36.
Corrertionf*’’ spelling of the modem name, Vol. V. Additions and
Mat, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTOEY AND GEOGEAPHY,
219
YarikhSda : but, while presenting the ancient name of the nullah as ‘Yulinda/ though
Mr. Wathen’s text has Pulmidd, for the Pulindd which really stands in line 41 of the original, it
gives the modern name of it as ‘ Unmad.’ The identification of Ambaka with ‘ Amb,’ and of
VarikhSda with * Yarkhed,’ is also mentioned in the Gaz, Bo» Pres, Vol. XYI., Nasik, p. 185,
note 1 ; the suggestion made there, that ‘ Vadner’ is mentioned in the record as ‘Yadtur/ is
only due to Mr. Wathen having read Vadatura^ instead of Yadavura^ in line 40. I myself
originally suggested that Ya^nagara might perhaps be Wani ; at that time, however, I had
not the map to refer to, and I did not know of the existence of WadnSr.
The Indian Atlas sheet No. 38, N. W. (1896), which includes the locality to which this record
belongs, was not available to me when I wrote the above note. It illustrates pointedly how much
more useful the old maps still are for certain purposes. It does not shew the ancient and famou>
Markinda by name, but only indicates it by a small spot, marked 4384 (feet high), in lat. 20'^|23'.
long. 73® 59' ; and we are left to find the position of it from the old sheet or from other sources of
information : nor, we may add, does it present the names of the Ahiwant and Dhodap forts, and of
varioos other hill-forts along the same range, all more or less of repute, which are all duly shewn, and
very clearly, in the old sheet. Though it is supposed, not only to be up-to-date in details, but also to
follow a certain uniform system of transliteration, it gives the village-names, with which we are
concerned, as Yani, Wadner, Ambe, andWarkhair; thus presenting, in only four names, three
instances of inconsistency, in the use of both v and xo for one and the same Native character, in the
use of both d and r to represent the lingual d, and in the use of both e and ai to denote the long
vowel e, and one mistake, in omitting to mark the long d in a word which it should have presented
either as Yarkher or as Warldied. It omits to mark the long d in the name of the nullah, which it
gives as Unauda. And it presents the name of the river both as Kadva and as Kadwa.
The places mentioned in the Stogli plates of A. D. 933.
This record has been edited by me in Yol. XII. above, p. 247 with a lithograph. The
original plates were then in the possession of a Brahman resident of Sawantwadi, the head-
quarters of the Native State of the same name between the Ratnagiri district and the Portu-
guese territory of Goa. But, when the record was originally brought to notice by General
Sir George LeGrand Jacob, in the Jour, Bo, Br, B, As, Soo, Yol. lY. pp. 97, 100 ff., the plates
belonged to a family of Brahmans residing near Sahgll, the head-quarters of the Sangli State
in the neighbourhood of K61hapur. And, on that account, they have been customarily known
as the Saugli plates. The results given in the present note, however, w^ll shew that they have
not really any connection with the neighbourhood either of Sangli or of Sawantwadi.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the Yijaya sanivcLtscirdf Saka-Samvat 85d
(expired), falling in A. D. 933, the Eashtrakuta king Govinda lY., then permanently residing
at the capital of M^nyakli^ta, which is the modern Maikli§d in the Nizam’s Dominions iu
lat. 17° ir, long. 77° 13', granted to a Brahman, whose father had come from a city (nagara)
named PuijdaTardhana, a village named Ldhagrtoa, lying in a territorial division called the
Etoapuri seven-liundred. And it specifies the boundaries of Lohagrama as being, on the
east, a village named Gh6d6grama ; on the south, a village (grama) named YafijuU ; on the
west, a village named CtdAcliaviliara jha and, on the north, a village named Sonnalil.
9 The text and translation puhlished by General Jacob present this name as Yiiichaviharabha. And I originally
read it as Vinohaviharajha or Vinohaviharabha. It seems tolerably certain to me, now, that the last syllable is
not Ihcu As regards the consonant of the first syllable, it certainly does look, in the lithograph, more Hke v
than ch ; but there does not seem to be any such word as vincha, whereas chincha, standing no doubt for chincha,
‘the tamarind-tree,’ figures as the first component of very many place-names; and so, even apart from the identi-
fication that can be made, I should say, now, that this consonant was intended for, and should he read as, ch. One
name commencing with chincha, which was perhaps originally identical with the name which we have in this record,
is that of the ‘ Chinchvihir ’ of the Deccan Topographical Survey sheet No. 20 (1878), shewn as ‘ Chinchvihure ’ in
the' Indian Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857), five miles north-west-by-westirom the Miami which is mentioned further on,
and as * Ohincfivihir ’ in the quarter-sheet No. 38, S. W. (1883).
220
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mat, 3902,
liOliagrama is the ^Lohogaon’ of the Deccan Topographical Survey sheet No. 20 (1878),
about sixteen miles towards the south- south-west from Newasa, the head-quarters of the
Newasa taluha of the Ahmadnagar district, Bombay Presidency ; in the Indian Atlas sheet
No. 38 (1857), it is wrongly placed about three miles towards the west- north-west from its
position as given in the Topographical sheet. Ghdd^grama is the ‘ Ghoregaon ’ of the Topo-
graphical sheet j about three miles east-north-east from * Dohogaon i in the Atlas sheet No. 38^
it is shewn as ‘ Gorehgaon.’ VaAjuli is the ‘ Wanjoli’ of the Topographical sheet, two and
a half miles south-by-west from ‘ Lohogaon ; ’ in the Atlas sheet No. 39 (1855), it is shewn as
‘ VSTanjolee.’ Chihehaviharajha is evidently the 'More CMnehora* of the Topographical
sheet, two and a half miles towards the west-by-south from ‘Lohogaon in the Atlas sheet
No. 39, it is shewn as ‘ Chinchoreh Moreea,^ And Sonnahi is the * Sonai ’ of the Topo-
graphical sheet, four and a half miles north-by-west from ‘ Lohogaon ; ’ in the Atlas sheet
No, 38 it is shewn as ‘ Sonuee.’ • These villages are shewn as Lohogaon, Ghoregaon, and Sonai,
in the Atlas quarter-sheet No. 38, S. E. (1886), which places Lohogaon in its proper position, and as
AYanjoh and More Chinchora in sheet No. 39, N. E. (1895).
With these identifications established, we can see that the B^mapttri of the record, — the
town which gave its name to the seven-lmndred district in which the village of Lohagrama
was situated, — is the modern Rahuri, the head-quarters of the Rahuri taluka of the
Ahmadnagar district. Eahuri is the ‘Rahuri’ of the Topographical sheet No. 20, and the
* Rahooree* of the Atlas sheet No. 38, and the ‘Rahuri ’ of the quarter-sheet No. 38, 8. W,
(1886), in lat, 19® 23', long. 74° 43'. ‘Lohogaon,’ the ancient Lohagranra, is distant from it
about twelve miles towards the east-south-east.
The city of Pui^L^avardliana, which is mentioned as the place from which the grantee’s father
had emigrated, and the name of which seems to be given in precisely the same form in the Amg^chhi
plate of VigrahapWadSva III.,i® no doubt, the Piustdravardha na of other records, and the
“Paui^Ldrayardliana, subject to the kings of Gauda,” of the Riljatarathgini^ iv, 421 j and it seems
to be the Pufiavadhana which is referred to in two of the votive inscriptions at Sanchi,^! Por
opinions which have been expressed regarding the identification of it, reference may be made to the
Rev. S. Beal’s Si-gu^ki, Yol. II. p. 194, note 18, and Dr. Stein’s Kalhana's Edjatara’^gm^, Vol. I.
p. 160, note on verse 421. Its position ought to be capable of being determined very closely, even
if it cannot be actually fixed, by means of the villages which are placed in tfie Pun^ravardfiana
bfiukti by the Khalimp’ur plate of Dharmapaladeva^^ ^nd the Dindjpur plate of Mahipalad^ya.i^^
The places mentioned in the "Kharda plates of A, D, 972.,
This record has been edited by me in Yol, XII. above, p. 263 with a lithograph. It
was originally brought to notice, in the Jhwr. jR, As. Soc., F. S., Vol. II., p. 379, by Mr. W, H.
Wathen, who published the text of it, with a translation in the same journal, Vol. HI. p. 94 ff.
In his first notice of it, Mr. Wathen said that <‘it was found in the town of KarcRa!, in the
“ Dekkan,” Jn his second notice of it, he described it as “ an inscription on three copper plates
‘‘ transmitted by Captain Pottinger, said to have been found at Kurda, in the Dekkan.^* In
dealing with it, I said, for some reason or other which I cannot now explain, that ‘Xardla*
or ‘ Kurda’ seemed to be Xa-rd^ in the Tajoda taluka of the KhandSsh district. But it is
practically certain, nows that the real find-place of the record must have been the ^ Kurda’ of
the Indian Atlas sheet No. 39 (1855), the ‘Kurda’ and ^KurdlaR’’ of Thornton’s Gazetteer of
/wcfta, Vol, III. (1854),pp. 224, 225, a town in lat. 18° 38', long. 75° 32', about twelve miles towards
the south-east-hy-east from JamkhSd, the head-quarters of the J amkh^^ taluka of the Ahmadnagan
10 See Vol. XIV. above, p. 167, text line 24.
n See JSp. Vol, IV. p. 247,
n jE?p. Ind, Vol. II. p. IOC, No. 102, and p. 380, No, 217.
^9 See Jour, Bmg, As, ^cc, Yol. LXI. p. 78^
Mi.Y, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTOBY AND GEOGRAPHY.
221
district, Bombay Presidency In the official compilation entitled BomhaT/ Places and Common
Official Words (1878), the name of the place is certified as Khardl^ni in Nagari characters, and
is transliterated as ‘ Kharda.’ And more recent maps also shew it as * Kharda see, for instances
Constable’s Hand Atlas of India (1893), Plate 31, and the Indian Atlas quarter-sheet No, 39,
N, E. (1895), and Philip’s Gazetteer and Map of India (1900). I conclude, therefore, that the
initial of tbe name is really the aspirated Jch^ and that we must accept Kliar(p.a as the
conventional transliterated form of the name.^^
The record recites that, on a specified day in the Angiras saihvatsara^ Saka-Samvat 694
(expired), falling in A. D. 972, the Rashfcrakuta king Kakka II,, then permanently residing at
Mftnyakli^ta, t. e. M^lkhed,^® granted to a Brahman, who was a resident of a place spoken of
as irimat Gejuravdv^ ‘Hhe famous Gejurav^vi,’^ and had come to M^nyakh4j;a on business,
a village (grama) named Pangarik^, in a group of villages known as the Vavvulatalla twelve
in a territorial division called the TJppalik^. three-hundred. And it specifies the boundaries
of Pangarika as being, on tbe east, a village {grmna) named B6Mtalla; on tbe south, a village
named Silahare ; on the west, a village named Kinihigr^ma ; and, on the north, a village
named Antaravalli,
Pangarika is the ‘ Pangry ’ of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 56 (1882), in lat. 19° 16% long.
75° 54', about twenty miles towards the north-by-east from.* Bheer,’ * Bhir,’ * Beer,’ *Bir,’or
^ Bid,’ the chief town of a district of the same name in tbe Nizam’s Dominions, and about fifty
miles towards tbe north-north-east-half-east from Kharda in the JamkhSd taluka. The same
sheet shews * Roitalla,* answering to the Bdhitalla of the record, about two miles on the
south-east of * Pangrj,’ Two miles on the south of * Pangry,’ it shews a village * Soralla/ the,
name of which must be, in some way or another, a corruption of the Silahare of the reeord.^^.
And, three miles towards the northrhy-west from ‘Pangry,’ it shews ‘Keenugaon,’ answering
to the Kinihigrama of the record. And sheet No. 55 (1889) shews ‘ UntervuUy,’ answering
to the Antaravalli of the record, about five miles almost due north from * Pangry.’ In the
beautiful survey map of the Sheer Oircar, prepared under the superintendence of Lieutenant
H. Du Yernet in 1835, the above-mentioned villages are shewn, quite similarly except in
respect of one of them, as ‘Pangry,’ ‘ Roitalla,’ ‘Seralla,’ ‘ Keenngaon,’ and ‘ Untervully/
The Indian Atlas quarter-sheet No. 39, N. E. (1895), shews Kinihigrama as ‘ Kinagaon.’
Gi-ejuravavi, the residence of the grantee, is evidently the modern ‘Givaroi* of the Atlas
sheet No. 39 and of the Survey map of the Sheer Circar, a town about eighteen miles north of
‘Bheer.’ ‘Pangry’ is distant from it only five and a half miles to the east. In some other
maps its name is shewn as ‘ Givrai.’ And in tbe Atlas quarter-sheet No. 39, N* E, (1895), it is
shewn as *GevrM,’ in lat. 19° 15', long. 75° 48'.^^
w The Atlas sheet shews also a ' Kiirdeh/ in the Sirdr tSlul^a of the Poona district, about thirty-four miles
towards the east- north-east from Poena. It further shews, in tbe Parner tMuka of the Ahmadnagar district,
a ‘Hungeh/ about eighteen miles north-east-by-norili from * Knrdeh,’ with ‘ Raeetulieh’ five and a half miles east-
«outh-^ast from ‘ Hungeh/ and ‘ Kinhee’ eight miles towards the north-north-west from ‘ Hungeh.’ And. any name
like Edhitalla being extremely rare, it seemed, at first, that the record was to be localised here, and that the other
place-names mentioned m it had disappeared. I found the locality to which it really belongs, afterwards, in the
•course of my search for the present representative of the ancient Tagara, regarding which see the Jbw. B, Au,
1901, p. 537 fi. T 14
The I in ‘ Kurdlah ’ seems to have been an attempt to mark the sound of the lingual
ifi Seepage 2i9 above. -
IT There is, curiously enough, a very similar name, * Saroleh,’ nine miles aouth-south-east-half-BOuth from the
^ Hungeh* wMoh I have mentioned in note 14 above. , . « . . ,
, W Even this name is not unique. In the Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857) I notice two villages named ‘Givrox, andfotw
named ‘ Givroy,’ and two named ‘ Gevioy,’ all within about sixty miles from the town ‘ Giraroi,’ towards the north
and north-west, and on the other side of the aodfiTaxt. These villages were probably founded by enugraais from
the town.
222
THE INDIAN ANTIQDAET.
[Mat, 1902.
The maps do not shew any name answering exactly to that of Vavvulatalla, the chief town
of the group of twelve villages which included Pahgarika.^^ But it seems likely that
Vavvulatalla is now represented by the modern ‘Talkhair*^ of the Atlas sheet No. 56 and of the
Survey map of the Bheer Circar, a small town or large village fourteen miles towards the
east- south-east from ‘ Pangry.’
Also, the maps do not shew any place that can be conclusively identified with Uppalik^y
the chief town of the three hundred district. The only trace of the name that I can find
anywhere in the locality to which we are fixed, is the ‘ OopU’ of the Atlas sheet No. 56 and of
the Survey map of the Bheer Circar, a village on a small river called ® Koonka/ sixteen
miles south-south-east from ‘ Talkhair/ And it is possible, of course, that this place,
now an ordinary village, may in ancient times have been of sufficient size and impor-
tance to be the chief town of a territorial division. But it seems to me more probable
that Uppalika may have been the ancient name of ‘ Bheer ’ itself, the chief town of the
district of that name in the Nizam’s Dominions, from which ‘Talkhair’ is distant only twenty-
one miles north-east-by-east. In other maps and in gazetteers, the name of this town figures
as *Bhir,* *Beer,’ *Bir,^ and ‘ Bid;’ and, with a very exceptional marking of the long I, it
is shewn as ‘Bid,’ in lat. 18° 59', long. 75° 49', in the Indian Atlas quarter-sheet No. 39, N, E,
(1895). The true form of it seems to he certainly Bid. The word htda^ which is very familiar
in the Kanarese form b^u, means ‘ a halting place, a camp, an abode.’ The ancient Tiravadabida,
‘^tbe camp of Tiravada,” seven miles to the west-south-west from Kolhapur, is now known as
simply ‘ Bir,' ‘ Bid,’ that is Bid.20 In the prefix in the name of the ‘Bhir Kingaon ’ of the Atlas
sheet No. 88 (1857), which is shewn as ‘Birkingaon’ in the quarter-sheet No. 38, S.. B. (1886),
about fifty-six miles towards the north- west-by-north from ‘ Bheer,’ Bi^, we have, no doubb, the
same word hida, marking that place, also, as one at which kings and governors would encamp
on tours of inspection and troops would halt on marches. ‘ Bheer,’ Bid, must surely have had
originally some more specific appellation, to distinguish it from other places, in the same part
of the country, which were used as camps. And it seems to me highly probable that it may
have been known in former times as Uppalik^bicja, “the camp of Uppalika.”
THE WRECK OF THE “ DODDINGTON,” 1755.
BY SIE EIGHASD C. TEMPLE.
(Conchided from Vol. XXXI, p. 191^)
A Narrative of the Peoples Behaviour on Bird Island,
Which I Should have Remark’d in my Journall, but durst not, haveing no place to Secrete my
papers but lay Exposed to Every One, and was Inspected into Daily by Several So that if I had
mentiond anything disagreeable to them, Should not have Been Suffer? to keep a Journal atfc all,
July 17th. As Soon as it was Day Light, we all Assemble’d together, And for Some time only
Bewail? our Misfortunes. At Length being Roused [awaken’d] by the dismalFS prospect that Ap-
peared before us. Some went to See how The Land look^l further in the Country, while the Others
that Stayed With me desired I would Still Continue their Officer, and they would Obey me in all
19 I do Dot find the name Vavvulafcalla anywhere at all, except perhaps in the case of a small village near the
Travellers' Bungalow at ♦ Thnrrodah ' on the high-road from NAndgaon to Anrangfih^d. The name of the village
is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 38 (1857) as * Baboolthail,’ which is very possibly a printer’s mistake for
’Bahoolthali.' The village is in lat. 20® 11', and long, 74® 64'. It is about ninety miles away towards; the north*.west
from * Bangry.' And it has, of course, no connection with the Vavvnlatalla twelve of the record.!
so See Bp. Ind,. Vol. III. p. 216, and the Additions, and Yob XXIX. above, p, 279, note 30,
This is the last of the corrections in another hand.
Mat, 1902.]
THE •WEEOK OE THE » DODDINGTON,” 1755.
223
Bespects, aad Sbould Entirely Rely on my Superioar Judgement to gett them o£ this dismall Place,
being Informed by Those who went to look Round and Return? in a few Minutes that We Were on
an Island 2 Leagues from the Main. I told them they Might depend on my Assistance in all
Respects and that there wasKo Time to be lost, Our Situation Esquiring us to be dilligentin Looking
About for provissions &c, for Subsistence during our Stay here, which J®® Thought would he a
Month at Least, before Every Body Would be Able to Travel. Accordingly, Sett Out and Soon Found
Several Usefull Things As := Inserted in my Journal, but before Night Most of Those that was Able
to Work was Drunk aud Bosenburry So Bad that had I not Accidentally Seen him Lying Amongst
the Wreck And Call? for Assistance to gett him up he must Infallibley have been drowned, the Side
having Flowe’d Over part of him when we got him up, for Which Piece of Service before we Left the
Island he as Often Came Close to me and Laughed in my face by way of Derision, knowing very
Well I durst Not Correct him, all the Villains having Taken Theire Oaths to Stand by One Another
in Opposition to the Officers, And if Either of us Ofier? to Strike any of them, three or 4 Was to Fall
on him and Beat him heartily.
Howsoever before it Came to the pass, they Obey? me for a fortnight, by which time their was
Some prospect of the Boats Going One, the keel and Steem being Finished ; but before any more
was done the Carpenter fell Sick, but by his Discourse as I found Soon Afterwards, only feign?
Tiirngfllf So, for TtHaging Mm from Work, Enquired after him, And was Informe’d he was Not well.
Upon W®ii Information M'' Collett & Self went to Condole with Mm, we found Mm in the Cooke
Tent Broiling himself a Rasher of Salt pork. I Aske’d him how he did, adding I was Sorry for his
Indisposition, hopeing he would Soon be better. Yes Ansiwer? he that May be for Your Own Good ;
but I Can See how Things are Going. Tour 3? in Connsell M' Botbwell Can be Attended On,
but I may Die and be damn? before You? Offer mull? Wine or any Thing Else to me ; but Damn
Me If I? bee Used so. I Can See well Enough Which Way things Are going, but I? be damn? if I
have not a Fair Understanding before I do a St[r]oke More. Here I Interrupted him, and Told
Him I thought he had gone far Enough, till he Explained himself ; That I did not Understand
What he Meant by Saying, he Saw how Things go. I then Asked him if he Saw Any Clandestine
proceedings by Any of the Officers or any Body Else ; to Which he Answera No, that if he did that
we Should Soon know it, for Damn me if Pi be flung By the Best of You. I answer? in my Turn,
that believ^i no Body Intended to fling him as he Calle’d it ; therefore was Sorry to See him preju-
diced Against Collett & Self, because we Assisted a Sick persou ; Adding that As Soon As we
heard of Ms being Out of Order, Game to Condole with him. And he Should find Either of us Very
Ready to do any Thing Conducive to his Health & hope? that his present disorder was Only a Cold,
Which a Little hot Wine goiug to Bedd would Carry off. To tMs he Answered in the Surly Manner
as before, Saying he would have a fair Understanding before he Would do a Stroke More. Upon
Which Mv Ooliett & I left him, and Walked togeather to Try if we Could guess The Reason of
Such Behaviour aud the Only Conjectures we Could putt on it W as his Incapacity to Build the Boat,
aud Some Time Afterwards, found we Were quit Right in Our Opinion, for he did not know how
the Transum peice of the Seam (sfo) was to be Fist. He Continued Sulkey 2 days & the 3a day,
went to Work Again, Which I was Very Glad to See Making no doubt if he Would Work that We
Should compleat One to Serve Our Turns.
Soon after this Dan^^ Ladoux who was Oapt* Steward on Board the Doddington Occationed
fresh disputes, by Insisting upon keeping what Pork he or his Mess Mates Pick® up to themselve s,
Which was Contrary To my Orders ; and the day tMs dispute Arose Upon, he had Given Orders
to the Oook Not to dress pork for two of the Matrosses, Who was at Work with me, all the Morning
on the Wreck, because they had not Brought any for Themselves. The Cook Obey’d his Orders, so
that When we was Call'd to dinner, the 2 beforementioned bad Nothing to Eat ; therefore Made their
Complaint to Me ; at the Same time Inform’d Me how it happen’d Upon wMch I Took Ladoax to
Taske. AaVing him by What Authority, he Order’d no Victuals to be dress? for the two men. He
tt in MS. faom this point onwajda. “ Behaviour. of the People on Bird Island,”
224
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mat, 1902.
Answer^ there was Orders given to the Cook by Mr Collett that What Pork he Brought to the Tent
Should be Used Only for his Own Mess, Therefore he thought he had as good a Right to Keep what
he, Pick’S up, And for the Future None but his Own Mess Should Tast a Bitt of What he Save’d.
All that he Say? was Confirmed by his Mess Mates, And in the Most Insolent Manner that Can
be Imagine’d,
Mr CoUett Declared he Never gave any Such Orders, And I am Very Certain there was no
Such Orders given to the Cook by any officer but my Self, Concerning the Pork ; (And those Were)
if there Should be any difierence in the peices he took to dress, that I Expected the Best. This was
told to all the People Imediatly, who thought Themselves Very ill Used. Therefore took the
Method beforementioned to Convince me there was No difference to be made, Which gave me no
Manner of Concern. However there Behaviour Shew? I Should be a person of Very Little Conse-
quence in a Short Time, if the Carpenter went on with his Work, but while they would Allow me to
have any Command Over Them was detirmined to Exert my Authority. Therefore Insisted That
Every Body Should be Carefull in picking up all the pork they Could Find, and deliver it to
Mr Collett, who was Made Store Keeper, in Order that proper Care Should be Taken of it for the good
of the whole. Ladoux Swore Damn him if he would Pick up Another Piece, while he was on the
Island, Adding he Would Always have as good apeice of Pork as I. Being Talk^ to in this Manner
by One who a few days before Attended on Me, Provoke? me to Strike him two or 3 Slaps in the
Face, Which had a Very good Effect, he being quit Silent Afterwards, And he and the Rest went to
Work with me on the Wreck.
Soon After this the Carpenter, and The Rest of the people was Informed by Bothwell, that
the Treasure & Wrought Plate was Not to be Shared. Upon which Information Collett Ss I
wa,s Calle’d the greatest Rogues in the World, & Every One Swore it Should be Shar’d, and Every
thing, Else that Came Ashore there belong^' To Who it would. After Our days Work was Over and
Every Body mett in the Tent to Supper. The Carpenter Asked me When the money and plate Waa
to be 'Shar?.whieh Snrprk? me greatly. Howsoever finding they Were Resolved to Share it
thought it Needless to deny my Intentions, Especially Since I found that Some I thought I Could
Trust, proved false; And Indeed BotWell was the Last person: I should have Suspected beino- One
mo Came <m Board y® Doddington with a Design to Settle in India. Besides he Lay Under “some
Obhgations to me, for being Sick Most of the Time we Were at Sea, he had Every thing mv Cabine-'
Afforded for his iS^ourislimeat. ^ j 5
Therefore Told them that Neither the money Or Plate Should be Shar^ but Delivered up to the
Proper persons, when We Came to India. He then Ask? me what was to be done with those Blocks
I had Taken so Much Pains to Tarr, to Which I Answere’d I knew them Blocks to be of the
Greatest Consequence to His Majestys Ship, And Consequently to the Honbio Company whose Service
I was Now in. Therefore it behoved me as an Officer to Take Care of Every thing that Might be of
Consequence to the Company, Especially Such things as Was in Our power to Take with us Which T
Should do to the Utmost of My Power, and any Man that would Ir to preveut them crel^’
Blocfe going into the Boat 1 Shonld look upon him Ever Afterwards to be an Enemy to his Country^
and an Unfitt person to be Employ? in the Service. We Were Now in. In Answer to tS
CHsEolme. and the Rest of the People, damna the Kings Ships & Blocks, Asking Me Wha
Either of them was to them. And Whether I thought they Built the Boat to Carry the Kings Stores
t “ «>; *«ves. At the Same Time Swore the Blocks ShouN not go into the Boat, Or
Money Eithei tffi it waj, Share d ; Adding that I was a Very Honest person to Insist that the Plate
Should not be Shar therefore it was Very plain Only Wanted to Keep it Between Collett & My
Self, and that if did deliver it, that None would gett any Credit by it but Our Selves, And as W^
Nothing Should go of this Island but What Would be of Service L thi
Who am I. What do you Make of me. Nothing. You Shall Find that Nothing Shallgoin thatBoat
Ilu8p™„kJ m.G»aae.ia.rrfor.aMi»dLofT.T„Sj.,i toS
May, 1902.1
THE WRECK OE THE «DODDINGTON,” 1755.
225
was Granted tho’ Hot without many Interruptions from Chisholm & King.®^ Notwithstanding the
Airs the Carpenter Gives himself in Saying Nothing Should go in the Boat Butt What the Carpenter
Approves of, I Expect I am to have the Directions of Stowing her, and if I Can putt the Carrening
Blocks which Are Only 6 in Number in the Bpat, without discomoding any Body, hope’d None
Would have any Objections, and on the Contrary would not desire it ; And as to your Shareing the
.Money Desire you^i think better of it ; Being of Such Consequence as am Sure will Touch Tour lives.
King and Chisholm Answered they knew the Laws of their Country as well as I, And they Would
Run the Risque of hanging; which Ended the dispute.
And for about a month Afterwards was Pretty Quite, When the Carpenter took upon [him-
self] to Find Fault with me for Taking a Boy in the Boat with me One day when I went the
Side of the Island To Try if [I] Could See any of the Treasure. This Boy happen’^* to be One Who
assisted the Carpenter, the Very Seldom Employ? and at This Time Was Idl,e ; therefore thought
it no Crime to take him. He directed, his Discourse to M' Collett Saying I might- Employ my Time
much Better in Fishiug, than looking About for Treasure, which would be of no Service to any Body
here, if he had his Will ; Adding if I had been There when the Boat Went of Chain Should not have
gone in the Boat, And that he had No Business with any Body that belonge’d to Him. Here
Collett Interrupted him Saying he thought Jones had a Right to Take any Body he pleased
in the Boat with him, and if it was Otherwise that for his part, Should be Subject to None Else; And
as to Looking for the Treasure knew it to be my duty, Adding that he would Vouch if I did not find
any thing Else to Detain me, that would Bring in fish. Chisholme was Very. Impertinent all this
Time and Said I might Spare my Self the Trouble of Looking for Treasure, that it he Thoi^ht what
was Saved Already would not be Share? that he would Take it on his Back and Throw it Over the
Rocks, Where it Never Should be Seen More. The Carpenter Spoke Next Saying he was hunted ;
but Damn him if he Would not do the Less for it. When I Came in Brought in 10 Large Fish
with me butt Could Se Nothing on the Ground where I Expected to find the Ships Bottom. As
Soon as I meet Collett He Told me All the Above, Desireing me at the Same time Not to Take
Any Notice of it, and Not to be so much with the Carpenter, Which Counsel I Took, And only Con*
cerned my Self in Getting up Plank, and Other Things Which we wanted most. It Would be Need-
less to Mention the Abuses I and Collett Receiv?, dayly therefore Shall pass Over a Month Which
brings me tp the Time the Treasure Chest was Broke Open And 600 Pounds Taken Out by the fol-
lowing persons : Viz^, Bioh4 Topping Carpenter, Samuel Powell 5*^ Mate, KathU Chis-
holme Quarter Master, Jn« King, Roh** Beazley, Pore Mast Men, Jn* Lester Montross.
The Person who first Found out this Peice of Villainy was Sconce, who being Curious to know the
Weight of it, found it so light that Convinced him, that there Could not be much in it ; and Turning
the Bottom up found it had been Out a Ohissell, upon which discovery went To the Rest And
Told them of it. At Which Peice of News, those that Broke it Open Seem? as much Surprized at as
any of the Rest, Which Was King and Beazley, who with About 8 More Mett me as I was Come-
ing towards the Tent, and King in the most Sorryfull manner Told me what had happened, Exclaim-
ing all the way till we Came to The Chest Against the Villains that did it, and desire’d in a parti-
cular Manner that I would find Some Method to find who they Were, Accordingly, As Soon as
I had Secured the Remaining 1600 dollors, Collett and I went into the Store Tent and drew up
an Oath, which I O&re’d To Take first, and then Administer it to the Others. Some Seeme’d
Willing, but Waited for the Carpenter to Take it first, Which he Refused, as did all the Rest;
I then desire’d it might be postponed till next Sunday, That Whosoever Were the Aggressors Might
have an Opportunity to Return it or Carry it from Whence they Took it, Which Was agree? upon by
all, Excepting the Carpenter Ohisholme and Powell, who Satt Mute ajl the While. I Intreated
them* all I Could to Return the Money Again Telling them it Could Not be kept - Secrete, and that
Whosoever waj the Unhappy people that Took it, and persisted in keeping it, Would Answer for it
with Their Lives. This had no Effect fdr the Tuesday following, this being Sunday. They all took
.Three worde erased.
226
THE INDIAN ANTIQDADT.
[May, 190^,
tlieir Oaths on the Bible to Stand True to One another, and Insist upon Shareing* the money & Every
thing that Came ashore, Belong to Whome it Would, This Information I got from Balph Srnitli
Which was One Who took the Oath,
Monday the Carpenter did Nothing but make a Quadrent Case for Chisholme and tho mine
wanted only Repairing Could not Get it done till 3 or 4 days before we Left the Island, and then the
Smith did it. The Carpenters Not Working Surprized Collett and I Greatly, Especially When
We Saw them all Assemble together, and Getting idrunk,^ Therefore I and My party Which was
TUL^ Collett Webb & Yates Midshipman, and M^Donll Went to the Other Side of the Island
to Try if we Could Judge what they Were About, aird we Agreed in Our Opinions, that they were
Chuseing Another Person to Command them, Which we Thought would be Powell, Therefore as
had been told by Chisholme & Powell Several! Times, that They were as Capable as I was to
Navigate the Boat, and did not want me to Command them Thought it Needless to Concern my Self
with Them any More^ or at least till I Saw the Event of their Consultations. The Next day as
ObservJ before was Devoted to takeing theire Oaths And drinking till most of them was dnink.
The Carpenter & Powell Was So Bad they were Lead or Rather Carryed to their Hammocks.
Chisholm was so Bad Could not be moved so that he lay most of the Night in the Caipenters
Tent, which was become Secret to me And the Others before mentioned, And was Made no Other
Use of than to keep the Carpenters and Chisholms Chests in, which is quite Furring from the Use
I Intended it ; for when I Raised it, being for them to Work in When it Rained, Howsoever this
day when it was pretty full Took the Liberty to look in, for Which presumption the Carpenter metfc
me at the door and Run his head in my Face, which I took no Notice off; but Walk of Quitely and
for the Remainder of the Week lett them Go on their Own way, without Taking Notice of any thing,
tho in the Interim had Rain Which Wett all the Boats Sails Rigging, and not One of them vrouM
be at the Trouble to gett them out to dry. All this Week, they Endeavoured to Out do one Another
in^Behaveing Insolent to us^ foar I Never Mett with any ©I them, as was Walking Round the Island,
butt Sett up a Horse laugh at me ; And as my Self and the Other 4 Used to be a good deal Over
.at the First Tent that was Made, Which had Still one Covering Over it, they thought it to great an
Indulgence, Therefore took it of. Neither I or any of us Took the least Notice of Any of their
Behaviour till Sunday, When I was to propose Taking The Oath to* them Again, which thought of
doing as Soon as we had Dined ; Bat was- prevensted by a Quarrell that happened, between Powell
Ss King About a Fowling Peice Which was found by the Latter, who Swore if any Man OS^ered
to Use it, besides- himself he would Shoot them with it ; But Recollecting himself that he he®®
had gone a little to far. Expected The Carpenter. Howsoever After Supper, Informed them that I had
heal'd Nothing of the Money which was Taken out of the Chest, And desired to know if any of them
had, Which was Denied, I then Asked if they would follow my Example, And Take tho Oath, to
Which, Jn® Glass Answerd that I Need not Trouble my Self about it any More ; Adding that those
thathad Themoney would Take Care of it. I did not think this a Sufficient Answer, therefore Asked
Severall by” Name, which Refused, so finding it Needless to Mention it any more, drop^ that Subject,
Ask^ Them if they Intended to Obey my Orders any More, and if they did not Desired they
would Appoint Some body Else to Take Care of the things Which Was Lying Doting, Mentioning
the Sails and Rigging, Severall of them Answere’d together they Could Take Care of the things
as well I Could, Amd King Called, out the Carpenter Should Command them, Which he Re-
fused ; but at the Same Time, Seemd well pleased that he was A Man of Such Consequence Among
them. Upon his Refusing, Beazly Answered, then Jones Shall Continue, but was desired
to Hold his Tongue by mng, Who Said he would not Obey me Without I Consulted all of them
Upon all' Occasions, Which I Refused, Telling them if ony One of them was Capable, would not
trouble my Self any More about any thing ; but as they was not, Self preservation Induces
me, tho Confess if had the least prospect of a Deliverance Without, Would not do it. Not-
withstanding am deternuned Never to Consult Such a parsell of Lubers. King Answered He was as
So ia the MS,
Mat, 1902.]
THE WRECK OF THE "EODDINGTON,” 1755.
227
good a Man as I was, and as We Were all Upon a Footing, thought it Oaly Reasonable they Should
be Consulted, And a Great deal more of Such Discourse. Howsoever it Ended desireing I would
Continue to direct them.
About a Month After this Collett Happen^ to go into the Carpenters Tent, at a Time
When Chisholm & the Carpenter was drinking Some Brandy and Water, of Which they
Asked him to partake ; which he did and drank Success to Our Undertakings. With all my Heart
Answerd the Carpenter, and am glad we Are all Alive, that Came Ashore. This Startled Collett
a little, but not Seeming to Understand What he meant, Say‘J it was a Very Wholesome Air Or
Some Would have been dead, Eating Such Trash as we Were Obliged to do Sometimes. Yes
Answer^ he I beleive the Air is Very good, IN’otwithstanding that you may thank god, you Are
Alive, for not long ago, there was Some who designed to have Murther^ M** Jones your
Self, & the Other 3 ; Adding there was Only one Mans Consent wanting, And it would
Certainly [have] been done, Which was JnP King that Refused And Say? he would Dye
first before he would Suffer it to be done. And Two days ago told me of it, I desire you^^ Keep what
have told You a Secret, and When we get from hence and Come to another Place will tell you More
of it, but we Hever Afterwards Found him in So good a Humour, as When he told Collett
the Above Mentioned, So that am quite Ignorant who the Villains Are Who was to have been
the Executioners.
The Kext thing we was Inform’d of was' That the Kings & the Hon^® Companys packetts
was to be burnt, least if Might be Hurtful to them at Mozenbeys, besides they Suspected
Our papers was in it. Lester the Montross Asked Severall to Assist him to do it, but they
Refused being Afraid it would be found out. And tbe Kings Pacquet being there, it would hang
them.
Being at Work Upon the Wreck on day Was Surprized to See M9Boull Coming towards
me in Great Confusion, and it was Some time before he Could Speak. At length he told me.
they were Murdering Mr Collett in the Tent. I left what was About Immediately, And
as was Walking Over the Island Asked him the Meaning of it. He told me that Some had been
Complaining There Baggs had been Robb? and M^ Collett Advizeing to Search all in the Tent,
was Taken up by King, Saying that his Should Be Search’d first, Adding that he was the Greates
theif Ashore; Which provoke? Collett to Strike him, And King Return? it. When
M®Dowel left the Tent Severall Others had got Round him Crying — Thresh him, damn him, learu
him to Strike Again. Howsoever by The Time I Came it was all Over and Collett was gone
from the Tent, I thought it Needless to take any Notice of it, for they were Quite Masters,
and in all probability, Should have Come off no Better than Mr. Collett ; so Returnd back to
make an End of what I was About.
About a fortnight before we Left the Island a Fresh Rupture Broke Out ; Powell being dis-
cover? by one of the People with a Bottle of Brandy, Which he Knew must be Out of The Sea
Stock. Therefore Came and Made his Complaint to me, tho not without Consulting the Rest
first. I Sent for Powell and Told him what was. laid to his Charge, which putt him in a great
Passion, denying that he Ever Touch«^ it. Those who accused him durst not prove it, being
desired to Hold their Tongues by King and Some More of them. Powell was Extreemly Offended,
that I should Call him to Account for any Such thing, Saying he did not know a more Likelyer a
person than myself to do Such a thing ; Adding that One day when Every body was gone to gather
Eggs, Excepting M» Webb and my Sell, we had drank out f of a Case Bottle, Which he had Pound
a little before Under M^ Webbs Hammock, Being Accused of a Fraud which I Never thought of
provoked me So that I could [not] Help Striking him, which he Returned, and Grabbed fast Hold
of me. He was Soon Undermost, and the Carpenter as Boon Informed of it, Who Came Running
into lixe Tent, and Came Immediatly to Me, being Disengaged from Powell before he Came in, which
228
THE INDIAN ANTlQtJAET.
[May, 1902.
I believe Save’d me Some Strokes from him ; saying that I was the person that Stole The Brandy,—
And that he knew how it was a going Some Tinae ago. I believe he Spoke Truth Against his Will,
Now or atleast Unknown to him, for I Make no doubt but his Confident gave him a drink Now and
then. The Next that took Me to Task was Lester the Montross, Who asked me by what Authority
I Sent for him, and Order him and the 2 Other Montrosses to Assist me, if any Body Should Attempt
to take the Eemain’d^ of the Money ; Adding that he would Lett me know he was My OfiScer, Being
in the Kings Service and I Only in the Merchants. I did not think it Worth my While to Answer
him, but he was going on in the Same Abusive Manner the Others Used to do, which provoked me
to Call him Villain, and Told him if he did not Leave of his Abusive Language I would knock him
down, with the first thing that Came in my way. But he Only laught at me Telling me I was the
Greatest Villain, and wisM I would Offer to Strike him, he would desire no better Sport. The
Usage I had Receiv<* from the Rest before and the Abusive Language from this Scoundrell, put me
past my Reason, therefore Run towards him ; and he Meeting me, which I did not Observe, got the
first Blow, which had not in my Power to Return, being taken hold of by M*" Collett and the Best
who parted us. By this Time Chisholm who had been out of the Tent Some Time, Came in Swag-
gering and Aske^ what Domineering was going on Now, that they would have no More of it;
Adding he knew what to do With the Boat as Well as I when She was a floate. And if I wanted
Any Thing to Turn Out with him he would make me Easey-presently ; Which Challange I did not
Care to Except ; hut told him, if he durst Take on of the Guns, I would Meet him with Another,
which he Refused. And Then the Carpenter, who Refused lickwise, but Upon Second Thought
Said he Would. Accordingly went out of the Tent and I followe’d. He began to Strip himself and
asked’ what I was for, Stick or fist ; Adding he w^ould Lett me See he was Net Afraid of his
Plesh, I Said Nothing to him butt Retnrn^^ into the Tent Again ; and he Followed, Asking me if
taking 2 Guns was the way to try a Man. No Answer? Chisholm a Good Stick or Fist is the way.
So this Fray Ended with Telling me, they did not want ^ny more of my Commanding or Domineer-
ing Over them, and That They Were all Upoii a Footing, therefore wanted no Commander-* To
Which I made them no answer. Neither did I Concern my Self with any Thing afterwards, till
within a day the Boat was to be Launched ; but There was wery little to do which Made me quits
Easy,- and from this Time Would Mess no More with the Carpenter. And ' indeed Should not
have Eat with-him at all, if I thought he would have Behaved in the Manner he has done ; for when
I divided the people into two Messes Thought by Taking all the Officers into Mine, there Would be
no- danger of the Rest of the People doing any thing Contrary to our Will. - But it happen? I Made
Choice of the greatest Scoundrelis. . I Enjoy<i Being in a Mess by Our Selves Greatly, and so did
the Rest of my Mess Mates ; Notwithstanding they were Obliged to Cook for themselves, and Often
3 days before we Could get the Kettle to Make Broth, which was the Best of Our Food at That Time ;
it being Mostly Employ^ for Parpentprp, Andif at any Time it was Not, all the Rest Insisted
being Served before us. The People Receiv? their Orders from the Carpenter & Chisholm
Which was to get as Much Iron as they Could, and our Method of Getting it was to Burn it Out of
the Wreck, and one day When they had fired it, took the Trouble to Carry the Carrining Blocks
I had got up and Ts^rr? and threw theih in the fire. Beezley was Seen to throw one in by Tates.
About 4 or 5 days before the Boat was Launch? Powell Seem? to be head Man, giving his Orders
to Take the Brandy Cask and Rincb them. MF Collett Assisted to gett them out of the Tent, they
being in the Place, Where- we Mess, and afterwards took The Liberty of Rinching one of them out
with a little fresh Water ; Which Powell Observing, Damn? his Assurance and Asked what Busi*
ness he had to do that, Swearing he Should npt have it, and Call? him all the Infamous Names
Could be thought of ; Swearing that None of us Shall go of the Island in the Boat, and Indeed
Expected that would be the Case.
- - -HowsoOTer-2 days Afterwards the People Came To me to know if I thought proper to have
the things Share’d. I Asked Them Whether they were Tantalizing me and if they did not' thipk
being Left on the-Island was Not-Punkhment Enough without it. • ■ ...
Mat, 1902.1
MILJS STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
229
They Answer? they Intended no Such thing, And as to What Powell Says Signifies Nothing •
Adding they Hoped Every thing Might be forgott, and that I would Take upon xna the Diiree-
tion as before. I Readyly Complye’d with their Request, and told Them that had no Objections
to Sharing Such Things as I knew No Owners to ; But as to the Treasure and Plate Could nor
would not Consent to Share it. Therefore hoped they would Return what was Taken Out of the
Chest, and Allow things to go in their proper Channell ; which if you^i do, Assure you, Whats past
Shall be Buried in Oblivion. They Made me no Answer, but Went to the Carpenters Tent, and
in a few Minutes Return? Again, Saying they were Determined to Share Every thing, And desired
to know, What we would have done with Our Shares. Collett told Them to Lay it a One Side ^
but as they divided it, they Brought Ours to us which We took Care of, thinging it Better to Save
so much of it. Than lett them Have it. The Money which was Taken out of the Chest Was Con-
cealed in the Boat, butt they happened to be Discovered doing it, by Some of those who was not
Concern? who Immediately Told the Rest. So finding they were Blown took it Out Again the
day Before it was Shar? As soon as the Money was divided the Other things Was putt up to
Auction, being a Contrivance of Colletts to Save the Plate, Which Otherways would have Been
Run down, 2 days After this we Launched the Boat and the Next day in Getting her Out, the
Grapnail Came home and She Drove Upon the Rocks ; Which Accident the Carpenter Layed to
my Charge, Saying that if he had Been Aboard it Should not been So. I Asked him how he would have
Prevented it ; but being at a Loss for an Answer only Grumbl’i at Me. While we Were at Sea they
would Often find Fault with my Carrying to Much Sail, Threatening to Cutt the Haliard, and Lett
the Sail Come down. This was When we Were before the Wind and Sea, And had we not Carryed
Sail to give the Boat Some Way through the Water, Would Certainly have foundred. When we
went into the first port it was by Consent of Every Body ; but When I proposed going out, they
Objected Against it Saying it would be Time Enough 10 or 12 days hence. Howsoever the Wind
Coming Fair about a Week afterwards we Were Ready Sail?. While We lay in this Port,
Chisholm Always Staye’d ashore to Buy What the Natives Brought to Sell, and I being a Shore one
Day "When a Small Elephants Tooth was Brought to the Tent, begg^ Leave to Buy it : Which
Offended M' Chisholm Greatly, and Told me I would only Spoile The Markett. Howsoever I Bought
the Tooth, and Gave the man About 4 pounds of Iron for it, tho Believe Could have got it for Less,
butt Thought gaveing a good Price Would encourage them to bring More. The Next day was
A Shore Again, and in the Tent unknown to Chisholm, Which gave me An Opportunity of Over hearing
him, telling Some of the People how I had Spoilt the Markett, And there would be no Such , thing
As Buying any thing More now ; at the Same time Rediculing Every Word I Said to him, before got
Leave to buy it. As Soon as he had Done I Stepe? out of the Tent and took him to Task For What
he had been Saying ; Which putt him in Some Confusion, but Soon Recovered, and told me if I wanted
any Satisfaction to Turn Out With a Good Stick, to Which I Confess I had no great likeing for.
Howsoever desired he would gett a Couple of good Sticks, and I would Take a Turn or 'two with
him if I Came of with the Worst out. He Look? about and soon Found One Which Throw? to me
and went in Search of Another, but Could, or as I believe, would not find One. So Returne’d Saying,
he did not mean any barm, but to the Contrary, Allways Wish? me well, and that he would Sail
with me Again as Soon As any Man. So Our Intended Battle Ended, and from that Time Nothing
Worth Mentioning happen? Afterwards,
SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
- THE AGE OF BHIMAKAYL
BY G. R. SXJBRAHIAH PANTULtJ.
Thekb has been a good deal of speculation as regards the fixing of the dates of Telugu
poets generally. But, unfortunately, we find here an absolute wilderness unreclaimed arid without
promise of natural vegetation, for barren indeed has been the arena on which the few insipid writer*
of the T^lugu dialect have paraded. . The tojpor of academy; dullness still domineers over* the- vast
230
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
XMat, 1902,
extent of the Telugu country, and in taking np the subject we are Sore afraid that we are treading on
very slippery ground. It is still wrapped in mystery, in spite of ingenious arguments advanced in
favour of particular theories by modern writers.
TRopoet Bhlma lived during the extreme end of the twelfth and the earlier part of the thirteenth
century. He was born at a village called VSmulavftda near Hrftkshar&ma in the GddAyart
District. Many curious stories are told of him. In the village was a Kiydgl Srahmap, Sdmana
by name, on whose demise, his wife, being poor and widowed, eked out a livelihood by singing songs
at the houses of the rich. The story goes that on a certain Mahasivaratri day, she joined a company
of other females and went to Dr&ksharama, and while the others were praying to the local god to
bless them with good and useful offspring, she, feehng certain that she would have no more issue,
vowed that, if she should have a son, she would light a lamp with a tubful of water to the deity, where-
upon all the women assembled laughed in their sleeves. Sometime after, as Fate would have it, she
became pregnant. The village folk, though assured by her that her pregnancy was the result of her
devout prayers to the deity, gave a deaf ear to her and excommunicated her. Not long after she gave
birth to a son (named Bhima after the local deity), whom she brought up with a great deal of love and
care, and educated him as became him. As the boy grew older and joined with others of his class at
play, they began to boycot him by calling him ‘ a widow’s son.’ Bhima, being unable to endure the
insult, was sorely grieved at heart, and went to his mother and demanded an explanation from
her. On being told the real facts, he immediately quitted the village, reached Drfikshardma, entered
the temple and clasped the lihga with both his hands. The god had mercy on him and said: “ What-
ever deeds you do, whatever expressions you utter will prove true.” Sometime after, he reached his
native village, but at a house where the Brahmans were being feasted, the gates were closed against
him as being a widow’s son, despite his earnest entreaties. He cursed them that the ddl should
become frogs and the rice ehmnam. Immediately frogs began to jump from one leaf to another. The
Brhhmans were sore dismayed, and learning that it was due to Bhimana’s mdMtmya, opened the
door, promised to admit him if the frogs became rice and ddl as usual. It was so, and thinking that
he was the beloved of the god the Br&hmans admitted him into the sacerdotal order. After that he
lived by telling impromptu stories. He is best known as a poet of abuse and was called by people
generally TJddau<lakavi and Kavirftkshasa. He used to visit the courts of kings, and proclaimed
himself as the son of the god Bhimesvara.
Three years afterwards DananjFipftla, the father of Vlmalftditya, was ejected and his kingdom
was occupied by the Kalmgfts. It is said that the poet Bhima abused the tJien reigning king,
Kalihga Gahgu, because he was refused an audience by the king, who was wholly immersed in the
affairs of state and wanted the poet to see him after all the bustle and whirl was over. The poet
grew very much enraged, and said that thirty-two days hence his kingdom would be occupied by his
enemies. The words proved true, and the king was driven out of his kingdom. He wandered
unknown from village to village and in the darkness of the night feU into a pit before Bhimana’s
house and wept bitterly at his fallen position. The poet happened to come out of his house and
enquired who he was and was told that it was the Mng, reduced to this state by the poet Bhlmana
The poet took pity on him and said that he would yet defeat his enemy in battle and be crowned
king at Sajjanagara on the sixth day of the dark fortnight in the month of Hina.
The king joined a band of Bhagavatas and went to Sajjanagara, and when the king of the place
asked the band if they would undertake to play the part of his enemy, Kalipga Gangu, the unknown
wanderer, forced them to accept the offer, played the part of KaHnga Gahgu himself and for the pur-
poses of the play received the royal sword and horse from the king. He then mounted the horse and
sword in hand, approached the reigning king, cut off his head and ascended the throne. ' This
Sajjanagara goes at present by the name of Sajjapura, a village near Peddapur in the Gddftvail
Distort, and was the seat of the empire before the Peddapur fort was built. If what is stated above
be the fact and if he was a contemporary of the Ohdlukya kings, we are obliged to infer that the poet
May, 1902.]
UNPUBLISHED MALABAR COINS.
231
must haTe lived twenty or thirty years before the reign of B9rjanar6ndra, as Vimaladitja
reigned for seven years and his elder brother Saktivarman twelve years after they had once more taken
possession of the throne. This has the support of Brin£^tha in his Kdiikhdi^a^ where we are led to
think that the poet must have lived at the beginning of the thirteenth century.
After the demise of Rajanardndra, the Cholas occupied the whole of VIgidesa, and we learn
that our poet lived at the time of the Chaiukya king Ckokkard^ja, who was then reigning over
a portion of the Telugu country. Once, when the king was in his bower, he stretched out his leg
against a pillar and asked the poet, who was standing before him, to convert it into a lily tree;
whereupon the poet recited a verse and did so. The people assembled were wonderstmck. As the
king was unable to take his leg off the tree, he' requested the poet once more to' reconvert the tree
into a pillar, which was accordingly done. We Iearn“from the Appahmtya that our poet lived at
the time of S^hhgdm&ra (to whom Bh^skara’s Rdmdyana was dedicated), who was a contempo-
rary of king Chokka.
That Bhima was living at the end of the twelfth century may be inferred from the following
story. When the poet was on one of his tours, his horse grazed in the fields of one P6taraja of
GucHmetla, and it is said that he abused the R^ja because the horse was impounded. This abusive
stanza, though cited by Appakavi as by one Rellfiri Tirumalayya, is usually taken to be BMmana’s,
and the date when Potar^ja flourished goes to prove that it was not Timmalayya^s. Gudimefela is a
small village, about ten miles from Nandigd>ma, in the District of Kistna, and was the seat of a certain
section of the Ch61a Rajas, We learn also that this P6taraja, the son of B&jdndrac]x6].ay gave
innumerable indm lands to very many Brdhmans and temples, and from the inseriptioii on the
temple pillar at Hanagiri we learn that he made over certain lands to Mallesvara Svami of Bezvad^
in Saka 1122, i* e., 1199 A, D. We learn also from the Appakavtya that Kavirakshasa, u e.,
Bhimana, lived after Nannaya Bhatta and prior to Tikkana.
Among the poet’s works, bis treatise on Prosody, dedicated to one Rechanna, a Vaisya, is the
only one available. It is said that he prepared certain astrological charts, but there seems to be no
strong foundation for attributing the authorship to him. It is said also that, when his mother was
distributing yM to certain Brahmans, he told her that her “ belly was smirched with the dirt of the pot.”
This means allegorically (in Telugu) that her son had breathed his last, and so he himself immediately
died, because the words he had used had become a curse.
SOME UNPUBLISHED MALABAR COINS.i
CONTRIBUTED BY T. M, EANGA CHARI, BA., AND T, DESIKA CHARI, BA., B.L.
OBVERSE :
REVERSE :
Z. Billon.
The legend **Balban” appears
in the area while the legend
in the margin is not decipher-
able.
“ S«Mn al a'zam Ghiisu’d-duniy^ wa n’d-din,”
R. Copper,
As-Sultan al>a*zam Jalalu’d-
«Fir &2 Shah,”
duniya wa n’d-diii,”
-
B. Silver.
As-Sult^n bin Muljamraad
“ As-Sultan al-a'zam ‘AUud-duniyS wa u’d-din.”
Shah Abu’l-Muzaffar.”
3 Z stands for the Zumbro Collection of coins.
R for “Hie Eanga Ohari-Desika Chari Collection*
M for the Madras Mnsenm Collection.
T for the Tracy Collection, :
TTHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY-
[Mat, 1902.
4. R, Billon. Legend in the area: “Muham-
mad Sh^h.*’ There is a
legend in the margin which
is not legible.
5, R. Silver, “ As-SuMnal*a‘zam Qutbu’d-
duniya wa u’d-din.”
6, R, Copper. “ As-Sultan al-a‘zam Qutbu’d-
duniya wa u’d-din.’^
7, R, Silver. Legend in the area : * * Quthu’d-
duniyi wa u’d-din,” The
legend in the margin is not
decipherable,
8, R. Silver, Abu’l-Muzaffar Tughlaq Shah.
9, R, Copper. Tughlaq Shah.
10. R, Copper. Tughlaq Shah.
11. R, Copper. “ AbuT Muzaffar Tughlaq
Sh^h,” “722” (H).
12. R. Copper. “Indu’r-Rafi Muhammad
Tughlaq,” “ 733 ” (H).
15. R. Billon. Legend in the area : “ Ahsan
Shah.” In the margin :
“734” (H).
14. M..Silver. “ Shah Ahsan 738 ” (H).
35. T. Silver. “ Shah Ahsan,’’ “ 739 ” (H).
16. M. Copper. “ Ahsan Shah 1-illa-hi.”
17. Z. Silver. Legend in the area : “ Muham-
mad Damghan Shah.” In
the margin : “741” (H).
18. R, Copper. Legend in the area Muham-
mad Damghan Shah.” Date
in the margin: “ 742 ” (H).
19. R. Silver. Legend in the area : ^‘Muham-
mad Damghan Sh^ ” Date
in the margin : “ 742 ” (H),
20. R, Copper. “ Sultan Sikandar Shah.”
21. T. Copper. “ Muhammad Mustafa.”
22. Z. Copper, Legend in the area : “ Mu-
barak Sh|h.” The legend
in the margin is not deci-
- ' ' pherable.
23. R. Copper. “ Bar gazidu’-l-lah ”
24. R, Copper, “ ‘Alau’d-duniya wa u’d-din,”
85. R. Copper. Legend in the area: “Daued
Shah,” The legend in the
margin is not legible.
“ As-Sultan al-a‘zam ‘Alau-d-duniya wau’d-din.’^
“Mubarak Shah Abu’l-Muzaffar,” “716” (H).
“ Mubarak Sh^h SuMa ibn SoMn,” “ 717 ” (B)
‘•As-Sultan ibn Sultan,” “718” (H).
Ghiy^su’d-duaiya wa a’-d-din.
Sultan al-a‘zam Ghiyasu’d-din.
Ghiyasu’d-duniya wa u’d-din.
“As-Snltan al-a‘ 2 am Ghiyaau’d-duniya wa nxd-
din.”
Ai-Malik al-a* 2 imat l-illa-hi.
“ Sultauu’s-Salatin.”
*‘A1-Hussami.’*
“ Al-Hussaini.”
Not decipherable.
“As-Sultan al-a‘zsm Ghiyasu^d-duniya wa u'd-
din.”
As-Sultan al-a‘zam Gbiyasu’d-diiniya ?fd.din.
“Bar gazid Rahman,” -757” (H).
“An-Nabi ba-safa/’ “764” (H).
“ Khadim Rasulu’-I-lab,” “ 770.”
“ As-Sultan al-a’zam.”
“ Al-Malik min Amaru’l-ldh.”
May, 1902 ]
THE AHDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XYIIIth
CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIB RICHAED 0. TEMPLE.
( Continued from p, 212,)
1793. — No. XXX.
The following Letters were received on the 28^^ Instant from Captain Biair,
Captain Blair Dated 27*^^ May.
To The Most Noble Charles Marquis Cornwallis K, 6. Governor General &ea. in Council.
My Lord, — I have the honor to lay before your Lordship a General Chart of the Andamans,
a letter of Report on the Subject, and a Paper Containing Astronomical Observations.
Should your Lordship have leisure to examine the chart and Report, you will perceive that
several Dangers have been lately discovered; and from- the very abrupt inequalities of the depth in
several places it is probable that there may be other Dangers yet undiscovered I therefore beg leave
to observe that a more minute investigation of the Soundings appears necessary in those parts where
the bottom is Coral.
The best time to execute this service will be from December to April inclusive, when the
weather is favorable, and when it is probable the Viper might be Spared from the Pilot Service for
this investigation.
I beg leave also to observe that Lieut*. Wales is well qualified to execute this Service t
I am My Lord Marquis Your Lordships Most Obed*, Humble Serv^.
(Signed) Arcliibald Blair,
Calcutta
Hay 27*^ 1793,
Captain Blair Bated 27*^ May,
To The Most Noble Charles Marquis Cornwallis K. G, Governor General in Council.
My Lord, — To a former report which I had the honor to lay before your Lordship June 19^^
1789, with a General Chart and Plans of three Harbours, it is now necessary to add a Sequel;
Ijaving Compleated the Circuit of the Andamans since that Period, discovered an excellent Harbour,
a number of Inlets, and several dangerous Coral Banks,
Having by your Lordships orders engaged some Artificers Sepoys and Laborers and also
provided the necessary Stores, I left Calcutt,a the begiui^ing of September 1789 to form
a small Settlement at the Port now termed in the Chart Old Harbour, with Instructions
to prosecute the Survey, when the Vessels could be spared from the Service of the Settlement, Soon
after my arrival I made a Particular Suryey of Old Harbour a plan of which I had the honor
to transmit to your Lordship from thence.
East Coast Andamans. — On March the 20* 1790 having left Lieutenant Wales in Charge,
at the Settlement, I sailed with the Ranger and Viper Accompanyed, by Captain Kyd in the Experi-
ment, to prosecute the Survey, and with an intention to Compleat the Circuit of the Andamans Our
rout (sic) being from Old Harbour up the East Coast of the Island I shall observe the same progres-
sion in this Report.
From the North point which forms the entrance of Old Harbour, the land rises rather Abruptly
to a height which may be seen above thirty miles distant : a Continuation of this, in a broken Ridge
in the direction of North, and to an extent of nine miles very pointedly marks to the Navigator
-the situation of old Harbour, at the North extremity of the Ridge the decent is more Gentle,
234
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mat, 1902,
terminating where an extensive Inlet is formed, named in the Chart Shoal Bay it retreats to
South^Yal’d behind the high lanO, and to north^Yard round an island where a second naouth is "formed ;
which abounds with Oysters [Oyster Bay]. On a reference to the Chart it will be perceived that
this extensive doable Inlet, is too shallow for the reception of Ships.
Two miles northward of Oyster Bay in Lat^ 11° 58 is Port Meadows, a small but Convenient
Harbour. The passage in, is very narrow, south of an island which is situated in the entrance.
The interior part of this harbour, is invironed by Coral Beefs. The surrounding land, in general is
low, with extensive tracks of Mangrove Jungle, intersected by Creeks, and forming several islands.
Two miles northward of Port Meadows is situated the eastern entrance of Middle Strait, the
Bar of 1| f“s, the intricacy and narrowness within together with the difficulty aud danger of access
from westward, renders it useless for ships of burthen, but it will afford an easy communication
between the east and west Coasts of the great island. The Tides in this Strait are not so strong as
might be expected. It is here proper to Observe that the Coast from Shoal Bay to middle Strait
ought not to be Approached without caution closer than two miles as there are some dangers, which
are inserted in the Chart, extending nearly that distance from the land.
Northward from Middle strait there are great inequalities in the Surface of the land, some parts
low, and others rising very abruptly and nearly insulated by the sea : the direction is N E b N but
deeply indented with Bays and Inlets. The soundings are regular and no dangers -without the depth of
ten fathoms, The distance to Strait Island is thirteen miles the direction N E. Here the Archipelago
Coutracts the breadth of Dilligent Strait to three leagues : and from Strait Is'^.and to Round
Hill [Wilson Island] (which is the narrowest part) the breadth is only one league. The
number and variety of the Islands Agreeably diversified with rugged Cliffs and luxuriant forests pre-
sents a prospect beautiful and picturesque. On a near Approach the Caves Appear, which are
inhabited by innumerable flocks of the Small Swallow.; which makes the edible Birds -nest
so much valued by the Chinese, as a delicacy and restorative. The principle (sic) Cave is situated
the south point of Strait Island, which is rocky, but not exceeding forty feet in height. The
entrance, which is washed by the tide, is an irregular aperture of about six feet wide, and the same
height ; on Advancing thirty or forty feet, the height diminishes to four feet and the breadth increases
to twenty. Here it is rather dark and very warm, and the top and sides of the Cave are Covered
with Nests; an astonishing number of Birds, twittering, and on the wing, whisking past the ears
and eyes, this Contrasted with the melancholy noise of the waves resounding through the gloomy
Cavern formed a very uncommon and interesting Scene, The Birds are probably induced to choose
this situation from the Oaves being inaccessible either to Snakes or Quadrupeds and probably
defensible Against birds of Prey. The Nests in general are in form of the quarter of the sphere of
2^ inches diameter, of this shape one of the sections being firmly fixed to the rock the other section
leaves the Nest Open above. The Substance is glutinous ; those most in estimation are white and
demi-traiiBparent. It has been doubtful, and various Conjectures have been formed of what the
Nests are Composed. In smaller and more accessible Caves I have observed a Mucilage, exuding
from the rock, moistened by exhalations from the sea, which washes the lower part of those Oaves. This
Mucilage on being lavigated and dryed, bad both the texture color and taste of the Nest ; but what
removed all my doubts of this being the substance was seeing the Birds in immense numbers, resorting
to a Cave very productive of the Mucilage in the month of January which is the season the Birds
Build their Nests, It may now be presumed that the Nests are neither of animal or vegitable, but a
mineral Substance, But to return to my more immediate duty.
It has been already observed that the breadth of Dilligent Strait is contracted to the
breadth of one league, between Strait Island and Round Hill ; but besiffi s suffering this
Contraction, the Soundings beyond this become very irregular and there are many dangerous
patches of Coral on either side : one in particular half a league east of Strait island is very
dangerous ; it> will Appear in the Chart The Spit extending about, the same distance north from
Round Hill, the Reefs connected with Middle and North Buttons, and an extensive and dangerous
May, 1902,]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
235
Coral Bank and reef to northwest of those Islands.. These ought to deter Strangers from entering
Dilligent Strait, except in Cases of necessity, should such a measure become necessary Strict atten-
tion to the following instructions will lead through the Straits with safety. If entering from North-
ward, first steer for the North Button, which is a small island rendred remarkable from several white
Cliffs ; pass to right or Northwest of it not exceeding one mile distant; when a breast steer N. E.
and pass middle Button, leaving it also to Northeast and Observing the same distance ; wEen the last
is brought to bear E, N. E. it will be necessary to alter the Course to south and to steer in that
direction until the north Button is just perceived to eastward of Middle Button ; with this mark
steer about S W b S Observing to keep the Islands in the same position, and this will lead through the
narrow part of the Strait clear of. the Dangers of either side. A refereace to the Chart will make the
instructions more easily understood.
The Archipelago Appears to Consist of eleyen islands, of various sizes, I speak with doubt as
the largest of fourth island may probably be intersected by narrow channels, which would increase
the number. The south Island [now Neill Island] which is very small, bears from Old Harbour
nearly E, N. E. distant seven leagues It is surrounded by a Coral Bank to South and East, tht^
least W ater on it is 7 f*“s except a small Reef from the south extremity which has 3 f’^f about half n
mile distant from the island. The passage between this and the second island, is clear the ground
Coral with some Spots not exceeding the depth of 5 fms.
On the South extremity of the Second Island [now Havelock Island] there are a few Coco-
nut trees, it is moderately high the Major part roclcy, but Covered with trees except some Cliffs which
rise abruptly from the Sea, at the northeast and near the northwest extremities. From the south
point there is a Reef on which the sea breaks, half a mile from the shore. A Bay is formed between
the two northern points but it is too shallow for Ships, The passage between the second and third
is nearly two miles broad and Clear of danger with very deep W ater near the third Island.
The third Island [now Feel Island] is of a triangular form, with a Considerable projectioii
on the north side. The south point which is acute, is formed of high white Cliffs one in paHicular which
is almost insulated, has in many situations the Appearance of a sail. On the south east side there are
two small Bays, and at the bottom of the northern one, there are several Coconut Trees, where
some natives usually reside. The water is very deep on this part of the Coast, about 40 t\\o
miles from the land. From the Northwest angle to the North point of the projection the soundings
are very regular Close to this point there is a narrow channel with 7 f“*®. over a Reef, which extends
from the point of the island almost three miles in a north east direction : between this point of the
reef, and another extending from an angle of the fourth island, there is another narrow channel By
the long reef and the two islands a small but Commodious harbour is formed. The passage between
the third and fourtk islands [Fourth Island, now known as two — John Iiawrence and Wilson
islands] is shut up to eastward by Coral Reefs. The northeast angle of the third island must not
be approached closer than three miles, to avoid a Coral reef, which Appeared to be Connected with
the island.
The figure of the fourth island as well as its surface, is very irregular, and the soundings round
it correspond. * On the east side Ships must not Approach Closer, than six miles, as Minerva
Sank is situated that distance to eastward of the island, and on some places of the Bank there is not
more than 2^ at low Water* The east extreme of east island N. N. W. leads to eastward of the
Bank. The east side .of the ^ island is deeply indented, and; some parts behind rugged island may
probably be insulated. Round Hill which is remarkable from its regular shape, and being the
highest laud of the Archipelago forms the Northeast angle of this island it is seen ten leagues distant
in Clear weather — Estward of this angle there are several Banks which run Off a Considerable
distance, all within the dotted line in the Chart Should be avoided.
The passage [Evrangtung Strait] between the fourth and fiLfth. islands [now Honry
Xiawronc© Island] has deep, water, in the western entfance about the middle there is a Reei,
236
THE INDIAH ANTIQUARY.
[May, 1902.
from tlie fourth island, and across the eastern, entrance there is a Bar of sand and Coral, with only
S f“^ on it.
The fifth island is low and almost bisected by the apposite Bays, on the north and south sides of
the island the Water is deep and the soundings are pretty regular.
The Bays and Inlets [now Elphinstone Harbour] are formed by the three islands, north of
Strait island (of which long island is the northern) are too Confined and intricate to be of material
use, though they might afford Shelter, in the Case of being driven in, by distress.
Abreast of the south end, opposite the Middle and towards the North extreme of long island
there are three dangerous patches of Coral, about two miles distant from the island. To avoid those
and the large Coral Shoal northwest from the north Button ; it will be safe, not to Approach that
part of the Coast closer than bringing the North Button to bear North.
The small Inlet [now Rangat Bay] in Lat^. 12° 29 is very remarkable having a Bold Bluff
point, of either side The entrance is narrow and there is not Sufficient depth within for ships.
There is an extensive reef from the north point and there is rocky ground about half a league
beyond it.
From this part of the Coast, to the Lat^. 12° 45 the land rises rather abruptly to a Considerable
height. The direction of the coast is almost due north for five leagues, and then trends to N N E.
to Stewarts sound with three small projecting points. Between the second and third of those, there
is a Coral Bank, which extends a league to sea, with 10 fms on the outer edge and. Shoaling very
quick from that depth to 4 and 2 fms.
Stewart Sound is very extensive Consisting of three large branches. The entrance in Lat^,
12*53 is to south of sound Island, and Appeared perfectly clear quite across to passage Inland-
which is small and surrounded by a white sand- beach. It will Appear by the Chart, that the western!
or inner Brapch, is well Sheltered and the soupdings are regular. The outer of .southern Branch is
more exposed ; and two patches of Coral being found, makes it probable that there may be yet others
undiscovered. The northern Branch is paore Confined and it has not sufficient depth for large Ships.
The passage to Northward of sound Island is too intricate for large ships, and it requires further
examination.
From Stewart Sound, the Coast runs in almost a direct line N by E. The soundings are very
regular extending from the land a league and a half to the depth of 100 fms. There is a break in
the land [Tara-laitJ one league and a half north of Stewart Sound which has the appearance of an
Inlet. From the north entrance of the sound, the land rises abruptly from the sea and forms a
large Ridge with a regular and gentle ascent to the south peak of the saddle, which may be
seen twenty leagues distant in clear weather The north peak of the saddle is due north from
the south peak distant one mile and three quarters with a Considerable hollow between them.
From the^noxth peak the decent is Steep and irregular, and after forming a variety of Valleys
tenninates in the southern part of Port Cornwallis. The decent from the saddle to the sea is so
Steep in some places, as to be without vegetation There is one rivulet of fj^esh water which has its
source from the south peak and there are Appearances of several more which have not been
examined.
On this part of the coast the soundings extend from it about four miles and are perfectly
regular Craggy Isla-nd is bold having 12 fms. very close without it, the north part is Connected
with the great island by a reef.
The entrance of Port Cornwallis is in Lafi. 18° 17. Being the first Oppening to Northward
and so near the Saddle, marks its situation with peculiar precision. The access is easy being
two thousand five hundred yards broad. It is bounded on the North by a Reef
bxtendmg froin Boss island, and on the Opposite side by south Reef which is separated by a narrow
Channel, from Dnndass point. The Spit extending from South Reef, to North east is extremely
May, 1902.]
THE AEDAMANS IN THE XVIHth CENTTJRT.
237
narrow and on one siDSfedl Spot there is only 3| fms. at low Water Here it may be necessary to lav a
Buoy at some future period when frequented by large Ships, Atalanta Hay is immediately round
Dundass point, and is a good situation to Anchor during the S W monsoon, S*. George Island
is situated nearly in mid channel two nautic Miles from the entrance. It is of very small extent, but
surrounded by a Coral reef, which leaves at low Water a Space of an irregular form equal to an
area of SOG yards square. From this Island, Ships might be much annoyed in their progress up the
Harbour. At the extremety of the Spit which extends one Mile west from this island there is a Spot
of Coral almost dry at low Water on which it will be necessary to have a Buoy or Beacon,
Above S^ George Island the harbour oppens to the breadth of two Nautic miles, and the depth
of one and a haK of excellent anchorage ; bounded on the east by Hood Point, and the east side of
^inerva Bay, by the east side of Chatham Island and shore point on the West; and to the North
by Minerva Bay, perseverance point and the Continuation of the Harbour. The Ground is soft
tenacious clay the depth regular decreasing from 20 in the entrance to 10 and 9 abreast of
Perseverance point Here the harbour is Oonti-acted to the breadth of 1600 yards ; by the
Shoulder of Chatham island to west ; and a Continuation of the land in a direction nearly North
from Perseverance point to the eastward. The Harbour extends a mile north from perseverance
point ; and beyond this there is a narrow and intricate channel which leads to a very secure and
Con v^enient [North] Bason, adjoining the North west point of Pit island.
The Shoulder and north part of Chatham Island is encompassed by a Bank with 3 f“s. on the
outter edge, about 300 yards from the island. The Continuation of this Bank with a gentle carve and
westerly direction joins the west point and embraces Ariel Island from the north part of which, it
takes a Circular direction, inclosing another Commodeous [South] Bason, north of Ariel island, and
then by an easterly course terminates on the Northwest point of Wharf island Within the Margin
already described there is a very extensive Mud bank, portions of which Appear at low water. It
occupies a Space of about four square miles. This Plat termed in the Plan Shoal Bay is situated to
westward of Pit, Chatham and Ariel Island it is of an irregular form with an extensive branch
to the northwest and several inlets to southward.
The relative situations will be better Comprehended by an examination of the Plan, by which it
will [appear that the two Basons are well situated to Accommodate ships under repair and capable of
being strongly defended It will also be perceived that the Range of the Harbour having a North-
West direction, that the prevailing winds (northeast and Southwest) will be fair for either entering
or quiting this Port,
Twelve hundred yards above Perseverance point there is a Spring of fresh Water which Afforded
in the month of Feb^y, at the rate of 150 tons pY day, and it appeared to have suffered no sensible
deminution as late as the 6^^ of April 1793, which is the latter part of the dry season This Spring
is situated in a very Convenient part of the harbour and issues out of the ground about twenty feet
above high water mark, adjacent there are two Rills, and near Hood point another very productive
Spring.
The land in the vicinity of the harbour abounds with timber trees of excellent quality, and fit
for aU the various parts of ships.
The soil and Climate promises all that can be expected from the most happy tropical situation.^^
From Port Cornwallis to the North extremity of the great island, and round the group of islands
which encircle it, several Dangers have been lately discovered which will demand attention in the
Navigator to avoid.
The Table Islands bear from Ross Island N 13® E. distant seven miles, they are inverened
to eastward by an extensive coral reef ; and there is besides this, a ledge of rocks some of which just
Appear they bear from the east extremity of the islands S. S, E. distant one mile & a half, and
[It has, however, always proved to be extremely unhealthy. — Ed.j
238
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[May, 1P02.
there is 24 a very small distance withoat the rocks. From east extreme Table islands, Peeock
[Pocock] island bears N. 18° W distant 8 miles. The soundings are irregular with several Spots
sand and Coral Particularly within the Opposite bearings of the islands ; some Spots so little
as 4 at the distance ol a league from the land Without the Opposite bearings of the
islands, the soundings are more regular, deepening to 30 and 35 about two leagues from the
land. The navigator must not be deceived by this false Appearance, for immediately without the
depth of 35, the Water suddenly shoals to 20 which depth will be found within 100 yards of Union
ledge ; on which there is only 1 f^^. at low Water. The greatest extent of this very dangerous
ledge is in the direction of the meridian about half a mile the brealth about 300 yards. The
soundings are a little irregular even to eastward of this Ledge ; there being 28 immediately
without it, and beyond that depth, so little as 12, and 10 whence it deepens to 30, 50, and 76
and at the distance of four miles east of the Ledge, there is no ground with 110 f“s. From Union*
Ledge Peoock island bears W 25° N distant seven miles the eastern table island S 30° W the
same distance On referring to the Chart it will Appear that many lines of soundings have been run
between Union and Jackson Ledges, and that the depth is very unequal, it therefore Should be
avoided, though no Dangers have been yet discovered in that Space.
Jackson ledge is situated one league east of the North extreme of East island. The extent in
a South east direction is nearly half a mile and the breadth a quarter mile, and the least Water on it
is 1 fj^., Southwest from this at the distance of one mile is situated Banger Ledge, a Small
Circular Spot of 100 yards diameter, with only four feet on the Slioalest part It bears from the
north extreme of East Island E b N and distant from it two miles. To northward of those Ledges I
was very Particular in sounding and found very Considerable inequalities in the depth ; on some
Spots not more than 5 but by a very dilligent look-out from the mast head, I have no reason to
think that there is any less than that depth, to northward of Ranger Ledge. Those alarming
inequalities of depth do not extend above two miles to northward of Ranger Ledge, and there is a
Continuation of similar soundings to westward, extending the same distance round East and
Landfall islands. This will be found more clearly expressed in the Chart by a dotted line
encompassing the irregularity of Seundiugs as well as the Dangers, with a written ex] 3 lanation.
It will be Observed by the Chart, that there is a good and deep passage between East island
and Ranger Ledge, For this passage no further direction will be necessary, but observing to round
East island very close to avoid the Ledges to eastward. The distance of Pecock island would render
the beai’ings too indeterminate for a Mark to a^oidthe Ledges During the S W monsoon I think it
would be improper to Attempt this Passage; for a Ship rounding East islanl as Close as it can be
done with Safety, would hardly weather Jackson and Union Ledges.
Oleugh. passage is formed by the North extremity of the great Island and Northwest Island
to the south, and with Landfall Island to the north There is a extensive Reef nearly in the middle,
part of which appears above water. On either side of this reef there is deep water, and it will be the
Safest mode to pass it pretty close, as a mark to avoid more hidden dangers, which will Appear in
the Chart ; The Ground in general is Coral, with very alarming over falls, and the tides are irregular
Buch passages cannot be recommended, though a knowledge of them may prove useful in Particular
cases.
Northwest island is low surrounded with a Coral reef some parts probably extending half a mile
beyond high water mark : it is otherways bold The soundings westward from this island, to the edge
of the Bank are regular the depth iucreasing from 12 to 16 fms. the first two leagues; in the
remaiuing it deepens to 40 which is close to the edge of the Bank.
Cap© Tfiornhill is a round bill of a regular form and has the Appearance of being insulated by
a narrow channel.
West from the cape and distant two miles is Cliff Island which is Steep and Rocky and appears
bold to westward. Two miles to southward there is a low island of small extent surrounded by a reef
between this and Cliff island th^re appears to be very shallow Water.
llxY, 19020
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
239
South west from Cape Thorahill at the distance o? two leagues there is another proraontorr but it
is flat aiil lovT, and it also has the Appearance of being insulated : particularly so when viewed from
Southwest, for on the south side there is an extensive Inlet [now Temple Sound], This Inlet has
an island [now Paget Island] near the entrance and several extensive coral reefs, which appear to
bar the entrance.
On this part of the Coast the ground in general is coral with very great over falls, S. S. W
from the last Inlet and distant two leagues there is a dry rock [now Boojum Bock] which is
situated about one league from the Coast Two leagues further and nearly in the same direction,
there is a small flat island about the same distance from the great island. The line of the Coast
from the above Inlet in Lat? . 13.24 [?] is nearly in the direction of south, with two projections in
Lia? 13. 20 and 13. 16 and there is an Appearance of an Inlet E b N from North, reef island
[? Casuarina Bay],
The passage [Interview Passage] to eastward of north reef Island to Port Andaman has
deep water near the island ; but at the distance of two miles to Southeast there is rocky ground, with
alarming over falls in the Soun lings, which will appear in the Chart.
From North reef island which is in Lat? 13.06 the bank of Soundings extending near Six
leagues aud near the edge, there is an extensive [West] Coral Bank reaching from Lat^ 13*04 to
13° 25*30 Lieiitt. Wales who examined it in the Ranger could find nothing less than 7 fms. but
from the irregularity of the sounding and quality of the ground, there probably may be less water, 1
have an Extract from Captain Nimmo in which he msntions to have had so little as 4^ near the
North eud of this Bank. It Certainly Should be avoided by large Ships.
Having in a former report began my narative with an Account of Port Andaman and Con-
tinued it progressively along the west Coast and round to Old harbour ; this finishes the^ circuit
of the Andamans.
I have ill a former report noticed the very rude and uncivilized State of the Natives, which I
find now to be general I gave instances of their hostile inveteracy to Strangers these prejudices
may have Originated from having been in a State of Slavery ; but there are certain and
Becent causes for the Continuance of this infortunate propensity ; several of the Natives have been
carried off to gratify an unwarrantable curriosity and others entrapped and sold for slaves,
unless those alleviating Circumstances are Considered a most unfavorable and unjust opinion would
be formed of the Natives Our enter course with those, in the neighbourhood of Old harbour
afforded frequent opportunities of Observing that they are susceptible of the most tender impres-
sions and that their dispositions are happy.
It now remains to make some Observations on the Passage between tbe Iiittle Coco and
Land fall island.
The little Coco bears from the Center of East island N 22.30 E. distant nineteen miles,
and from the North point of Landfall island N 32.30 E, distant twenty miles. It is Connected
with the Andamans by a Bank of Soundings the edges of which are nearly paralel to the line
of Bearings between it and the north extremety of Land fall island, and are also nearly eqni
distant from it the major part of the Shoal water is however on the east side of the line.
Union Jackson and Ranger Ledges afford a Striking example of the dangers always to be
dreaded where the Bottom is Coral.
I have already Observed that for the distance of two miles to Northward of Jackson and
Banger Ledges that the depth was unequal I made a very particular examination further to
northward by sounding and a good Eye at the mast head. To my great Satisfaction I found
no abrupt inequalities in the depth with a bottom of sand quite across the Bank ; and there was
no appearance of Shoal water from the mast head. Those lines of Soundings only that I can
have a Certain dependence on, are inserted in the Chart It will be perceived that N h E from
240
[Mat, 190-2.
THE INDIAN ANTIQTTART.
the little Coco and distant three leagoea there is so little as 12 bnt hy recrossiag seyeral
times, I could find nothing less than that depth.
Directions for Ships bound to Port CornwalUs during the S W Monsoon. - I shall
close this Report with the following Observations, which may prove useful to Ships bound for
Port Cornwallis, during the South west monsoon This Stormy season generally Commences in
Mav with Cloudv squally weather attended with heavy rain. The first and latter parts are the
most violent. July and August have frequent intervals of two or three days good weather.
Ships from the Coast of Coromandel Should gain the paralel of 13° 39 which is the Lat^,
of the North extremity of Land fall island and on a near approach Should keep in 13° 43 but
not to northward. In this last paralel (as will be observed by a Reference to the Chart)
Ships may Cross the Bank with Safety. If there Shonld he a mistake in the latitude and it
prove to he the southward even as much as sis or seven miles, it will he attended with no
dano-er and little inconvenience, provided due attention be paid If the land shonld be seen
before soundings are obtained (which will always be the ease in the day with clear weather)
Nothint^ more will he necessary, than to bear up, to that Course, which may be a pointy and a
half to Northward of the most Northerly land seen, and round land-fall island at the distance
directed When Approaching this land in the night It wiU be necessary to have the Ship under
such sail as to admit of sounding with 25 or 30 f“*. of line, and to be prepared instantly to
bear up on having ground Should the night be good and the weather so clear as to see three
or four miles After Sounding 30 or 25 f“s. Ships in such cases might (with caution) cross the
Bank But Shonld the weather prove dark and Squally it would be necessary on having ground
immediately to bear up and haul by the wind to Northwest after deepening the water to
60 f”. or loosing soundings, the Ship might be put on the other tack, and by short boards
keeped nearly stationary till day light.
In such cases as the preceding it would be of great Utility were there a light house on the
north extremity of landfall isl«. The northern point is obtuse with a Small eminence that
Appears to me an Admirable situation.
Utility of a Light house on the Worth extremity of Landfall I. — A Light house
errected on this Spot would be an excellent Mark to make ithe land and to avoid those dangerous
Coral ledges to eastward-^*
Calcutta I 8“
May 27«» 1793. (Signed) Archibald Blair.
Ordered that the General Chart furnished by Captain Blair of the Andamans
be transmitted to the Honble Court of Directors by the next dispatch, and that, in the
mean time, an Accurate Copy be made oE it iu the Surveyor Generals Office to be pres rved in this
Country.
1793. — No. XXXI,
The following Letter has been wi'itten to tlie GoTwnor in Council at Bombay.
To the Gorernor in Council at Bombay.
Hoiible Sir^ — Captain Archibald Blair being soon to leave Bengal in Order to resume hw
Station in the Marine at your Presidency we Should do him Injustice if we did not assure you that
his attention and Abilities in the management of our first Establishment at the Andamans have
Claimed our warmest Approbation, He had the direction of that Settlement for some years, and
acquitted himself invariably as a discreet and zealous Officer, highly qualified for the duty entrusted
to him. Considering him, as we do, to be a most useful Servant of the Company, we cannot
recommend him too Strongly to your Notice ; and after doing so, we think it hardly necessary to say
» [Here follow 6 pagea of a‘3troaomioal observationa.]
May. 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
241
we are persuaded that the Circumstance of his having been so long employed upon Duty under this
Government will not lessen his Pretensions to that encouragement and Situation, under yours, to
which his Rank and Services entitle him, without prejudice to Superior Claims.
Such is our Opinion founded upon experience of the Merits of Captain Blair that we Cannot
help recommending that, if he Should wish, after taking that Tour of duty which is incedent, we
understand, to his present Standing, to return to the Andamans for the purpose of directing our
Marine Establishment there, he may have leave of absence from Bombay for that purpose.
It is proper to Acquaint you that we have agreed that he should continue to receive the
allowances of a Surveyor until bis arrival at Bombay and we request that they may be Accordingly
paid to him at the rate of Son. Rs. 858 per Mensem from the end of last month to which Time they
have been issued to him in Bengal. This Presidency will, of Course be debited by you for the
Amount.
Fort William We have the honor to be
29 ^^ May 1793.
1793. — No. XXXII.
The following Letter And its enclosure were received from the Town Major, on the 29*^^ Instant.
To Edward Hay Esq^., Secretary to the Government,
Sir, — I have the honor to inform you that the Bildars and Coolies entertaining by me to serve
at the Andamans as mentioned in the Accompanying list will embark to day in the Union to proceed
to that Island,
You will Observe by the Certificate affixed to the foot of that list that those people have received
an advance of four Months pay Commencing from the 25^^ instant. The Sirdars at the rate of
8 S*^ Rupees and the Coolies or Bildars at 6 S* Rupees p^ month.
I have the honor to be &ca.
Fort William Town Major’s Office (Signed) A. Apsley,
29 ^^ May 1793. Tu. Mr.
List of Coolies and Bildars engaged to serve [at] the Andamans.
Sirdars
Rampersaud
2 Callipersaud
Doobrauy
Bichoa
Hurey
Fackirah
5 Bindoo
Ramdual
Chintamond 1*^
Ramkissoan
Mannick chund
10 Banniad
Assaram
Ramdual 2®^^
Munsuram
Chiddam
15 Pursaud Sing
Dursau Sing
Doomend Sing
Buldy
Lochund
20 Shaik Mongly
Tittoo Doss
Shaik Joamaun
Kaunt
Ramtonoo
25 Chintamond 2^
Gungaram
Nemy
Dattaram
Aueot Bam
242
!rHE INDIAN ANTIQUABT*
[May, 1902,
80 Earn Sing
Lakeer Mahomed
Euffick
Baddoolah
Daunish
35 Chiddam
Assaram
Shaik Euffick
Anaoor
Sittaram
40 Gocool
Ramsundey
Lochund
Nill money
Sissooiram
50 Eamsunder
Khimro Khan
Tittoo
Mohnn
Narrain
55 Eamlochun
Kinshair
Eickney
Dulboo
Bichosk
60 Perberroo
Bachain
Hasey Allah
Shaik Golaub
Durham Doss
65 Earn Tunnoo
45 Eaddoo
Laum
Luckuu
Eamkisson
Bunnud
I Certify that the aboTementioned Sirdars,
of four months pay Commencing from the 25^1^
Coolies or Biidars at S» Es. 6 per Month.
Port ■William Town Major’s Office
29 tii May 1793,
Dnnunjey
Eunjay
Panchoo
Dattaram
Bussnoo Doss
IdaVs or Coolies have received from me an advance
May The Sirdars at the rate of St Es. 8 and the
(Signed) A. Apsley
1793. — No, XXXIII.
The following Letter was written, by the Boards Orders, to the Superintendant at the Andamans
by the Secretary, on the 30*^^ Instant.
Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
You will receive enclosed a Duplicate of my Letter, dated the 25*^^ Ultimo, and forwarded
by the Phoenix.
On the 5*^ Instant upon the arrival of the Yiper, I was favored with your Letter of the 15**^ of
last Month and it was laid before the Governor General in Council.
The Circumstances mentioned in it, relative to the People, who had formed a small Settlement
at tEe Cocos, induced the Board immediately to give Orders that the Letter, of which I inclose a
Copy, should be written to the Secretary at Fort George, no answer to it has yet been received.
In Consequence of your Application for a supply of Money, a sum amounting to ten thousand
Sicca Eupees in the proportions desired of Silver and Copper has been Packed up and dispatched to
you as per enclosed Bills of Lading, by the Union Snow now proceeding to your Settlement.
The Governor General in Council has directed me to Acquaint you that your Draft in favor of
Mess^ Wilsone, Harington, and Downie, for the sum of 5,000, S^ Es. received into your Treasury
from Individuals has been duly honored. His Lordship thinks it equitable that any Expence incurred
by you in effecting the Negotiation of Bills drawn for Supplies of Money for the Publiek Service,
Should be reimbursed, but, in order to save that Expence, in future, he is pleased to desire?
May, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIITth CENTURY.
243
that you will draw on Government in the form prescribed in the Bills of Exchange sent herewith,
which wili also render your Negotiations less troublesome. There are 250 Setts, each Sett consisting
of two Bills.
You will receive, by the Union Six Boxes and six Jars, of Purveyors Stores, that were to have
been sent, for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, by the Phoenix, but it was afterwards
found, could not be Conveniently taken in that Vessell.
A Number of Bildars and Coolies have been embarked on the Snow [Union] for the Andamans,
according to the enclosed List, which is Accompanied by a Copy of a Letter from the Town Major
Concerning them. They have been provisioned for the Trip, and if the Stock laid in should, owing
to an unexpected length of Passage, be found insuSicieat, Lieut*. Roper has iustractions to Supply
them from the Vessels own Stores, A Separate and exact Account is to be kept of these Supplies that
it may be adjusted with the Owner Captain Blair.
Captain Blair having transmitted to the Board a Chart of the North part of the Anda-
mans, shewing the places of those dangerous Coral ledges lately discovered, and a Safe track to avoid
them, the Governor General in Council has authorized the publication of it, and you will be
furnished with Copies as soon as they are finished.
He has also lately sent in to the Governor General in Council a General Chart of the
Andamans, a Beport on the subject of it, and a Paper Containing Astronomical
Observations^ you will receive a Copy of the two latter in the present dispatch and Captain
Blair has ioformed the Board that a Copy of the General Chart is already in your possession*
Port William I am
May 1793.
The Secretary reports that Lieut. Boper Commanding the Union has received his Sailing
Orders to proceed to the Andamans.
1793. — No. XXXIV.
Port William 11th June 1793.
Ordered that the following Letter be written to the Superintendent at the Andamans.
To Major Alexander Kyd Superintendent at the Andamans.
I am directed by the Governor General in Council to transmit to you a Copy of
Inteliigenee, which has been received this Morning from Mr. Baldwin at Alexandria, that
War was declared by France against England and Holland on the first of last Febmaxy
His Lordship in Council has no partoular directions to give you in the present State of
Affairs confiding generally that yon will take the necessary Measures for the Protection
of the Settlement under you Charge in as far as Circumstances and your Means admit.
I am &ca
Council Chamber 11th June 1703. (Signed) B. Hay Secretary to the Govt.
Ordered that tbe following Instructions be sent to Lieutenant Roper By tbe Secretary.
To Ideutenant Boper Commanding the TTnion Snow.
Intelligence having been received that war was declared by France against England
and Holland, on the drst of last February, I am directed by tbe Governor General in Cotmoii
to desire that you will take Charge of the two accompanying Packets addressed to the
Commodore, and Major Kyd at Pori Cornwallis, yon will of course be upon your Guard against
an Enemy during your Voyage to the Andamans,
Council Chamber
llth June 1793.
I am Sir, Your, &ca
(Signed) E. Hay Secretary to the Government.
244
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[May, 1902.
1793.— INo. XXXV.
Fori; William 17tli June 1793.
The following Letter was received from the Snperintendant at the Andamans on the 15th
Instant, by the Snow Phoenix, and circulated for the perusal of the Board.
Snperintendant at Andamans 31st May.
TolEdward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the Snow Phoenix Captain Moore
arrived at this Port, on the 23d instant with the followers belonging to the Sepoy Detachment,
with some of the Artificers that were left by the Ranger and Cornwallis, and four Hundred
Bags of Rice that were Obliged to be left at the same time ; this Vessel experienced very bad
weather during the passage, by which the Rice was much damaged on which there will be a
loss of about fifty Bags.
I have received your letters of the 22d and 27th of March and 26th of April, no parts
of 'which require any particular answer, only that you will be pleased to signify to the Governor
General in Council that should The Honble Commodore Cornwallis touch at this Port, any of
the Companys Vessels, then in the Harbour, which he may have occasion to employ — shall
he immediately ordered to attend him.
I am very sorry to be Obliged to communicate to the Board, that the Scorbutic com-
plaint, which broke out amongst the Laborers, has by no means abated; daring the last two
Months no less than twenty Men have fallen a Sacrifice to it, and at present nearly a half of
those that remains, are unfit for any labor ; but as there is a prospect of our being sooii
supplied with Vegetables, we are in hopes that by a change of diet, the distemper may be got
under. I have however to Observe that it has principally raged amongst the. Coolies that came
from Bengal in last November, who were most worne ont distempered creatures, on w'hose
consututiona was probably the seeds of the complaint ; for none of the Sepoy Detachment or
private Servants who have exactly had the same diet, have been in the least affected with it.
The South West Monsoon set in here very early this Month, with very blowing
Weather and hard Rain, and there has been Much Rain ever since ; as from the great want
of workmen we were by no means in a very foreward state, with the Temporary Buildings,
and as our Tents are few and much W'orne the people have sufferd a good deal from the incle-
mency of the weather j we are however using every effort to get every body under cover to which
the Artificers that have now arrived will much contribute.
I have granted permission to Two Sepoys, to proceed to Bengal on the Phoenix for the
recovery of their health, and on such occasions, or to visit their families in Bengal, I have to
request that the Governor General in Council, will be pleased to authorise me to grant
Furloughs to Non commissioned Officers and Sepoys of the Detachment, without prejudice to
tlieir Allowances, for a greater time than is specified by the standing regulations — and without
a strict adherence to numbers in the proportion therein limitted which cannot well apply to
this place.
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the Cornwallis Snow arrived on the 29th instant
from the Coast of Pedier where I sent her for Stock with directions to Lieutt. Wales to
examine every Port from Diamond Point to Acheen Head, that I might exactly know,
what dependance we may have on that Coast for Provisions, and I am glad to say that his
report is pretty favorable. . °
May, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XTIIIth CENTURY.
245
I beg will acquaint the .Board that finding the Allowance of Grain which had been
established for the Settlers, was more than they could expend, I have reduced the quantity one
fourth and still find that the Ration is perfectly sufficient.
Port Cornwallis I have the honor to be &ca.
31st May 1793. (Signed) A. Kyd Andamans.
1793.— No. XXXVI.
Fort William 24tli June 1793.
Read a .Letter from Captain Allen,
Captain Allen Dated 20th June*
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
gjj*^ Herewith I have the honour to enclose a Bill of Freight for the Phoenix to the Anda -
mans : having in order to render the Vessel as Commodious as possible to the People, given up the
intention of an Additional Voyage and having on board the Accompanying extra List of People with
Major Kyds Pass, who Secreted themselves in the Vessel, with Stores as above Specified, and a very
great Expence having been incurred in Consequence of the Advanced Season, and difficulty of getting
out of the River, as also sending a Vessel down to Supply them with water so as to keep the Sea Stock
intire until leaving the Pilot I beg leave humbly to submit to the Consideration of the Governor
General in Council the said Extra bill of Eight hundred Sicca Rupees and to hope that it will not
Appear an unreasonable Compensatiou under all the Circumstances of the Case.
Calcutta I have the honor to be &ca
20th June 1793, (Signed) George Allen.
Enclosed in Captain Allen's Letter Dated 20th June. List of Passengers from Port
Cornwallis to Calcutta pr Phoenix Captain Moore June 1st 1793.
Class.
Names.
1 Sepoy
Mebuban Sing
on Furlough
1 Do.
Naggur Sing
Do.
1 Do.
Hurloll Sing
Discharged.
2 Boys with Do.
1 Bazarman.
1 Woman with do.
2 Coppersmiths
2 Servants
1 Woman with do.
2 Washermen
14 Persons Total
r John Fife
L Jack
(Signed) A. Xyd _
-Superintendt. Andamans.
246
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Mat, 1902.
Enclosure in Captain Allen’s letter, dated 20tli June.
Dr
The Honble Company
To Freight of the Snow Phoenix for four hundred Bags of Rice, and one hundred Settlers
delivered at the Port Cornwallis in the Island of Andaman, on the 1st June 1793 Accord-
ing to Agreement.
Calcutta
20th June 1798.,
Sicca Rupees 4,000.
Received the Contents.
(Signed) George Allen.
Extra delivered.
13 Sellers having Major Kyds Pass
20 bags of Rice
6 do. ol Paddy
3 do. of ground Rice
1 do of Dholl
1 do of Tamarinds
1 do of Salt
2 Barrels of Gunpowder
15 Chests Boxes and Packages of Military Stores &ca. delivered to the order of
Major Kyd and 14 Passengers returned.
by order of Major Kyd Sicca Rupees 800
Allowed 500
Vide Consultation
Agreed that, in Addition to the Agreed Freight of Sicca Rupees 4000 for four hundred
Bags of Rice, and one hundred Settlers, sent in the Phoenix to Port Cornwallis, Captain
Allen be allowed an Extra Freight of 500 Sicca Rupees for the rest, and that an Order on the
Treasury be issued in his Favor accordingly.
1793. — 170. XXXVII.
Fort William 22nd July 1798-.
Read a Letter from the Secretary to the Hospital Board.
To Colin. Shakespear Esq, Sub Secretary,
Sir, — I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the Accompanying Extract of a
Letter which they have received from the Surgeon at Port Cornwallis, which they beg you will lay
before the Go-vernor General in Council, with their request, that they may be authorized to encrease
the Pay of the Hospital Coolies to Six Rupees per Mensem, and the Pay of the Other Servants in tlie
Same proportion, or that the Superintendant be directed to grant the augmentation.
The Hospital Board further beg leave to recommend that Two Washemen may be added to the
Establishment of Hospital Servants,
I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant
Fort William Hospl, Bd, Office A* Campbell, Secry»
the 18 tb July 1793.
May, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTUHY.
247
Enclosed in a Letter from tlie Secretary to the Hospital Board 19th July.
Extract of a Letter from Mr. Wood Surgeon to the Andamaus Dated 22nd June 1798.
In fixing the rates of wages, for the Servants attached to the Hospital at Port Cornwallis
I am persuaded the Board did not advert to the increased pay given as an encouragement for
people to come to this Settlement. Every Coolie receives Six Rupees pr. Month, and artificers
in the same proportion above the rates paid in Bengal. With the present allowances granted
by the Board, I am not able to procure one person, and the only Assistance I have had, ha.^-
been from three labourers taken from the public work ; people very ill qualified either for the
Service of a Dispensary, or the Attendance of an Hospital.
I beg leave to State to the Board the utility the Sick (especially the Coolies) would derive
from the allowance of Washermen to the Hospital, the want of which, I have in Several
instances had reason to regret.
(A true Copy.)
Fort William Hospital Bd. Office (Signed) A, Campbell Secretary,
the 19th July 1793.
Agreed that the pay of the Hospital Coolies, at the Andamans, be increased to Six Biipe j--
per Mensem, and that the Pay of the Other Servants be augmented in the Same proportion.
Agreed also that two Washermen be added to the Establishment of Hospital Servants
that place.
1793. — Ho. XXXVIII.
Fort William 26th July 1793.
Read a Letter from the Garrison Store Keeper.
Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
— Having received an Indent, Copy of which is enclosed, for a Supply of Provision.-
for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, I request you will advice the Goveriv i-'
General in Council thereof, and Communicate to me his Orders, whether, & when it shottM
be provided.
Port William I honor to be &ca.
25th July 1793. (Signed) G. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.
Indent No. 3.
To G. Robinson Esqr. Garrison Store Keeper, Fort William.
Names of Stores.
Articles In-
, dented for
Since 1st May
1793.
Balance in
Store.
Article In-
dented for.
Purposes for which
wanted.
Admitted.
D
Pholl — Kessairy Mds.
• ••
200^
Do, — Hurrur ... Do.
...
200
For the supply of the
Do. — Moong ... Do.
• • *
o
o
Stores at Port Corn-
0
Ghee ... ... Do.
100
wallis.
P
Paddy Dags.
• ••
lOOJ
Paddy New Do.
• • •
200'j
For sick and Passen-
s
Sugar ... Maunds
* * •
100 >
gers returning occa-
Tamarinds Do.
• « •
. 10.
sionally to Bengal.
Salt Do.
9
40
218
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY-
[May, 1902.
I do hereby Certify in pursuence of the General Orders, that the articles Specified in this Indent
are indispensably necessary for the Service of the Settlement at the Andamans, According to the best
of my Knowledge and Belief, after the most careful Examination.
Port Cornwallis 1 /g-^-v f Edmund Welsh, Commissary.
June 27th. 1793. / 1 A. Kyd, Superintendant at Andamans.
Ordered that the Garrison Store keeper be directed to Comply with the above Indent for Pro-
visions requisite at the Settlement of Port Cornwallis and to des]patch them by the Seahorse,
1793. -No. XXXIX.
Port William 29th July 1793.
Read a Letter and its enclosure from the Superintendant at the Andamans.
Supt. at the Andamans 23rd July.
To The Most Noble Marquis Cornwallis Governor General in Council.
My Lord, — On the 13th of June a vessel from Madras sent with dispatches for Admiral
Cornwallis arrived at the Andamans by which we learnt that the Nation was engaged in
a War with France.
Altho’ I did not think it probable that the Enemy would have it in their power to fit out
an Armament, or think the attack of the Establishment an Object, yet from our very defenceless
Situation I did not fail to feel some alarm lest some of their Privateers for the sake of Plunder,
might be induced to pay us a visit and immediately therefore began to devise means to
enable us to repel such attempts.
On the 17th of June the Union arrived from Bengal in which Vessel there was a number
of useful labourers, and as I had then fixt on a plan which I thought the best adapted for
our Situation, and most within our power of execution, and as all our people were pretty well
covered from the Weather Immediately began to take Measures for putting it in execution.
The Accompanying plan of the ground of the new Establishment with a Copy of my
letter to the Engineer will point oufc what is intended to be done by which your Lordship will
perceive that the Post may soon he made a respectable one, and I hope you will think, that
the plan was the most; expedient for the Occasion.
As the Cornwallis and Sea Horse Snows were both ready for sea, I immediately came to
the resolution of dispatching them to Calcutta for the Necessary Supply of Artillery and
Stores for such a Post and for such encrease of the Detachment as might bethought necessary
and also thought it best to proceed to this place myself, in tfee Idea, that I could be more
useful here in forwarding the Equipment and procuring the necessary people, than by remain-
ing at Port Cornwallis where I was convinced every possible exertion would be made towards
carrying the proposed plan into execution and in this lam happy that I anticipated your
Lordship’s wishes which were conveyed to me in a letter from Mr, Hay by the Venus Brig
which Vessel we Spoke the day we left Port Cornwallis,
I now take the Liberty of pointing out to your Lordship, what Strikes me as most
Necessary and pressing to be done for the protection of the Settlement at the Andamans,
The Sepoy Detachment to he enoreased tq the Strength of two Companies from Volunteer
Sepoys from the Battalions at Barrackpore.
A Detaohment of European Artillery to be ordered in readiness consisting of one Serjeant
t>ue Corporal, tTTO Gunners and Ten Matrosses. ^
May, 1902:]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth* CENTURY.
249
A Detachment of one Sarang one Tandal, and Forty experienced Gun Lascars to be
Drafted from the Artillery Lascars,
A proportion of Artillery and Stores, (of which there is accompanying a List) to be got in
readiness if yonr Lordship approves of it, and for which I have prepared the necessary Indents.
As many Bildars and Coolies as can be sent in- the next vessels, that can be dispatched,
with a proportional addition of Provisions — these are the Classes of people that will be most
wanted for some time to come, I beg leave to Observe that the greatest care should be taken,
that stout and healthy men are chosen.
As independant of the present Situation of Affairs, it would certainly be expedient to arm
the Vessels on the Andaman Establishment, from their being liable to be sent to Pedeir
Aracan and Other piratical and Hostile Coasts I beg leave to transmit an abstract of the
Expense of an Establishment of people for them, which on consulting with the Commanders
appeared more suitable than the old one an Abstract of which I also send by which your
Lordship will perceive that the additional expense is small,
I imagine also it will be necessary that the Officers commanding the Vessels on the
Andaman Establishment, should have some Commission or letter of' Marque granted them, to
act against the Enemy, and authority to inforce the necessary Discipline on board their
Vessels, and as they are all Identenants in the Bombay Marine I take the liberty of
proposing as the easiest mode, that they may he directed to act by the instructions they will
have received from the Bombay Government, which it is probable have been drawn out with
every legal Caution#
Fort William I have the honor to be <Sbca.
25th July 1793. (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
(Copy) To Ensign Stokoe of Engineers.
gxj.^ — I have already commnnicated myself so fully to you on what appears to me to be
the best and Speediest means of putting this Settlement in a State of Defence, so as to be able
to repel any attack of privateers or small armament that the French nation, said to be
at war with Great Britain might fit out, which although I do not think it is an Event that is
probable, is yet what it is our Duty to guard against I have therefore Sketched such works on
a plaii of the point of this Island, which accompanys this expressing the ground in its present
state as appears to me the best adapted for the present Occasion, considering the slender means
we Lave of putting much in execntion.
It is fortunate that so very little ground has yet been cleared of trees, and that the woods
are of so very impervious a nature, that although they would not be an insnrmountahle
impedement to an Enemy well provided with Workmen and tools, would yet be a great
obstruction but [? whiob] a force only provided with tbeir arms would certainly find it
impossible to penetrate. We are thus left to pay our Chief attention to the defence of that
‘ground which is cleared and to making all Tracks, which the Settlers have made as impassable
as possible, whicb last will not be attended with much labour.
The hill A presents itself happily on a part on which a work will command the whole
cleared Space, and which will admit of being of a Capacity to contain a considerable Body of
Men and whiob from its height and Commanding Situation may certainly be made a very
respectable post.
It was my first intention to Occupy it with a large round Sedoubt but on a more minute
inspection and consideration, of the. ground', think the present figure holds out more advantages.
250
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[Mat, 1902.
The Northfront (the most likely to be Attacked) has two demi Bastions, thus projecting
and Posesssing some ground the same height with that of the Redoubt, will have some flanking
fire, and a Gun in the face of each Demi Bastion will have the range of the whole valley on
each side that is cleared of wood ; and might prevent or intimedate an enemy from landing
in boats to bum the buildings.
The North and the East fronts are the first that should be put in execution, and to them
there should be good Ditches and Parapets at least 14 feet thick but the other two faces are
so entirely unapproachable and are so much out of the power of being annoyed by cannon from
ships, that there is hardly Occasion for Shutting them in, but at all events it may be done with
a parapet 6 or 8 feet thick and without a Ditch.
As on the East side the ridge of the Hill continues so high the ascent cannot be seen
from the redoubt upon the point, therefore where the Ridge terminates there should be an
Entrenchment B with embrazares for two Guns from the flank of which there should be a
Strong A6aUis, extending across the Valley to the thick wood on each side, indeed the sides of
that Hill in its whole length is now so much covered with felled Timber, that a very little
labour will render it absolutely impassable on the flanks of this Work, so that the only point
W'here it can be attacked must be at this Strong Work at the top of a Hill of rapid and sudden
ascent, the road along the ridge from the Redoubt to this work should be made practicable for
Guns and to be seen in its whole length from the Redoubt and the felled trees and branches on
each Side should be formed into different lines of Abattis as absolutely to confine the Road to
the Ridge.
I have made the Road to lead into the Redoubt thro* a Bedan in the last face, but could ft
conveniently be carried round to the South face it would be better, which you will only be able
to determine when the ground is cleared and labelled ; the East face need only then be a Strict
line in which there may be four Embraanires*
Prom the South face there Should be a small path out to the valley where a small space
Should be cleared away for the labourers women and children to retire to, and where also there
Should be your principal Depot of Provisions. Prom this Valley should also be cut [a] Small and
Secret path to the water side on the west side, to the entrance of which Stores and Provisions
may be sent in Boats, and the Road should be led as much as possible clear of heights for
the ease of Carriage, and every Other track and path that the Settlers have made should be as
Carefully Shut up and concealed as possible.
And Vesssels in the Harbour Should be moored in the Situation C in the Manner the
Seamen term at “fours ** — so that the Guns from the west face of the Redoubt and musquetry
from the Entrenchment D could protect them should they be Attempted to be cut out or dis-*
troyed by Boats, for which purpose any of the Trees that Obstruct the View in the Space marked
in Tellow, should be out down, and the whole of that side of the Hill, Should be kept in its
present nnpiaeticable State, only leaving one small and winding path for the convenience of get-
ting at Preah Wateir, hut which could quickly be shut up. The path also from the Garden to the
East point of the Island should be carefully shut up, and every other Path and track thro the
woods that has not been particularized. There are yet many Other additions that Might be
made to the Strength of this Ground, but what I have now pointed out is as much as you can
execute until you have, more people. Should however any Alterations or Improvements Occur to
you during the progress of the work you will of Course adopt them, first consulting with
Lieutenant Wells and you will of course pay Strict Attention to whatever he may recommend as
adviseable, either in Altering or adding to the above plan.
Port Cornwallis
881;h 1783,
. I am Sir d«a.
(Signed) A. ]Ky4i Swperintendant Andamans.
May, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
2SI
List of Artillery and Stores required for the Andamans,
6 Iron 12 prs. with Garrison Carriages with all their apparatus.
2 Brass 6 prs. Field pieces with Field Carriages and their apparatus,
1200 12 pr. Round Shot.
300 Do. Grape.
400 6 pr, round Shot fixed to bottoms.
100 Do. Case Shot.
30 Barrels of Gun powder.
30 Barrels of Musquet Ammunition*
600 Flannel Cartridge bags for 12 pounders.
200 Do. Do. Do. for 6 Do.
1 Gin with Blacks (sic) and fold complete.
20 Large Tarpaulins.
(To he continued,)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
ROTAL FXJNEBALS IN TBAVANCOBE.
To a non-Hindu the ceremonies and cuBtoms
consequent on the death of a member of the
reigning family of Travancore are interesting,
but somewhat inexplicable, inasmuch as there is
probably a reason for every custom and rite, and
yet so little is known regarding the ceremonies
earned out on the occasion. Even among Hindus,
it is only a select few who are able to tiurow light
on the subject. For instance, the corpse of a
deceased Prince is invariably wrapped in a red
or scarlet silk cloth, and it would he interesting
to know whyredorscarleb is the colour chosen.
Yet nobody appears to be sure, Itj is conjectured
that scarlet is the colour for Princes; but the
Travancore Princes are simple in their habits,
and in the privacy of life are amply satisfied with
a white muslin cloth or two. Even on State occa-
sions, very sober-colonred and simple costumes
are worn. However this may be (writes a corre-
spondent to the Madras MaiZ), I have gleaned a
few facts regarding Travancore .Royal funerals
which may be of some interest*
As soon as death is announced, the attendants
and others, especially the women servants of
the Prince’s palace, proclaim the fact by a loud
and continued wailing. The news flies apace
and beUs are tolled, mounted troopers, with arms
reversed, gallop about imparting the tidings, and
ae Brigade Band plays the Dead
March [!], whUe guns corresponding to the age of
tte dweased are fired from the saluting batteries
Ihe 3 unior members of the Maharaja’s family"
■snth their principal servants and the officers of the
civil service, from the Dewan downwards, assemble
at the deceased Prince’s palace to prepare the
corpse for the funeral. The junior members
ofthefamily separately walk round the remains
several times, uttering prayers or performing
some sacred rite, guided by the Kakkandhthe, or
priest. In about two hours after the d^th
the arrangements to convey the body to the
cremating ground are generally complete, that is
j to say, besides the prayers and ceremonies
aforesaid, the body is bathed and richly dressed
in a robe of red or scarlet silk.
Then the Funeral cortege sets out, accom-
panied by the officers of the State and the Nair
Brigade, who follow in procession with head gear
(kudimis) loosed and arms reversed. Before the
body is taken from the palace, a hole is made in
the wall of the compartment where it rested,
and through this the corpse is conveyed out-
side. This is a custom even with Sildras, the
reigning family of Travancore being Kshatrias.
What the exact superstition, or idea, is, I am not
in a position to say, but I fancy that there is a
belidE that if the corpse is conveyed through the
door, other deaths will immediately follow
252
(May, 1902.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
The bearers of the corpse are drawn from the
TuTHnnlpM community. The procession to the
cremating ground of the Maharaja’s family*
situated at the north-west comer of the Trevan-
drum Eort, is formed in the following order. First
dismounted Bodyguard troopers, bareheaded and
barefooted, leading their horses, walk in two lines ;
behind them is the Nail* Brigade Band, dressed in
black and playing the Dead March ; next the sepoys
of the Nair Brigade in two long lines, heads and
feet uncovered and arms reversed; then the
various officers in undress, according to a pre-
scribed order. To the burning ground itself only
a chosen few are given admission. The next j unior
member to the deceased performs the last rites,
under the guidance and instruction of the offi-
ciating priest ; but if there is no member of the
family available, the priest acts for him. The
body is then conveyed to a richly decorated pcwdaZ
or pavilion made of cadjan, under which is a
funeral pyre composed of sandalwood, cuscus
grass and ghee, to help the fire. The fire
rendered sacred by prayers, is then applied to the
pyre, while a shout of lamentation and a chorus of
wailing ascend to the skies from the crowd of
people outside, who generally await the termina-
tion of the cremation*
The small party inside wait till the work of the
fire is all but done, and go away, leaving behind
them a small and trusted few of palace adherents
and a detachment of the Nair Brigade for sentry
pui'poses. These servants feed the fire till eveiy
part of the body is consumed. For about two or
three days public institutions and offices ai’e closed*
and deep mourning lasts for ten or eleven days*
For three days following the cremation, the
palanquin in which the body was conveyed
to the burning ground is carried there and
taken back morning and evening. Religious
ceremonies are also conducted in the TarawM
Palam of the MahS.T^jd’s family to the accompani-
ment of the wailing voices of women and solemn
and sad music.
Then comes the Sanchayanam, or ash-sifting
ceremony. Another procession is formed for
this purpose also. The unconsumed fiagments
of the remains, with some ashes, are then carfully
gathered up and religiously placed in a golden
case. This is carried to a neighbouring house
and preserved in a recess, or cavity, specially
prepared at the foot of a jack tree. A Nair
Brigade guard takes charge of the spot for a year,
and carefully guards the ashes. The owner of the
house in which these relics of the dead are pre-
served, receives a pension for |the term of his
natural life — some say his heirs in perpetuity
draw the pension, in the shape of a certain quan-
tity of paddy annually. He also is the recipient
of a quantity of cocoanut oil to feed a lamp
which must always be kept burning.
On the eleventh or twelfth day further religious
rites and ceremonies are performed and bring the
pollution caused by the death to an end. For a
whole year subsequently, mourning is observed
to a certain extent throughout the Province,
especially by the Nair community. The relies
are ultimately taken to Benares and thrown
into the Ganges.
KONBTI RAYI.
Some foi-ty years or so ago, during the exca-
vation of a pond in front of the Collector’s
Cutcherry at NeUore, Madi*as Presidency, an
image was found along with, as I am told, some
“white stones.” This was left lying about for
some time and was finally taken by an adjacent
householder who presented it to a small Yaish-
nava temple in Nellore town. The figure is
popularly known as HdnS^i RAyi (Pond-stone).
I went to see it recently. It is a statue of a
man of about life-size, carved out of a black
stone and in perfect preservation. The figure is
seated with legs crossed and soles up-turned ; the
I hair is curly ; the lobes of the ears pierced and
greatly enlarged ; the nose is broad, |witb, how-
ever, a bridge sharply indicated; the lips are
well-shaped.
The figure is now adorned with the Yaishnava
trident, but there seems no room for doubt that
it represents Buddha or some Jain saint (I am
too ignorant to decide which).
I have not seen any reference anywhere to
this figure, and I, therefore, imagine that its
existence is generally unknown.
If a Buddha, the fact of the statue being
found so far south as Nellore would seem to be
of interest.
A. BxrxTBRWonTH.
Nellore, 15th Jamary 1901, ’
June. 1902,] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
253
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. E. FLEET, I.O.S. (Retd.), Ph.D., CJ.E.
The places mentioned in the Chicacole plates of Nandaprabhafijanavarman,
T his record has been edited by me in Yol. XIII. above, p. 48 ff., with a lithograph. The
original plates, which are now in the Government Museum at Madras, were found, with five
other sets, in a large pot which was discovered in digging the foundations of a wall at Chicacole,
the head-quarters of the Chicacole tAluka of the Ganjam district, Madras Presidency. But, as
this note will shew, the present record does not really belong to Chicacole. It is convenient, however,
for the present at any rate, to continue to speak of it as one of the Chicacole grants, instead of
substituting a name connecting it with the place to which it actually belongs.
The record contains a decree issued — vijaya-Sarapalli-vasakat, — from the victorious halt at
Sd^rapalli ; meaning, from a halt made at a place named S&rapalli, not (of necessity, at any rate)
Just after the achievement of some victory in war, but in the course of a state progress or tour of
inspection for administrative purposes.^ And it recites that the Maharaja Nandaprahhanjanavarman,
lord of the whole of Kalinga or of all the Kalingas,’’ granted a village named peyavata,^ ds
an agtahdra^ to a Brahman who belonged to, resided at, an agraMra, the name of which is to be
read as Akkana^ instead of Aksliata as given in my published text.^
The Akkana agrahdira of the record is, undoubtedly, the * Akkana Agrm. * of the Indian
Atlas sheet No. 108 (1894), in lat. 18^ 31', long. 83"^ 49', five and a hair miles on the south of
Palkonda, the head-quarters of the PA,Ikouda taiuka of the Yizagapatam district, and about eighteen
miles towards the north-west-by-north from Chicacole, where the plates were found. And, with tins
guide to help us, we can identify Doyavata with the * Devada ’ of the same map, in lat, 18® 15',
long. 83® 37', about seventeen miles south-west-by-south from the Akkana agrahdra,^ and Sarapalli
with the * Sarepalli ’ of the map, in lat. 18° 7', long. 83® ^^3', a village, close to a large tank,
ten’miles in much the same direction from ‘ Devada ’ and about four and a halt miles easl-by-norta
from Yizianagram,
^ The word vdsaka^ 3, is used (see Mouier-Williams’ Sanskrit Dictionary, revised edition), at the end of
compounds, in the sense of ‘abode, habitation.’ But it may eyidently be applied in any of the meanings allotted to
the simpler word vdsa, 3; namely, ‘ staying, remaining (especially ‘overnight ’ ), abiding, dwelling, residence, living
in, abode, habitation.’ When vdsahx is used as it is used here, it may be taken as meaning much the same thing as
the sl‘avidhdvdra, ‘ camp,* of various other records. But it is somtimes used at the end of a compound which
qualifies and locates a skandhdvdra ; for instance, in vijaga-s'kmidhdvdrat Vija^apura^vdsahXtj in line I of the Kaira
plates of A. D. 644 (Vol. VIL above, p. 248). Anddt seems desirable to translate it by a word which will prevent
it from being confused with skandhdjvdra. For what is most usually intended by the use of the word vljaya in such
expressions as vijay€L-vdsakaB,n6L vijaya-skandhdvdra, reference may be made to my note 5, supplemented by a remark
by Dr, Hultzsch, in Ep. Ind. Vol. VI. p. 51, on the Kanarese expression hijayani’gey*
^ My suggestion (Vol. YIII- above, p. 49, note 7, and p. 50, note 20) that the name might possibly be Adeyav^ta
or Adeyavata, is to be cancelled,
^ I remarked, at the time {loc.cii, p. 49, note 8), that the second syllable of this name, whether taken as ksha or
as kkra, was a rather anomalous one. An examination of the lithograph will shew that its consonant does not at all
resemble the ksh in rakshat line 15, and dkshiptd, line 17, and, on the other hand, that it does very closely resemble
the akshara which I then read as kkra in vikhramdndThm, line 10. As regards the third akshara, it is to be remarked
the t appears in this record in two forms ; one with a loop, see, for instance, tfafnody line 15, and idny^hat line 17,
and the other without a loop, see, for instance, Widgavaio mdtOpitfi, line 1. There was, therefore, no objection to
taking the consonant of this particular akshara as the J without the loop. But we are equally at liberty to take it
as which throughout this record appears without the loop. And, in view of the identification that can be made,,
we need not hesitate about accepting Akkana as the name really presented in the record. Looking to tbe krama, also
in line 10, 1 consider, now, that the record there presents vihkamXndmm, with two mistakes, for ri^ramd^dm ov
possibly vihkramdy»dm.
* The map shews a village named ‘ Devudata,* two miles on the north of the Akkana agrahdra. But this does
not seem to answer to the ancient Deyavdta.
254
ME INDIAN ASTIQUAHT.
[June, 1902,
It may be remarked that the legend on the seal of this grant, which I failed to decipher,
has been found by Dr, Hultzsch, from an inspection of the original, to be Pi[tn-hhahtali\, “ he who
is devoted to his father/’ ®
The places mentioned in the Chokkhakuti grant of A. B. 867,
This record has been edited by Mr, D. R. Bliandarkar in Ep. Inch Vol. YI. p. 285 ff., with a
facsimile lithograph. The original plates were obtained from^G-ujarSlt, in the Bombay Presidency.
But the exact find-place of them appears*to be not known.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Pausha, 'Saka-Samvat 789 (expired),
falling in A. D. 867, the HashtrakuU prince Aparimitavarsha-Dantivarman, of the Gujarat branch
oftheMalkh^d family, bathed in the ** great (jnahdnadi) Pflravi, and granted a village
(prdma) named Chokkhakuti, situated in the north-west part of a small territorial division
known as the Sarth9-tailS,takiya forty -two, to a vihdra or (Buddhist) monastery at a place named
KSmpilyatirtha. It prescribes that the said village was to be enjoyed by the succession of
the disciples and disciples’ disciples of the dnjasamgha or Buddhist community. And, in specifying,
the boundaries of the said village, it places, on the east, the boundary of a village (grdma) the
name of which is to be read as Davbhellarhka, for Dabbhellamka, = Dabbhellahka, instead of,
l)a[nte]llaThka as given in the published text on the south, the boundary of a village named
Apasundara ; on the west, the boundary of a village named Kd^ltipallikd* ; and, on the north,
a river Qiaclf) named Mandakini.
I find that Chokkhakuti is the ‘ Chokhad ^ of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 2B, S. E. (1888),
in lat. 21° long. 72° 59', in the Nausari division of the Baroda State, about five miles towards
the north from Nausari. The map shews *Babhel,^ answering to the Babbhellauka of the record^
as a large village, the site of which is about one mile and three quarters towards the north-east from
* Chokhad.’ It shews ‘Asuudar/ answering to Apasundara^ one mile on the south of ‘ Ohokliad/
And, one mile on the north-west of ' Chokhad,* it shews, on the south bank of the river which will be
mentioned further on, ‘ Karoli,® which answers to Kaltipallik^ and gives another instance of the
not infrequent interchange of I and r. In the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 15 (1879) of
Gujarat, ® Dabbel ’ is presented as ‘Babhel,* with, in the first syllable, the long d, which is no doubt
correct, as it can be fully justified by a lengthening of the short a on the disappearance of the first
component, 5, of the double consonant, bbk, in the second syllable of the original name ; the other
three names are presented just as in the Atlas sheet.
The river Mand^kini of the record is a river which passes about one mile on the north of
‘ Chokhad,’ and flows into the sea about five miles on the south of the Tapti. Its name is given as
‘Miudhola’ in the Atlas sheet and ‘Mindhala^ in the Trigonometrical sheet, and is certified as
^ Min<Lh6ia,^ in Gujarati characters, in the official compilation entitled Bombag Places and Common
Official Words (1878). And the Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency^ Vol. II., Surat and Broach^
p. 25, speaks of it as *<the Miadbola or Midagri.’^ We have another epigraphic mention of this
river in the spurious plates which purport to record a grant made by Bharasena II. of Valabhi in
A, Di 478. It is there called the Madd^vi.^ TMs latter name may be taken as a corruption of the
5 SeeJSjp. hid. Vol. IV. p. 143.
6 The second syllable of this name, in line 60, is much blurred, owing to carelessness on the part apparently
of the engraver, rather than of the writer, of the record- And, in detecting the correct reading,. I have of course
been helped by my identification of the village. But an inspection of the facsimile will shew that the consonant
is unmistakably for Wk, in accordance with the general practice of the record.
T Vol, X. above, p, 284, plate ii., line 3-4, and Plate. There is a somewhat unusual mark at the top of the ma
to the right. It does not seem to he intended for a long d. Nor, as far as I could see when I had the original plate
before me, does it seem to be part of an imperfectly formed .
1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
2S5
name MandAkini, through a form MandAvi ; and, in connection with this point of yiew, we may note
that the Vitihifiipm&m speaks of two rivers named Mandhkini,® and mentions, just after one of them,
a river Puny& which may be the PurnS, in GujarAt, the next river on the south of the ‘ Mindhola.'
quite as much as any other river known by the name of Pflrna, and that this tends to suggest that
the ‘Mindhola’ really had the original name of Mand&kini. Or we may suppose that the original
name of the river was MandflTl, and was invented to mark the river as one “flowing slowly
(mmda),” by way of contrast with the Pflravi, the name of which seems to mean a river having a
full rusHng stream (para) and consequently flowing quickly.”® And, in the latter case, we may look
upon the MadS.vi of the spurious record as a corruption of the name Manddvi, and take the Mandakini
of the present record as a fanciful substitute for it, somewhat similar to the application of the name
Gahgd to the Gddavaii, or to a small nullah flowing into the G6dfivari, in the Paithan plates of
A. D. 1272.10
The town from which, most probably, the Sarthd,taiUt;akiya forty -two took its appellation,
cannot at present be identified ; unless, by any chance, its name can have been corrupted into that of
the ‘ Simlak’ of the maps, a large village the site of which is contiguous, on the north, with the site
of ‘Dabhel, Ddbhel.’
Mr. Bhandarkar has given a reason for perhaps identifying the “ great river ” Pto&vt
with the Phrnft, on the south bank of which is NausSri ; namely, that an unpublished record,
belonging to the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, speaks of the PflrSvi as being in the
vicinity of a place named Ndgas4rikS, which is taken by him to be Nausan. But it is not quite
plain how the Pflrna, the total length of which is less than eighty miles, could be properly classed as a
“ great river.”
He has expressed the opinion that Kampilyatirtha, — or “ the Kdmpilya tirtha,” » the sacred
place of Kampilya,” according to his treatment of the name, — is to be identified with Kampil,
called in ancient times Kfimpilya, and formerly, it appears, a sacred place of the Jains, in the Kaim-
ganj tahsil of jthe EarukhabM district, North-West Provinces. We need not enter into the point
that Kampilya-Kampil is some six hundred miles away from ‘ Chokhad.’ The Kftmpilyatlrtha
of this record is, undoubtedly, the ‘Kapkleta’ of the Atlas and Trigonoinetrical sheets, a large
village in the OhorSsi tfiluka of the Surat district, on the north bank of the ‘ Mindhola,’ ‘Mindhila,’
or ‘ Mindhdjfi,’ about a mile and a half on the north of ‘ Chokhad.’
Th.© places mentioned in tb.e Surat plates of A. D. 1061.
This record has been edited by Mr. H. H. Dhruva in Vol. XII. above, p. 196 ff., with a
lithograph. The original plates were obtained from a coppersmith of Surat, the chief town of the
Surat district in Gnjarfit, Bombay Presidency.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Pausha in the Vikrita saifwatsara,
Saka-Samvat 972 (expired), falling in January, A. D. 1051, the Chaulukya prince Trilfichanapaia,
“the ruler {hhSktri) of the L9.ta country (Msa),” went to the western ocean, and, at a sacred
* ’Wilson’s Translation, Vol* II. pp» 153, 154, , . . ^ •
s The also, which is best known as the appellation of the celestial Ganges or of a cer^ arm
of the terrestrial Ganges, is explained (see Monier-WUliams’ Sanskrit Dictionai,) as meamng ^mg or atrea^g
IS’ S •riow, tardy, sluggish.’ rtc., and ‘ to move, go,’ tee modern^me of the
Siola^llytekindhdia. with tee lingual it can hardly have been derived either from Mand^ or
iStviT^davt; but must be a later substitute for the origin^ name. In the other appeilataon, Mrdfgn,’
we may posdbly have a reminisoence of some kind of the name MadSvi or Mandavt
» See Yol. XXX. above, p. 517.
256
THE INMAN ANTIQUARY.
[June, 1902.
place named Agastyatirtha or Agastyatirtha, gave to a certain Brahman a village {grama)
named Eratlxd.]ia, (measuring) nine-hundred {^ploughs in a small territorial division,
consisting of forty -two villages, which seems at first sight to be not distinctly specified by name
but to be placed in a larger territorial division called the Villi&vara or BUllfevara pathaka.^2
defines the position of Erathana by means of eight surrounding kliitakas or ‘ villages of agricultural
peasants/ And it places them as follows ; on the east, a village (grdma) named Nd.gd>mv^, and
TantikA; on the south-east, Vatapadraka; on the south, Lingavata-Siva ; on the south-west,
InddttMna ; on the west, Vahunadafevan ; on the north-west, T®Divartlka; on the north,
Talapadraka; and, on the north-east, a village (grdma) named £uru2^a.
Mr. Dhruva told us that the Erathana ol this record is Erthan in the Olpad t^luka of the
Surat district, a village, between the Kim river and the Tapti, which may be found in the Indian
Atlas sheet No. 23, S, E. (1888), in lat. 21° 23', long. 72° 52'. He added certain details which
seemed to bear out that statement circumstantially. And he plainly was furnished, though very
vaguely and inaccurately, with iiirormation, which he did not verify, about some of the surroundings
of a certain Erthan which really is the Erathana of the record. But that Erthan is not the Erthdn b
the Olp^d taiuka.
The Villifevara or Hillifevara of the record, from which the pathaka took its appellation,
IS to be identified with BaUsar or Bal^shwar, a small town two miles on the north of
Paisana, the head-quarters of the Palsand subdivision, on the north bank of the river ‘ Mindhola,'
‘Mindhala, or ‘ MindhOIa,’ Nausar! division of the Baroda territory; it is shewn as
‘Balesar^ in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 6', long. 73° 2', and
in the same way in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 84 (1882) of Gujar&t. And it may
be remarked here that the composer of the record, writing at this point a particularly clumsy
verse, no doubt meant to describe the, ViUl&vara or Billifevara pathaka as itself consisting
of forty-two villages, though the language actually used by him conveys, if construed strictly
a different meaning. ^ ’
The EratM^a of this record is the ‘Erthan* of the Atlas sheet, shewn as ‘Erthdn’ in the
Trigonometrical sheet No._ 15 (1879), two miles west-north-west from Balesar. mgarnva or
wagambft seems to hare disappeared ; at any rate, the maps do not shew any trace of such a name •
but Tantika is represented by ‘Tati Jagra,* ‘Tati Jagra,* one mile sonth-east-by-east from
Erthfin. Vafapadraka has become ‘Wardala,’ one mile south-east from Erthan.i* Lihgavata-
Siva is ‘Lingad/ two and a half miles south-by-west from Erthan. Inddtthana seems to hare
^come'Bada or Wakhtana,* ‘Raula or Wakhtdna,* two miles towards the south-west from
Erthan. Vahunadabvan or Bahmjadabran is ‘Bonad,* two miles west-by-south from ErthAn
Temvarhka or Tembartika is ‘Timbarwa,’ iu the OhdrAsi tAluka of Surat, one mile on the
northwest of Brtha?. Talapadraka is ‘ Talodra,* one mile and a half north-half-east from ErthAn.
And is Haran, one mile and a half north-east from Erthan,
Inicate/m’scme way or
u to ns« «ie ra,me Caraoter to denote eitlier b or « tirong.out
“ Begarding this name, see page 254 abore. «iroognoin!.
-represm^IbylnT^^ name Vatapadraka i,
June, 1902.]
EARLY OR IMPERIAL GTJPTA DYNASTY.
257
REVISED CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY OR IMPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY.
BY VINCENT A. SMITH, M.R.A.S., I.O.S. (Eetd.).
Professor Sylvain Levi’s valuable and interesting studies of the Obinese historians who record
notices of events in India tbro^v much light upon the obscure history of India in tho centuries both
preceding and following the Christian era.
In a separate article I have discussed his discovery of the synchronism of Idng Meghavar^a
of Ceylon (A. D. 304: — 332) with the Indian emperor Samndra G-upta, whose reign has
hitherto been supposed to have begun in A. D. 350, so far as that synchronism affects the interpre-
tation of the Mahanaman inscriptions at Bodh-Gaya.^ In this paper I propose to discuss the
revision of the Gupta chronology which is rendered indispensable by Mr. Sylvain Ldvi’s
discovery, and certain other facts brought to' Eght within the last few years. ‘
Assuming, as is now^ generally allowed, that the Gupta era dates from the coronation
(abhisheka) of Chandra Gupta I., the first emperor of the Gupta dynasty, that event must have
taken place in the first year of the Gnpta Era (G. which corresponds to the period extending
from the 26th February, .A., D. 320, to the 15th March, A. D. 321. For most purposes it is
sufficiently accurate to say that the accession of Chandra Gupta I, occurred in A. D, 320, and to add
319 to dates G. E, to reduce them to dates A. D.^
Previous to M. L4vi’s discovery of the synchronism of king Meghavarna of Ceylon with the
emperor Samudra Gupta, the earliest known Gupta date subsequent to the accession of Chandra Gupta I.
in G* E. 1, = A. D. 320, was that recorded by tbe Udayagiri inscription of Chandra Gupta II„
dated G. E. 82, = A. D. 401.3 The chronology of the dynasty for the period of 81 complete years
between these two' dates was purely conjectural. M. L4vi’s discovery enables us to fix with approxi-
mate accuracy the date of the accession of the emperor Samudra Gupta, the son of Chandra
Gupta I., and, with the help of some other facts, to settle within narrow limits the greater part of
the chronology of the dynasty .4'
1 Professor Sylvain Llvi’s weigltfey essay entitled ‘Les Missions de Wang Hiuen-Ts’e dans I’Inde* appeared. in
^e Jomml Asiaiiqm for Mars-ATril et Mai-Juin, 1900, and was reprinted the same year at the Imprimerie
Nationals, Paris, pp. 112. On another occasion I hope to make use of the materials collected by him for the
Kush^n history. At present I confine myself to the snbieot of Oupta chronology. My article entitled ^ The Inscrip-
tions of Mah^nfiman at B6dh-Gay&’ appeared in this Journal, ante, Vol. XXXI., p. 192, I am myself responsible
for the erroneous hypothesis that the reign of Samudra G-npta began in A D. 350. (' Observations on the Oupta
Coinage,’ in J. B, A. S. for Jan, 1B93, p. 82. This work will be cited as ‘Observations.’)
® The discovery of the true beginning of the Gupta era, and the elaboration of all necessary calculations on the
subject, were effected by Dr. Pleet, whose matured views will be found in Ind. Ant, Vol. XX. (1891), pp. 376-389.
Dr. Pleat’s great work entitled ‘ Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors’ was published in 1888.
In its original form the Gupta era was an adaptation of the §aka year beginning with the month Chaitra, or
March- April. According to this arrangement the year commenced with the first day of the waring moon {sudi) of
Chaitra, and the year 1 G. E. corresponds to Saka 243, and A. D. 320-1, Consequently Gupta years axe ordinarily
reduced to years A, D. by the addition of 319, as, for example, 82 G. E. ssa A. D. 401. Of ooutse, for strictly
accurate results much more elaborate equations are sometimes required. The records of the kings with which this
paper is concerned seem to* be all dated on -this system. The kings of Valabhi, who succeeded the Guptas in
Surfishtya (K§.f hi§.w^?) abotit the end of the fifth century, while continuing to reckon by the Gupta era, made the
year begin seven months earlier* Gupta dates are* expressed in current years.
* Pleet, No. 3. U dayagiri is near Bh§ls& (BhtlsE) in Soindia’s Dominions in Central India, N. lat. 23® 82% E. long.
77® 50% The exact date is the 11th day of the waxing moon of the month Ash&dha, equivalent to June- July,
A. D. 401.
* My conjectural dates were Gupta, A, D, 290 5 Ghatotkacha, A. D, 305 ; Chandra Gupta 1., A. D. 819
(an error instead of 320) ; K&cha, A. D. 340 5 Samudra Gupta, A, D, 850; and Chandra Gupta II., A. D. 380.
268
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Juke, 1902.
According to all the genealogical inscriptions, the founder of the dynastic family was the MahS-
raja Gupta, ^ who was succeeded by his son the Maharaja Ghabotkacha. The only positive indication
of the date of the Mahftr&ja Gupta is afforded by the Chinese pilgrim I-tsing, who travelled
between A. D. 671 and 695, and died in A. D. 713. He states that, according to tradition, an
ancient ruined establishment known as the China Temple had been built for the accommodation
Chinese pilgrims some five hundred years before the writer’s time by Maharaja Bri Gupta.® This
tradition would place the Maharaja Gupta about A. D. 200, a date considerably too early. The true
date of his accession cannot well be earlier than A. D. 270, We may assume A. D. 275, Gupta’s
son, Ghabotkacha, may be assigned conjeoturally, in the absence of evidence, to A. D. 800,
Neither of these Maharajas assumed the higher titles denoting paramount rule, and, so far as is
known, neither of them coined money or left any inscriptions. Both probably were the Rajas of
Bihar south of the Ganges^ with their capital at the ancient royal city of Pataliputra (Patna). They
may have been in some degree subordinate to the Idchchhavi's of Vaisali, on the northern side of
the river.
Chandra Gupta I. came to the throne in G. E. 1, = A. D. 320, and established Ms power as a
paramount sovereign by marrying the Lichchhavi princess Kumara Devi. His coins were struck in
the joint names of himself, his queen,- and the powerful Lichchhavi clan, and his dominions extended
in the Gangetic valley as far as Pray^ga (Allahabad). 7
Inasmuch as Samudra Gupta, son of Chandra Gupta I., was reigning previously to G, E. 13 =
A. D. 332, the date of the death of the Ceylonese king Meghavarna, who sent him an embassy, the
reign of Chandra Gupta L, who ascended the throne in the year G. E. 1, must necessarily have been
very short. The great Allahabad inscription, which records the deeds of Samudra Gupta, states that
his conquests extended as far south as PMakka, the modern Palghatchery, in N. lat. 10° 45' 49,
distant about thirteen hundred miles from P&taliputra (Patna), then the capital of the empire, and
® The name of this prince was nndoubtedly simply Gupta,, and not &rl Gupta, as Cunningham insiated (Coins
L p. 9). XJpagupta, who, acc5ording to the A^ok&vadfina legend, was the father-confessor of Asoka,.is described
as -^e son of Gupta the perfumer. Both these names are clear proof that the participle Gupta could stand as a
name alone, without the support of a governing word ; the word tupa is, of coarse, a mere particle, expressing the
idea of * lesser/
6 For the dates of I-tsing’s life and death, see his *Eecords of the Buddhist Eeligion/ ed. Tafcakusu,
p. xisTii.” The tradition cited is from another work by the same author described by Beal in J. R. A.
XIU., N. S., pp. 652-572.
T The coins exhibit on the obverse the names and effigies of Chandra Gupta and his consort Eum^ra D^vi.
The -reverse has a goddess seated on a lion, and holding fillet and oomucopise, with the legend ‘ Idchchhavayalji>,*
or LichchivayaJi, in the nominative plural. I interpret the legends as meaning that the ooinage was issued by
Chandra Gupta 1. in the names of himself, of his wife, and of her family, the Llchohharis. The inscriptions lay
great stress on the queen’s Lichchhavi ancestry.
The well-known Puranic passage which defines the extent of the Gupta Dominions is applicable to the reign
of Chandra Gupta I. only. As given in the V&yu Purina (Hallos ed. of Wilson's Vishnu Puripa, Vol. IV. p. 218)
it runs s— .
“ aij'intsnir'ff n I
of which the best translation seems to me to be * The [kings] of the race of Gupta will possess PrayAga on the
Ganges^ SHketam, and the Hagadhas all these countries/ SSketam, although not yet positively identified, was in
Southern Oudh (7. E. A. S. for 1898, p. 522). Praytga on the Ganges is Allfih^bfid. The name Nagadha in the
plural (amending to HTTO) means, I presume, BihSr both north and south of the Ganges, Similarly, the name
Kalinga is used both in the singular and the plural. Compare Vanga and XXpavanga. The conquests of Samudra
Gupta and his son Chandra Gupta 11. enlarged the boundaries of the empire so far that the Puranic definition or
description became wholly inapplicable. This observation may help to indicate the date of the composition of
the V&yu Parana. ^ Other texts, as usual, present variations of the passage quoted.
The coins of Chandra Gupta I. are described in my work entitled * The Ooinage of the Early or Imperial Gupta
Dynasty of Northern India,’ in 7. R. A. S. for Jan. 1889 “(cited as * Coinage 0, p. 63, and * Observations,’ p. 94,
The spelling * IdchchMvayali ’ is found on one of JMr. Eivett-Oamao’s coins, and in the Bhitari pillar inscription
of Skanda Gupta; as weE as in the spurious Gay4 grant purporting to belong to the same reign, and in the Laws
of Manu. (Fleet-, ‘ Gupta Inscriptions/ p. 16.) v ~ ,
1902.]
EABLT Oft IMPERIAL GUPTA jDtNASTY.
259
mentions the fact that the Ceylonese sent the conqueror presents or tribute. It is unlikely that the
king of Ceylon should have been sufficiently in dread of the monarch of Northern India to send him
gifts, as related both by the Chinese historian and the Allahabad inscription, until after Samudra
Gupta's temporary subjugation of Southern India. King Meghavarna of Ceylon having died in A. D.
S32, the mission of Mabdndman to the Indian court, which involved two voyages, may be approximately
dated in A. D. 330. The military operations incident to a victorious march of quite thirteen
hundred miles and the subjugation of a multitude of kingdoms, as related in the AllahdbM inscription,
may fairly be assumed to have occupied at least three years. Consequently, the accession of Samudra
Gupta cannot be placed later than the year A, D. 327 = G. E. 8, and the possible limits of the reign
of his predecessor Chandra Gupta are thus further restricted to the brief space of seven or eight years
at the most.8 This inference is quite in accord with the numismatic evidence, inasmuch as the
coinage of Chandra Gupta I. occurs in gold only of a single type, and is so rare that the specimens
yet discovered do not exceed a score in number.
The accession of Samudra Gupta, who is represented in the genealogical inscriptions as the
immediate successor of Chandra Gupta I., aud who is stated in the Allahabad inscription to have been
appointed heir to the crown during his father’s lifetime,^ may safely be dated in G. 6 or 7,
equivalent to A. D. 325 or 326.
But the question is complicated by the existence of a small number of gold coins of a single
type, about equal in rarity to those of Chandra Gupta I., and bearing the name of K&ohSk or Kacha.
The difficulty is to find a place for Kacha in the very few years available. The coins of that prince
are undoubtedly closely related in weight, fabric, and type both to those of Chandra Gupta I., and
to the early issues of Samudra Gupta, One hoard, that of Tan^a in Oudh, consisted of twenty-five
coins, only two of which belonged to the reign of Chandra Gupta I., the remainder being divided
between Kacha and the Asvamedha and Battle-axe types of Samudra Gupta, Both the types last
named seem to be intended to commemorate the emperor's victories and conquests. Their reverses,
as well as the reverse of Samudra Gupta’s Tiger type, are closely related to the reverse of the Kacha
coins. The obverse legend of the lasi^named coins describes the king as ‘ the exterminator of all rajas,
who is victorious, having subdued the earth by excellent deeds.’ The epithet * exterminator of all rajas *
(sarvardjdchchSttd) assumed by K^cha is given in five inscriptions to Samudra Gupta and to no
other king. The description of Kdcha as the victorious conqueror of the earth is also applicable to
Samudra Gupta.io These facts strongly support the suggestion made both by Dr. Fleet and myself
that Kacha and Samudra Gupta are identical, and, notwithstanding the difficulty there is in believing
* For an aoconnt in detail of the conquesta effected by Samudra Gupta^ and for the identification of T^lak&a,
see my papers entitled * Samudra Gupta * (7. B, A. S, for 1897, p. 19), aud * The Conquests of Samudra Gupta * {ihid.
p. 859). My revised date for the accession of Samudra Gupta is strongly supported by the forged Gay4 copper-
plate (No. 60 of Fleet) which, purports to haye been engraved in his reign in the year 9. The entry of this date
shows that the forger belieyed Samudra Gupta to have been reigning in that year.
9 Lines 7 and 8, which are thus translated by Dr. Fleet i — " Who, being looked at {wiih envy) by the faces,
melancholy {through the rejection of themsehee), of others of equal birth, while the attendants of the court breathed
forth deep sighs {of hapipiness), was bidden by {his) father, — who, exclaiming ‘V erily he is worthy,* embraced
{him) with the hairs of (his) body standing erect {ihrouyh pleasure) {and thus) indicative of {his) sentiments,
and scanned (him) with an eye turning round and round in affection, {and) laden with tears {of joy) ^ and perceptive
of (his noble) nature, — [to govern of a surety] the whole world.’* A generation later the selection of 'Ohandra
Gupta II. by his father, Samudra Gupta, is expressed by the words iaiparigrihiia,
19 For the EScha coins, see ‘ Coinage,* p. 74 j ‘Observations,* p. 95. The spellings K&cha and Kacha both occur
on the coins. For the Asvamedha, Tiger, and Battle-axe types of Samudra Gupta, see ‘ Coinage,’ pp, 64, 66, 72 ;
‘ Observations,* pp. 96, 97, 102. On the Tiger type, the king*s title is simply * r&ja * ; on the Asvamedha and Battle-
axe types it is r6jddhir6ja. The Lyrist type, presumably later iu date, exhibits the higher title mahdrdjd^irdja. The
five inscriptions which apply the epithet SarvardjdchchhSUd to Samudra Gupta are, (1) Mathuri {Fleet, No. 4, p. 27,
note), (2) Bilsa4 {Fleet, No. 10), (3) Bih&r {Fleet, No. 10), (4) Bhitari pillar (No. 13 of Fleet), and (5) the spurious
Gtayfi grant of Samudra Gupta, with a genuine seal {Fleet, No. 60). In my ‘ Coinage’ I advocated the identity of
K&cha with Samudra Gupta ; but iu ‘Observations ’ I accepted Mr. Bapson’s view that Kficha was a brother and
predecessor. 1 now revert to my original opinion.
260
THE INDIAN ANI’IQUAItY.
[June, 1902.
tlaat Samudra Gupta described bixnself on his coins by two different names, I feel disposed to adhere
to the “belief that K^cha is only another name (biru<Ja) of Samudra Gupta.
The only possible alternatives are the theory preferred by Mr. Bapson, who supposes that Kacha
was a brother of Samudra Gupta, and enjoyed a very brief reign as his predecessor, or the assumption
that Kacha was a pretender, and a rival to the brother who had been selected by their father as heir-
apparent. It is possible that when Chandra Gupta L died, his chosen heir was far from the capital
in charge of a remote province, or commanding an invasion of foreign territory, and that Kdcha, being
on the spot, was in a position to seize the throne o! which he maintained possession for a brief space.
This explanation of the problem is supported by the fact that Kaoba’s coins seem to be inferior in
purity of metal to those both of Chandra Gupta I. and Samudra Gupta. But the alleged inferiority is
not quite certain.^ Mr. Rapson’s suggestion is rendered improbable by the omission of Kdcha’s name
from genealogies, and by the facta that Samudra Gupta was selected by his father as heir-apparent,
and always claims to have succeeded directly. On the whole, I lean to the opinion that the hypothesis
of the identity of Kacha and Samudra Gupta affers less difficulties than either of the alternatives.
So far as the general chronology of the dynasty is concerned, it is immaterial which solution is
accepted. The inscriptions prove that in any case Samudra Gupta must be regarded as the
immediate successor of his father. Kacha, if a distinct person, must have been a rival claimant to
the throne, who reigned for a short time in the home provinces concurrently with Samudra Gupta,
I assume the year G. E. 7, A. D. 826, as that in which Chandra Gupta I. died,
and Samudra Gupta succeeded him. The rival rule of Kacha, if a reality, cannot have lasted
more than a year or two, simultaneously with the beginning of Samudra Gupta’s reign.
The year 6. E. 82, = A, D. 401, as already observed, fell in the reign of Chandra Gupta II.,
the son and successor of Samudra Gupta. The latest inscription of Chandra Gupta is dated G. E,
93, and the earliest inscription of his son and successor Kum^a Gupta is dated in G. E. 96.^2
We cannot therefore err materially if we place the death of Chandra Gupta II. and the acces-
sion of his son and successor, Kumara Gupta I., in the year G. E. 94, = A. D. 413.
The interval between 326 A, D. and 413 A. D., amounting to 86 complete years, must be
allotted to the two reigns of Samudra Gupta and his son and successor, Chandra Gupta II., who is
known to have been reigning in A. D. 401. Evidently both reigns must have been exceptionally
long, a fact clearly apparent also from the numismatic evidence.
If we assume that Samudra Gupta was twenty years of age when he entered upon his heritage,
it is improbable that he attained an age exceeding eighty years. Oh this assuinption, his death
cannot be placed later than A. D. 386, and probably it^occnrred earlier. In the absence of specific
evidence, I assume A, D. 375 as a close approximation to the true date of the transmis-
sion of the crown from Samudra Gupta to his chosen and able successor, Chandra Gupta II.,
but the death of Samudra Gupta may have occurred some years earlier.
Theliihits of the reign of Kum4ra Gupta I., sou aud successor of Chandra Gupta II.,
are hnowu with sufficient accuracy. He came to the throne, as we have seen, not earlier than
u fchiimtigiaiQ gives the following figures the result of the analyses or assays which he oaused to be made
{O.-Med. I. p. 16)
JTo. ofcoim tested^
12
60 .
8 ^
If the ‘ highest weight' of 8 specimens of Kacha was 118*5, the mean weight cannot have been 123 grainsr A coin
of Mx. Rivett-Carnao's is said to weigh 125*8 (‘ Coinage,' p. 74). Ordinarily the coins of Kacha are of light weight,
the mean of four specimens being 114*96. ICr. Eivett-Carnao's other specimens weighed 115*6. *
O. E. 82 * Tfdayagiri inscription of Chandra Cupta II. {Fleet; Ho. 3) j
<3-. E, 93 ; Sanchi inscription of Chandra Gupta II. {Fleett No. 5) ;
G E. 96 ; Bilsa^ inscription of Kumdra Gupta I. No, 10).
King,
Mean mightin grains.
Pure gold.
Mloy,
Chandra Gupta I.
128
107*6
16*4
Samudra Gupta.
123
107*6
15*4
Kdoha.
123
102*5
20*5
Highest weight
123*8
126*0
118*6
J TOE, 1902.]
EABLT OB DIPEBIAL GUPTA DYNASTY.
261
O, E. 93, and not later than G. E. 96, I have assumed G. E, 94, = A. D. 413, as the date of his
accession. His reign closed at some time in the year G. E. 136, = A. D. 455, \Thich is the date of
his latest coins and also of the earliest inscription of his son and successor, Skanda Gupta,
But at this point a difficulty similar to that in the case of Kacha confronts the historian. The
genealogical inscriptions on stone all end not later than Skanda Gupta’s reign, and gire the succes-
sion both of reigns and generations as (1) Gupta, (2) Ghatotkacha, (3) Chandra Gupta I.,
(4) Samudra Gupta, (5) Chandra Gupta IL, (6) Kumara Gupta I., (7) Skanda Gupta.
But the Bhitari seal carries on the genealogy two generations further in the persons of
Narasimha Gupta and Kumara Gupta II., while substituting Pura Gupta for Skanda Gupta.^^
The question therefore arises, as in the case of Kacha and Samudra Gupta, whether Para Gupita is
to be regarded as identical with Skanda Gupta or as a rival brother. The further questions may
also be raised whether, if Pura Gupta were a distinct person, he preceded, followed, or was contem-
poraneous with Skanda Gupta. The case, although at first sight similar, differs materially from that
of K^cha and Samudra Gupta. The name of Kacha is Imown only from a few coins, and nothing
except the legends on those coins is on record concerning him to prove or disprove bis separate
existence. On the other hand, we know concerning Pura Gupta that he was a legitimate son of
Kumara Gupta I., whom he succeeded at least in the eastern provinces, that liis mother was Queen
Aiianta Devi, that his wife was Queen Sri Yatsa DSvi, and that his son and successor was
Narasimha Gupta,
The long inscription on the Bhitari pillar, which unfortunately is not dated, makes
pointed allusion to Skanda Gupta’s mother, while it strangely abstains from mentioning her name.^^
The Bih^ir inscription {Fleet, Ko. 12), which gives the usual genealogy, and names the
queens of Chandra Gupta I., Samudra Gupta, and Chandra Gupta II,, omits the name of the consort
of Kumara Gupta I., the mother of Skanda Gupta, but the imperfection of the record leaves it doubt-
ful whether or not the name originally stood in the inscription.
13 ‘ An Inscribed Seal of KnmSra Gupta II.,’ by V. A. Smith and Br. Hoernle (J. A, 8. JB., Tol. LYIII., Parti
I., 1889). The seal, which is composed of an alloy of copper and Bilver, was dug np in the fonndations cf a house
at Bhitari in the Gh^zSpur District, where the celebrated pillar with Skanda Gupta’s inscription stands.
Dr. Hoernle’s section of the paper cited discusses with much elaboration the historical results deducible from
the seal inscription. I am now fully satisfied that the name of the king who is substituted for Skanda Gupta has
been correctly read as Pura Gupta, The readings Puru and Sthira proposed by Cunningham and Btihler, respectively,
are erroneous. Tlie letters Pu-ra on the seal are quite plain. (See Dr. Hoernle’s ‘Note’ appended to my paper
entitled ‘ Pnrther Observations on the History and Coinage of the Gupta period,’ in J. A, B. B., Vol. LXIII*
(1594), Parti., p. 210.)
(Line 5) “ The glorious KumarSgupta, who meditated on his [scil, Chandra Gupta II.] feet, and who was_
begotten on the MdhMhi Dhruvadevl,
(Line 6) The son of him, the king, who was renowned for the innate power of (Jiis) mighty intellect (mid)
whose fame was great, is this (present) king, by name Skanda Gupta, who possesses great glory ; who subsisted
(nice a hee) on the wide-spreading waterlilies which were the feet of (?iis) father ...... who is the most
eminent hero in the lineage of the Guptas
(Line 10) By whom, when he prepared himself to restore the fallen fortunes of (/iis) family, a whole night was
spent on a conch that was the bare earth ; and then having conquered the Pnshyamitras, who had developed great
power and wealth, he placed (Ms) left foot on a foot-stool which was the king (of that tribe himself) .
(Line 12) Who, when (Ms) father had attained the skies, conquered his enemies by the strength of (his)
arm, and established again the ruined fortunes of (Ais) lineage ; and then crying * the victory has been achieved,’
betook himself to (Ms) mother, whose eyes were full of tears from joy, just as Krishna, when he had slain his
enemies, betook himself to his mother D^vaki
(Line 14) Who, with his own armies, established (again his) lineage that had been made to totter.
(Line 15) : — joined in close conflict with the Hunaa
(Line IS) has allotted this village (to the idol), in order to increase the religious merit of his father.”
(Fleet, p. 55.)
Note the early reference to the (Puranic ?) legend of Krishna and D^vaki. The inscription records the dedication
and endowment of an image of Vishnu under the name of Sdringin. Cunningham found numerous bricks inscribed
with the name of ’Sri Kumdra Gupta at Bhitari, which was evidently a royal residence in the time of Skanda Gupta
and his father. ... , - - _ - -
262
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JrxE, 1902,
The Juii§»gar1i, Kab.^um> and Indor inscriptions {Fleet, Nos. 14, 15, 16), while magni-
fying Skanda Gupta as au illustrious member or the Gupta dynasty, abstain from tracing his genea-
logy. Skaiida Gupta was certainly in power in Western India previous to the bursting of the lake
embankment at Jiinagarh in January, A. D. 456 (G. E. 136), and before that date had eiitimsted the
provincial administration of Surashtra to his officer Parnadatta^ who had appointed his son Chakra-
palita as governor of the city at Junagarh. Chakrapalita repaired the broken embankment during
the hot season of A. D. 456 (G. E, 137), and in the following year (G. E. 138) erected a temple to
sanctiry his work. Considering that coins of Kumara Gupta I. exist which are dated in G. E. 135
and 136, the dates require the assumption that Gupta I. died in the spring of A. D.
455. corresj>ondmg to the early months of G. E. 136, which began in March, A. D. 455, and
extended to February or March, A. D. 456.^^ Kumara Gupta I. may be considered to have died in
April, A. D. 455. The appointments of Parnadatta as Viceroy of Surashtra and of Chakrapalita as
Governor of Jiinagarh must have taken effect before the close of A. D. 455. There cannot, there-
fore, be any doubt that, at least in the west of India, Skaiida Gupta was the immediate successor of
his father Kumara Gupta I. in the year A. D. 455 (G. E. 136). It is equally certain that live years
later he was in full authority over the eastern parts of his father’s dominions, because the inscription
at Kahauih {Fleets No. 15) is dated in the month Jyeshfcha of G. E. 141, equivalent to May or June,
A, D. 460, and Kaliaum is situated in the eastern end of the Gbrakhpur District, at a distance of
about ninety miles from Pdfcaliputra (Patna). The undated inscription at Bihar, also in the east of
the empire, which gives the usual genealogy, likewise treats Skanda Gupta as being the son and
immediate successor of Kumara Gnpta I.
On the other hand, the Bhitari seal, in similar technical language {tasya puttms iat-pdddnu*
dhydto), describes Pura Gupta as the son and apparently immediate successor of Kumara Gupta I.,
and Narasimha Gupta as the son and sipparently immediate successor of Pura Gupta, This record of
the regular succession from Kumara Gupta I., through Pura Gupta to Narasimha Gupta, is the
difficulty which stands in the way of the otherwise plausible and tempting hypothesis that Pura Gupta
was a rival brother of Skanda Gupta.
If Pura Gupta disputed the succession to the empire, and succeeded in holding only for a year
cr two the govornmeat of the eastern provinces against Skanda Gupta, who certainly was the direct
successor of his father in the western provinces, how could Pura Gupta have transmittei the royal
dignity to his son ? The hypothesis of a division of the empire immediately after the death of
Kumara Gupta I. seems to be shut out by the language of the inscriptions, especially the long record
on the Bhitari pillar, and by the fact that within five years of his father’s death, Skanda Gupta
was in full possession of both the eastern and the western extremities of his father’s extensive
empire.
The hypothesis that Para Gupta was the successor of Skanda Gupta in the imperial dignity
associated with the possession of the eastern provinces, as Budha Gupta certainly succeeded Skanda
Gupta in the government of the western provinces as a local raja, is difficult to reconcile with the
The importaiit JunSgarh inscription o£ Chakrapalita {Fleet, No. 14), dated during the reign of Skanda Gupta
in the years G. E. 133, 137, 133, has also been edited, though not very carefully, by the late Professor Petorsou in the
work entitled ‘ A Collection of Prakrit and Sanskrit Inscriptions. » Published by the Bhavnagar Archinological
Department under the auspices of His Highness Paol Shri Takhtsinghji, G.O.S.I., LL.D. (Cantab.), Maharaja
of Bhavnagar. (Bhavnagar Printed at the State Printing Press.) N. D. By an unfortunate blunder the
translation of the insoriptioii in this work gives the month in which the dam burst as being * BhAdrapada.’ The
facsimile and transliteration correctly give the ' 6th day of the month Praushthapada,’ equivalent to January
The date of the record must of course be taken as G. E. 138, = A. D. 457-8. In the preamble, Lakshm!,
the goddess of fortune, is said to have selected Skanda Gupta for the throne, * having discarded all the other sons of
kings.' These words may refer either to a disputed succession, or to the selection of Skanda Gupta by his father.
< ' Parnadatta ' to proteotin a proper manner the land of the Surdshtras,’ and to be
lord over the region of the west.’ Chakrapalita (line 12) ‘ accomplished the protection of the city.’ ’
June, 1902. j
EARLY OR IMPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY,
263
language of the Bliitari seal, which seems to imply the immediate succession of Pura Gupta to his
father Knmrira Gupta I, But, as Dr. Hoernle has pointed out, the name of a king who does not
stand in the direct genealogical line is sometimes omitted from a dynastic list which is primariiv
intended to trace the succession from father to son rather than from reign to reign. The best
solution of the didiculty apparently is to assume that SkanJa Gupta, by reason of being childless,
is omit:ed from the genealogy of the Bhitari seal, and that he was succeeded by his brother
Para Gupta.
The rare gold coins, of which about fifteen specimens are known, whieli bear on the
reverse the title Sri Prakasiditya, and weigh about 14G grains, like the later coins of Skauda
Gupta, and those of Narasiihha Gupta, were undoubtedly struck by a member of the Imperial
Gupta dynasty, who was nearly contemporary with Skanda Gupta. Unluckily the proper name of
the king on the obverse has not yet been read on any specimen. The best preserved example is one
from Hardoi in Oudh, from the Rivett-Carnac cabinet, now in the Indian Museum, Oaicutta, but
eveu that coin does not clear up the mystery. In the large Bharsar hoard found near Benares in
1851 the thirty-two coins described in detail comprised Samudra Gupta, 6 ; Chandra Gupta II.,
10 ; Kumara Gupta 1,8; Skanda Gupta, G ; and Prakasaditya, 2. The rest of the hoard, so far
as known, consisted of coins of Chandra Gupta II. The four fully known names in this hoard are
those of Gupta kings in regular succession. The presumption is strong that the fifth name, or title,
that of Prakasilditya, should rank after that of Skanda Gaj)ta, before whom there is no room. If
this inference be admitted, the coins of Prakasaditya must be assigned, as proposed by Dr. Hoernle,
to Pura Gupta. No other attribution seems to be possible, for the gold coins of Nara Baladitya
should certainly be assigned to Narasimha Gupta of the Bhitari seal inscription.
t
If the Prakasaditya coins are properly assigned to Pura Gupta, that king cannot possibly he
identical with Skanda Gupta, for the following reason.
The richness of the gold in the Prakasaditya coins hal been noticed many years ago by
numismatists, but the significauee of this little fact was not intelligible until Cunningham caused
chemical analyses, or assays, of the whole Gupta gold series to be made. The tests showed that the
Gupta gold coinage from Chandra Gupta I. to, and including, the early years of Skanda Gupta
contained about 107 grains of pure gold out of a total weight of 123 grains, the coins being struck
to the weight standard of Roman aurei denarii (dindr). Skanda Gupta in his later years struck
coins to the suvarna standard of weight, exceeding 140 grains, and so impure that they only contain
about 73 grains each of pure gold. The rich yellow coins of Prakasaditya, weighing 146 grains,
contain no less than 121-7 grains of pure gold, and are therefore equal in Talne to tke aurei of
Augustus (Letronne, 121-94; B. M. 121-126 pure), and superior to any other ancient
Indian gold coina. The best Kushan coins have only 112-75 pure out of 123 grains.!® This very
surprising fact concerning the Prakasaditya coinage seems to be best explained by the hypothesis that
Pura Gupta, the brother of Skanda Gupta, assumed the title oL Prakd-Saditya, and, after succeeding
Skanda Gupta, made a determined effort to restore the purity of tho coinage, which bad been so
grievously debased during the troubles of Skanda Gupta’s reign. The reform was of very brier
duration, for the coins of Narasimha Gupta, son of Pura Gupta, are as debased as the sur-aj-na pieces
of Skanda Gupta, and those of Rumhi-a Gupta II. are still worse, containing only 66-5 grains pure
out of 150. Skiinda Gupta was the first to strike coins of the heavy (suvarna) standard. The fact
that the coins of Prakasdditya conform to this standard of weight strongly supports the theory that
Pui-a Gupta succeeded Skanda Gupta.
For disouBsion of the coins of PiakMaditya, see ‘Coinage,’ pp. 115-117 ; ‘ Obaervations,’ pp. 125-127. The
coins of NaraLsiihha] Gnpta are described in ‘Coinage,’ pp. 113-115 ; and ‘Obaervations,’ p. 138. The coins of
Knmira Gnpta II. (Krain6ditya), which were in my earlier publications assigned to Knmtoa Gupta I., are
ooi-reotly assigned and described in ‘ Observations,’ p. 129, Cunningbam’s assay results will be found m Coins. Med.
hidia j p. 16. . -
264
THE INDIAN ANTIQTJAHY.
[June, 1902,
No liypothesis for tlie explanation of Pura Gupta’s place in the order of succession is free from
difficulty, hut after much consideration I have come to the conclusion, in agreement with Di. Hoernle,
that he must be regarded as the successor of his brother Skanda Gupta in the imperial dignity
associated with the government of the home provinces of the vast empire of his ancestors, I imagine
that when Skanda Gupta died in about A, D. 482, the western provinces of the empire were lost, and
that the deceased monarch was succeeded in the east by his brother Pura Gupta, and in the west by
Budha Gupta, who may or may not have been his son, and is known to have been reigning as a local
raja in Malava in A. D. 484 and 494 (G. E. 165 and 175).i7 Assuming that the coins bearing the
title Prakasaditya belong to Pura Gupta, the rarity of those coins is an indication of a very short
reign. The accession of his son Narasimha Gupta BalMitya may be provisionally dated, as proposed
by Dr. Hoernle, in A. D. 485, The coins bearing the name Nara and the title Baladitya, which
are assigned to Narasimha Gupta of the Bhitari seal inscription, are much less rare than those of
Prakasaditya, and include many examples in quite base metal. At one time I conjectured that these
base metal coins might be posthumuous, but it is preferable to refer them all to the reign of Narasimha
Gupta, and to believe that during a long and disturbed reign the coinage was progressively debased.
Dr, Hoernle’s proposal to regard Narasimha Gupta as identical with the Bffiaditya, King of Magadha,
who defeated Mihira Kula about A. D. 530, may be provisionally accepted. If this supposition be
correct) the reign of Kumar a Gupta II. may be considered to have begun in A, ,D, 522, and the
Bhitari seal may be referred approximately to that date. The characters of the inscription on the
seal look rather earlier.
The long duration of Narasimha Gupta’s reign required by Dr, Hoernle’s theory is no objection.
Most of the Gupta sovereigns enjoyed exceptionally long reigns. Parallels may be found
in the series of Mughal emperors, Akbar, Jabaiigir, Shah Jahan, and AurangzSb, whose four reigns
covered the- period from A. D. 1555 to 1707, mth an average of 38 years for each reign and genera-
tion; and in the Hanoverian dynasty of Great Britain. Three generations and four reigns fill the
period extending from the accession of George III. in 1760 to the death of Queen Victoria in 1901,
with an average of 47 years for each generation, and 85 years for each reign.
The annexed Revised Chronological Table summarizes in a convenient form my present views
concemiug the outline of Gupta history. The dates of accession of Chandra Gupta I., Samudra
Gupta, Kumara Gupta I,, and Skanda Gupta are now known with sufficient accuracy. The most
important matter remaining in doubt is the date of the accession of Chandra Gupta II., which cannot
be determined from the materials now available.
Revised Chronological Table of the Early or Imperial Gupta Dynasty,
Serial
King.
Title.
Son of
Queen.
Accession.
Known Dates.
^ Bemarks.
No.
G. E.
A. D.
G. B. ,
A. D.
1
Gupta ...
.MahMja...
Un-
known, 1
Unknown...
275
1
None ...
None
Probably is the Sri
Gupta, King of
Magadha, mentioned
by I-tsing (Beal, in
J. B. A. 8., XIII., N. S.,
pp. 552-572) as having
lived ‘ about 500 years '
before A. D. 700. No
coins or oonteuiporary
inscriptions.
2.
Ghatot- •
hacha.
Ditto ...
No. 1...
Ditto
300
None ...
None ...
Date estimated, as in
case of No. 1. No coins
or contemporary in-
scriptions.
Eran inscription dated Thursday, 12t]iAshSdha Sndi, O, E. 1C5, equivalent to the 2lst June, A. D. 484;
silver ooinS'dated in*theyear 175, and one specimen dated ?. l8[-r]. {‘ Coinage, p, 134, Ind Ant XIV. 68.) The date
of the inscription {Flut, No. 19) is exhaustively discussed by Dr. Fleet in pp. 80-84 of his Introduction,
Juke, 1902.]
EARLY OR IMPERIAL GUPTA DYNASTY.
265
Serial
King.
Title.
Queen.
Accession
Known Dates.
Eemarks.
No.
Son of
G.E.
A.D.
G. E.
A. D.
3
Cliandra
Gupta I.
]
MahAraj^-
dhiraja.
No.2 .
KumAra
DAvi, of
the Lich-
ohhavi
oUu.
1
320
None ...
, None
Pounded Gupta Era, of
which year 1 =r 26th
Feb., A.D 320, to 15th
March, A. D. 321. No
contemporary inscrip-
iions known. Struck a
few gold coins in joint
names of himself, his
queen, and the Lioh-
chhavi dan.
Samudra
Gupta.
Ditto ...
No. 3...
Datta DAtI
7
323
9
A. D. 328
j
This date rests on the
authority of the forged
Gay A copper-plate
{Fleet y No. 60). The
forger may be assumed
to have known that
Samudra^ Gupta was
really reigning in the
year 9.
1
i
!
CCrca 11 i
1
A. D. 3301
Embassy headed by
MahAnAman from King
Meghavarna of Ceylon
(A. D. 304-532), a-s re-
lated by Wang Hiuen
Ts’e.
The contemporary in-
scriptions are not dated.
They are :*—
(1) Eran (Fleet, No. 2) ;
and
(2) AlUhabAd {Fleet,
No. 1).
The ^ fragmentary in*
scription at MathurA
(No, 38 in Ep, Ind, II.
i 198, 210), dated in the
year 57, probably be-
longs to this reign.
The coins, all gold, are
! not dated, unless the
syllable |%, si, on cer-
tain coins be a date*
Kdoha, or
Kacba.
Sarvarij^icTi*
chMtta,
? No. 3.
Unknown...
1
7
326
None ...
None ...
Known from coins only,
which closely resemble
those of Samudra
Gupta. Probably iden-
tical with him, and, if
distinct, must be re-
garded as arival brother
who reigned contempo-
raneously for a short
time in the eastern pro-
vinces.
5
Chandra
Gupta II,
Mahdri^jiV
dhirdja.
No. i...
Dliruva
^ Devt.
55
375
82
88
90
93
I
401
407
409
412
Udayagiri inscription
(Fleet, No. 3) ;
GadhwA inscription
{Fleet, No. 7) ;
Coins of VisramAditya
type, as read by Bayley
and Newton (‘Coinage/
p. 122), and confirmed
by a coin in cabinet of
Mr. H. N, Wright.
SAfichi inscription {Fleet,
No. 5).
236
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[June, 1902.
Serial
’ Accession.
Known Dates. I
King.
Title.
Son of
Queen.
1
No,
G.E.
A.D.
G. E.
A. D.
6
Kamfira
MaTidr^jd”
dhif^jd:
No. 5...
Ananta
94
413
96
415
Gupta L
Ddvl.
98
417
113
432
[117]
436
121
440
124
44.3
128
447
129
448
129
448
130
449
135
136
455
7
Skanda
' Gupta.
'NahfirAjfi^
dhirSja.
Noi 6...
Hnknown.,..
im.
455
136
455
'' 137
456
138
457
141
460
141
463
145
464
>
146
46 ">
j
147 Kf 149)
146 (? 468;
-*
148
467
?160
?479
8
Ptira
Gupta,
Ditto ...
1
Ditto...
Srt Vatsa *
Devi.
16g'
- 482
None ...
None ...
c
Narasiiiiha
Gupta.
Ditto ...
No. 8...
.SriC?)MaM
D«vl.
166.
485
Ncfne
None , ...
10*
KumAra
Gupta n.-
Ditto ...
No. 9..
Unknown «...
213*^
522
No^ne
None ...
-
/
1
t
i
I
Bemarks.
Bilsad inscription {Fleets
No. 10) ;
inscription
{Fleet y No. 9) ;
Mathurfi inscription ( J'o
Ind. IL 198, 210) ;
Mandasor inscription
{Fleet, No. 18, dated in
V. S. 493) ;
Silver Coins (‘Coinage ‘
p.]2u);
Do.
Do.
Do.
ManknwAr
do.
do.
do.
inscription
{Fleet, No. 11) ;
Silver coins (‘ Cfeinage/
p 128).
Do. do do
Silver coins (Dr, Tost’^ '
Cabinet ; J. A. S/B. for
1894, Part I., p. 175).
JOnAgarh inscription
{Fleet, No. 14)';
Do. do. do.
Do. do. do.
Kak&um inscription
{Fleet, No. 15)
SiNer coins ( * Coinage/
p. (134) j
Do. do. do.
Tndor inscription {Fleet,
No. 16) ;
Silycr coins (* Coinage/
P.1S4};
Do. do. do.
Do. do. do
The queen's naniie, ^hich
is* given on thq obverse
o£ the gold King and
Qween type, is illegible
on the four, known
specimens.
N o, contemporary in-
scriptions. The fine
gold heavy coins bear-
5og the title PrakaAa-
ditya are- assigned to
this king.
No contemporary in-
scriptions. The gold
coins bearing the legend
Nara BfilAditya ari as-
signed to this king.
belongs to this reign.
Coinage very debased.
Budha Gupta, with the
subordinate designation
of hh^pati, is known
from the Eran pillar in-
scription {Fleet, No. 19)
to have been BAja of
Mfilava in G, E,
165, = A. B. 484. His
silver coins are dated in
G* E. 175, = A. D. 494
(Fleet in Ind, Ant,
MV. 68); Cunningham
read the date as 174
(i>Coipage/ p. 134).
JCTNE, 190*2.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
267
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XYIIIth CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS,
BY SIR RICHARD C: TEMPLE.
(Continued from p, 26 h)
Abstracts, of the Esipences of one of the Vessels employed at the Andamans
on the Old Establishment and One . nowvv Proposed.
Old Establishment,
1 Captain
@
375
C. Rs. pr.
Monti
• ••
00 •
• • i
323
4
5
1 first Officer
150
n
79
• ••
00 .
129
6
0
1 Second Do.
»»
100
97
Sl-
...
86
3
4
1 Gnnner
46
Sa. Rs.
97
• ff
• 0.
40
0
0
4 Quarter Masters
25
79
1? •
e *4
100
0
0
6 Native Helmsmen
>f
12
79
J>
•••
0.0
00
72
0
0
1 Carpenter
rs
25
79
99,
« ..
» »
0*0
25
0
0
1 Caulker
25
t1
9%
« 0 ...
#0 «.
0-00
15
0
0
1 Sarang
15
99
99
««•»
• ••
• •«
15
0
0
1 First Tindal
99 .
12
99-
99 ■
M*.
• 0.
00 *
12
0
0
1 Second Do*
V
10
99-^
9r -
« 00
• r»
• 00
10
0
0
1 Cusab
tf
10
97
97
• **
• 0*
10
0
0
30 Lascars
)f
6
99
ea»«
*«*
0.0
180
0
0
1 Captains Cook
s? .
8
9*>
...
.0 a
* 0 *
8
0
0
2 Captains Servants
n
8
»».
99
t« •
000
0 0 *
16
0
0
2 Officers Do.
p
S'.
9»
• 0.
ft*
16
0
0
55 men.
Provisions for the Above Men for One .Monti..*. •««. ... 240 0 0
B‘npees...l292 12 9
1 Captain
@
875
Proposed Establishment.'
C Rs. pr. Month „•
00.'
• •
323
4
5
1 First Officer
99
150
77
99 -
*»0> 000>
00 0*
• t •
129
5
0
1 Second Do,
77r
100
77
99'
*%«. •*«.
00r
...
86
8
4
1 Gunner
77
40
S&. Bg.
99
*#■*- •••
000
40
0
0
1 Boatswain
77
40
77
99
«.• •••
• 00
40
0
0
1 Carpenter
79
40
79
97 ’
*0.- 0«*.
• *«
40
0
0
1 Caulker
97
15
77
97
000 000-
0 0 « .
IS
0
0
4 Quartermasters
99
20
79
n
eaci^
0 0*
4 • *
80
0
0
10 Seamen
39
16
79
97
each
000 0*.
. r •
...
160.
0
0
1 Sarang
79
15
97
97
00.
000
15
0
0
1 First Tindal
97
12.
99
?>•
•*• 0*.
0«0
12
0
0
1 Second Do.
?>
10
99
79
.*•
000
10.
0
0
268
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Ju>fE, 1902.
10 Cusab
@
10
Sa. Rs. pr. Month
...
... 10
0
0
20 Lascars
7
w
• • •
... 140
0
0
1 Captain’s Cook
>}
8
>>
39
....
...
• k •
... 8
0
0
2 Captains Servants
8
n
3-9
...
...
... 16
0
0
2 Officers Do.
8
>5
5>
...
...
... 16
0
0
50 men.
ProyisioriS for the above ^len for one Month ... 338 0 0
Hicca Rs. ...1478 12 9
3ffajor Kyd the Superintendant at the Andamans attends the Board, for the purpose
of explaining the References to the Chart mentioned in his Letter of the 25th Instant and this
being done the Chart is returned to him, and he withdraws.
Agreed that Major Kyd be informed that the Governor Genei’al in Council approves of
the Instructions he left with Engineer Stokoe in his Letter dated the 28th of June for putting
the Company's Settlement at the Andamans in a State of defence to resist any Attacks
of Privateers, or any Small Prench Armament.
Ordered that he be directed to furnish two Copies of the Plan alluded to in that letter of the
Point of the Island that one may be transmitted to the Honble Court of Directors and the other
xemaiu in Bengal.
Agreed that the Detachment of Sepoys at Port Cornwallis be encreased to the Strength of two
Companies to be made up of Volunteers from the Battalions at Barrackpore.
That a Small Detachment of European Artillery consisting of 1 Serjeant, 1 Corporal two
Gunners and 10 mattrosses be held in readiness to proceed to Port Cornwallis,
That a Detachment of 1 Serang 1 Tendal and 40 experienced Gun Lascars be drafted from the
Artillery Lascars at the Presidency for the same puipose.
Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to issue the necessary Orders in Con-
formity to the foregoing Resolutions.
Agreed that a proportion of Artillery and Stores, according to the List furnished by Major
Kyd be in readiness to be sent to Port Cornwallis, and that the Military Board do give the Direc-
tions that are required in consequence upon receiving the Indents that will be furnished by the
Superintodant.
Agreed that the Superiutendant be authorized to procure as many Bildars as can be sent in the
next Vessels that may be dispatched to the Andamans and that he be directed to apply to the Garri-
son Storekeeper for the additional Supply of Provisions that will be wanted at^the Settlement for the
use of these men.
Agreed that the Vessels on the Andaman Station be armed, that the Establishment
recommended by Major Kyd be authorized in lieu of that now existing that Orders be sent to the
Master Attendant to assist in procuring the additional Europeans that will be immediately wanted for
the Sea Horse, and for any other Yqssel on that Establishment that may in future be fitted out, when
that happens.
Ordered that a Copy of the new Establishment be sent to the Acting Marine Paymaster for his
guidance, and that he be informed that the new Establishment for the Sea horse to ta^ke place from the
ist of next Mbntk
June, 190S.j
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XTIIItk CENTURY,
269
Ordered that Commissions, corresponding as far as possible with those issued to Commanders
A'ca. of Country Ships, since the beginning of the War, be given to the Commanders and OfEcers of
the Vessels at the Andaman Station.
1793. — No. XL.
Fort William 9th August 1793.
Read a Letter from the Superintendant at tho Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Seei'etary to Government.
Sir, — Accompanying I have the pleasure of transmitting to you for the inspection of the
Governor General in Council, my Account Current with the Honble Company brought up
to the period of my Leaving Port Cornwallis with the Various Accounts of particulars referred
to in it. , ,
I will beg the favor of you to observe to the Board that on my taking Charge of the
Settlement, I found that every class of people were paid in Sicca Rupees ; conceiving however
that to bring this Establishment to a Conformity with all other Military Establishments it
would be the wish of Government, to have the accounts kept in Sonant Rupees ; I have with
some little difficulty made this Charge as will be perceived by -the Pay Rolls from the loth
March. ....
Fort William - • I have the honor to be <S:ca.
Stii August 1793. . . (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Ordered that a Copy of Major Kyd’s Letter be sent, with the Account enclosed in iir and
the Vouchers thereof, to the Military Auditor General, with Instructions to Examine and
Report on the Account.
The Auditor General is to be informed that it is the intention of the Governor General in
Council that the present Superintendant at the Andamans shall be allowed, from the time of
his Appointment, the Pay and full Batta that his Rank may entitle him to on that Command,
that is the Pay of his actual Rank, and the full Batta of the Rank immediately superior.
1793, — No, XLI,
Fort William 26tli August 1793.
The following Letter and its Enclosure w^ei’e received, on the 24th Instant, fi'om the
Commissary of Stores.
To Edward Hay Esqr, Secretary to Government.
Sir, — I herewith have the Honor to enclose an Invoice, and two Bills p£ Lading, for
Stores Shipped on the Sea Horse Schooner^ Commanded by Lieutt, George Thomas, for
the Andamans.
I have the Honor to be &ca.
Fort William (Signed) W, Golding Commissary of Stores.
24th August 1793.
Enclosed in the Letter from the Commissary of Stores 24th August.
Invoice of Stores dispatched on the Brig Sea Horse to the Andamans
Captain George Thomas Commander.
Fort William 23rd August 1793.
Saws ... ' ... Pit ] % »• ••• •». »•# ... •«« 3
Crosscut ) in 8 bundles • •• »•! ••• ••• •*. 10
SpuDges witli Bammers in one do. e*. ••• *.1 0 pdr, 4
270
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[June, 1902.
Shot fixt to Bottoms Grape ) f
• • V
9 09
...
6 do.
100
} in 23 Mangoe Boxes {
Round J (
...
9 09
b do.
400-
57 Xioose Round ••• •••
9 99
9 99
12 do.
999 *0 •
1200
6
Rope White Country in 2 Bundles } •
> 5 In Coils ...
...
...
...
... ...
1
wt. 6 „ 27/ j
Buckets Fire or Gan in 1 do. ... •••
...
999
• »«
0 0 * * 0 «
6
Dragropes Gun ) f •••
pr. 12 pd.
2
> ml Bundle <
,55,} L ••• ••• •••
9 9 *
...
« • •
do, 6 do.
2
Match Gun Country wt. 31 1 (
999
.*c
... S. Rs.
10
> in 1 bundle {
Linstocks with Cocks J C
• ••
■ • •
0 »»
000 999
2
Twine Jute in 2 do
• • •
99 9
• • •
... Mds.
2
Cartridges Empty Serge ... ... ... ...
♦ t •
999
• • •
12 pnder.
600
55 53 ... •••
999
...
• » 0
6 do.
200
Blocks Iron for Gins ...
• • •
■ 00
0 0 * • 0 •
2
Gms ... ... ... ••• .•* •..
• ••
. » »
• 0 0
...
1
Cartridges paper Balled Musquet in 18 100 lb. B'ls.
•••
...
... ...
2400
Powder Bengal Coarse ... ...
999
• ••
100 lb. Barrels
10
55 55 J'ledium ... ..t ... ...
• 9 9
.**
do.
10
55 55 Fine ... ... ...
...
• • *
do.
10
Tarpawlins Large in 6 Bales ...
...
*00
• 0 * 0 0*
20
Carriages Garrison wood trucked 12 pder. ...
• 0 •
... • . .
6
Ordnance. Iron Guns Cwt. 202-1-23
• ••
9 9 9
...12 pels.
6
Handspiks Common Unshod ... ...
• • •
• ..
99 9
• 0 » 0 0 0
12
Spunges with Rammers in Bundles
• * •
12 Poundr.
12
Ladles Coj^per Gun and wadhooks (in two do.) ...
• ••
12 Do.
B
Carriages Field Gun and Limbers
...
6 Do.
2
Ordnance Brass Guns English (Cwt. 11-1-22) ...
...
B Do.
2
Handspiks Traversing
99 »
... ...
4
Ladles Copper Gun and wadhooks (in 1 Bnnd.)
9 99
6 Do,
2
Package
Barrels Empty 100 lb, with 4 Copper hoops Common
•*. ...
18
Boxes Mangoe
999
... »•.
23
Gunny Chutties ...
99 *
• • t
110
Kails Europe lOd
• ••
• * •
... Seers
5
Okum
...
9 9 9
... Mds.
1
Plank Teak Sheathing ...
9 9 9
•« * •
3
Rope Jute Lashings
9 99
9 99
... S. Rs.
17
Twine Bengal
99 9
999
... Seer
5
Wax Cloth
9 99
999
... pieces
4
(Signed) Wm. Golding
Commissary of Store.
JtjNE, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
271
Agreed that the following Letter be Written to Major Kyd and that the Instructions that
will be entered after it be sent to Lieutt. Thomas who Commands that Vessel.
Major Alexander Kyd Snperintendant of the Andamans.
Sir, — The Company's Brig Seahorse belonging to the Andaman Station, being ready to
depart for Port Cornwallis, it is the Board’s desire that you will send such Instructions as you
may think necessary to Lieutenant Wells, and Senior Officer in Charge of the Settlement
during your absence, Concerning the People and Consignments of Stores &ca. embarked on
the Vessel forwarding to him at the Same Time the enclosed Bill of Lading, and Copy of an
Invoice transmitted to this Office by Lieutenant Golding.
You will also receive herewith a Copy of Sailing Orders to Lieutenant Thomas Com-
mander of the Seahorse, that it may be sent to Lieutenant Wells.
Council Chamber I am &ca.
24th August 1793.
Lieutenant George Thomas Commanding the Company’s Brig, Sea Hoi'se*
The Bildars and Coolies intended for the Service at the Andamans and the Consignments
of Military Stores Provision, & other Articles, for that Settlement, having been embarked on
the Yessell under your Command you are directed on Receipt of this to weigh your Anchor ;
and make the best of your way to Port Cornwallis, where on your Arrival you will follow the
Orders of the Senior Officer in Charge of the Settlement for future Guidance.
Yon will pay Particular Attention to the Accommodation of the Natives Proceeding on
the Sea Horse, and give such orders to your Officers as you may think necessary to prevent
any improper interference on the part of the Ships Company with them during the Passage.
Council Chamber I am &ca.
24th August 1798.
1793. — No. XLII.
Fort William 6th September 1793.
The Secretary lays before the Board a Bill of Mr. Brittridge, amounting to Sicca Rupees
1,250, Consisting of a Charge of Sicca Rupees 1200 for engi'aving a Chart of the North
Part of the Andamans and Sa. Rs. pO for Printing off 100 Copies of it on Super Royal
Paper,
Ordered that the Bill be passed the charge being conformable to the Agreement made by
Captain Blair, and Ordered that it be paid by the Civil Paymaster in whose Favor an Order
on the Treasury is to be issued for the Amount.
Read a Letter from Mr. R. Brittridge. To Edward Hay Esqre.
gij.^ — In the bill which I had the pleasure to send to you yesterday for Sicca Rupees 1250
a Charge for One hundred impressions taken off the Copper Plate of the Chart of the North
part of the Andamans, which I learn from my Sircar you have not yet received In consequence
thereof I beg leave to inform you that they w^ere delivered to Captain Wales, who
forwarded them to Captain Kyd.
I am, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant
September 4th 1793. (Signed) R. Brittridge.
Ordered that Major Kyd be desired to send to the Secretary as many Charts (100 in
Number) furnished by Mr. Brittridge of the North Part of the Andamans as are not required
by the Snperintendant at Port Cornwallis, and that Mr. Brittridge be required to transanit
the Copper Plate to the Secretary of Government.
272
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT.
[June, 1902.
1793. — No. XLIII.
No. 1.
letli September 1793.26
Letter from Superintendant at Andamans dated 10th September.
Deports that the Corn-v\"allis Suott requires great Eepairs, and requests that the Master
Attendant he desired to examine into the State of the Yessel and return her to the Andaman
Estahlishment as soon as possible, Informs that three Vessels Trill he al^vajs necessary to be
constantly employed to tianspoit Provisions Aca. cfi^eis a Vessel bnilt by the late Colonel Kyd
(Terms) — Bequests an Order for ten thousand Bnpees on Account of the Espences of the
Andaman Establishment.
The Marine Officers to examine into the State of the Cprn'wallis Snow Major Kyd desired
to state the Specific terms of Monthly hire for the Vessel he mentioned including Wear <5b
Tear and ail risks excepting that of Captnre — The charge for the Commander, Officers &
Ciew Govt, will take upon themselves — Treasury Order Issued.
No. 2.
Bead a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans Dated 14th September.
Informs that Mr. Erittridge only Struck off 80 Copies of the Chart of the North East
Harbour of the Andamans and that it was his intention to have sent them with the Copper
Plate to the Secretary's Office.
To ho Deposited in the Secretary's Office. Ten Copies to be sent to Madras, Bombay
and the Superintendant of Prince of Wales Island— and Twenty to be forwarded to the
Court of Directors.
1793. — No. XLIV.
Port William 7th October 1793.
The following Letter was received yesterday from Lieutenant Wells at Port Cornwallis.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary Aca. &ca.
Sir, — I have the honor to inform you of my having drawn the undermentioned Bills, on
the Governor General in Council at Thirty days Sight, for Cash paid by Individuals into the
public Treasury of this Settlement, Vizt.
17t‘3 Payable
Augt. 10th. To Mr, David Wood or Order for ...
Septr. 18th. To Do. Do.
20. To Mersrs. Paxton Cockerell Trail & Co. or Order ...
Sicca Rs.
600 0 0
800 0 0
2800 0 0.
Rs. 3700 0 0
Amounting together to the Sum of Three Thousand and Seven hundred Sicca Rupees,
I have the Honor to ho with Respect
. ' • - - . , Sir
Tour Most Obedient HumUe Servant
(Signed) Edmund Wells, Lieut. In tempry. Charge at the Andamans.
Port Cornwallis
23rd September 1793,
Ordered that the Bills, above advised be duly honored.
26 [The'tworiest letters’, abstracts of whifch (copied from the Index of 1793) only are given below, are not to be
found in detail in the Consultation Book.]
June, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XTIIIth CENTURY.
273
1793. — No. SLV.
Fort William 7th October 1793.
Bead Letters ftom the Superintendant at the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the GoTernment.
Sir, — As I have understoood from the Military Auditor General to whom the accounts
of the expences incurred at the Andamans, since the period of my being appointed to the
Superintendance of that Settlement have been Submitted, that there are some charges for
which there does not appear to be any authority in his Office, I have thought it best to prevent
the Board being troubled with references, to give a more full explanation with the Accounts
than I thought necessary when I gave them in, which will enable you to judge what further
information it may be necessary for you to transmit to the Auditor General to enable him to
Audit their Accounts which I am pretty Confident are Conformable to the Spirit of the
instructions I have from time to time received from the Board.
The first Charge in my Account Current, is for Cash, advanced to Captain Blair, tvhieli he
applied to me for, to enable him to pay up the Establishment to the period when I took Charge, this
as a Contingent Charge should in Compliance with the Resolution of Council of the 18th Febry.
last, have been accompanied with Captain Blair’s Receipt as a Voucher, and an explanation, but wliich
I did not think necessary to give as the transaction would appear in Captain Blair’s Accounts.
The Second Article of charge is entirely of a Contingent Nature being for a great Variety of
Small Articles, found absolutely Necessary for the Settlement, — as by the account of particulars,
which I suppose is Sufficiently explanatory with this Bill it is not possible to furnish all the Vouchers
as enjoined [by] the Resolution in Council as Many of the Articles furnished are of a trifling
nature purchased in the Bazar for which tliere was no Bills, but I will beg you to call the Board's
attention to this Resolution and to Request they will idease to Consider whether an officers being
required to declare upon honor, that the Charges he makes are just, does not preclude the necessity
of a Voucher.
The Third Artjck is for advance of Pay to such Artificers and Labourers as I imagined could
be conveyed in the Vessels that were at that period under dispatch towards completing the establish-
ment then thought necessaiy-— Many of these people it was found could not be taken with Safet.v
on these Vessels, and were put on shore at Fultah, and were discharged by my directions on my
finding from the lateness of the Season and the Inclemency of the W eather, that it would have been
extremely inconvenient and imprudent to have encreased the Number -of Settlers, — the whole of these
People therefore do not appear on the Returns as an encrease to the establishment but only such as
actually went — Nor will any pay be drawn for those till the Month of June, the period to which they
are paid by this Advance, — as there will appear on the Returns, .a Beach Master and Assistant,
and some Boat Lascars that were not authorised by tlie Board’s Resolution of the 18th February it
will be Necessary that the Auditor General be acquainted, that this encrease was by the Boards
permission in consequence of my application pointing out the Necessity of such an Establishment,
The Fourth Charge is for my Pay and Batts which is consonant to the Standing Regulations of
the Service.
The Sixth and Seventh Articles are the Pay abstracts of the Sepoy Detachment and of the
Commissaries Establishment, wliich I have no doubt is according to the forms laid down by the
Regulation.
The Eighth Article is for the Pay of Artificers and laborers from the 15th of February to the
end of May their Pay Rolls it will be observed are only for such people as I found at the Settle-
ment and will not agree with the Monthly Return of People present. Many of whom will not begin to
draw pay till the 1st of June as before remarked in Speaking of the 3rd Article of charge.
274
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JrNE, 190*2.
The Ninth Article is for the Pay and allowances ef the Engineer Officer as fixed by the Eesolu-
tioiis of Council on that head.
The last Article of the Account Current is for ray Agent’s Commission on a draft for 5,000 Sa. Rs.
for Cash received into the Tieasiire Chest from various individuals as will appear in the Credit
side of the Account of tliis Charge I acquainted you when it occurred and had thro’ you the Boards
authority for making it,
Fort William I have the honor to be Sir Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
1st October 1793. (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans.
Agreed that the Subject of the .above t<etter from the Superintendant at the Andamans shall
lie for consideration.
1793. — No. XhYl.
To Colin Shakespear Esgr. Sub Secretary.
Sir, — In answer* to your letter of the 16th September I beg you will be so good as to inform
the Board, that I can afford to hire the Nautilus Brig to CrOvernment for 650 Sa. Rs. per
Month, as will appear by the following Calculation, which is made upon Supposing the Value of the
Vessel to be 16,000 Rupees, which I beg leave- to assai*e the Board is a Moderate Valuation.
I also transmit a necessary Establishment of officers and Men for that Vessel with a
calculation of the Monthly expence of Provisions and Wear and Tear, which was made out by
Lieutenant Wales.
A Note from Mr. Downie which also aecorapanys this points out that the Insurance against
the dangers of the Seas, will be 14 pr. Ot. Supposing the Vessel goes three 'times out of the River in
one year.
The whole possible expence to Government for this Vessel’ employing and paying their own
Officers and Grew will be 1755 Rs. pr. Month..
Fort Will- am I have the honor to be &c?,
7tli October 1793. (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendant Andamans.
Wear & Tear pr. Month ... 390 0 0
Insui-ance on 16,000 Rs. at 14 pr. Ct ... ... 286 0 0
Interest on 16,000 Rs. at 10 pr. Ct. ... 138.0 0
Rs. 619 0 0
Enclosed in do. 7th Ootoher;
Major A. Kyd Superintendant at Andamans.
Sir, — Tlie Insurance Office to which F9.irli& Seed & Go. are Secretary will Cover yonr
little V essel for One Tear for 12 per Cent against every danger but that of the Enemy and
they require an additional premium of One per Gent for every time she may Sail out of the
Hoogly oftener than one in the Course of twelve Months.
Mr. Eeid says that before the Insurance is made, they must know the Marne of the Tessel,
and if she is here will send their inspector to look at him (sie).
I. anr Sir Tour Most Oiedient Humble Servant
- 26th September 1793, fi. Downie.
Enclosed in the Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans- 7th October.
Jui?E, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIItbt CENTURY.
275
Monthly Establishment for the N■a^ntilu3 Brigg.
1 Captain @ 375 C. Rs,
pr Month
•••
,4*
3-23
4
5
1 First Officer „ 150
129
5
0
1 Second Do. „ 100
•••
• • •
r«*
86
8
4
1 Gunner
« « «
• * •
• • t
M*
444 40
0
0
1 Carpenter
•••
• ••
•••
• ••
40
0
0
4 Quarter Masters 20 each
■ • •
•••
• ••
80
0
0
1 Caulker ...
•• •
•••
• ••
15
0
0
1 Sj-rang
• • »
15
0
0
1 First Tindal
• • •
•••
• • •
••• ••• 12
0
0
1 Second Do.
•••
•••
■ . •
10
0
0
1 Ousah [Cossob, butcher]
•••
10
0
0
15 Lascars
•t«
• . •
• ••
• •• e*# 105
0
0
3 Captain’s Servants
•••
•••
• • •
• 4*
... ... 24
0
0
2 Officers’ Servants
• 4*
.«• 10
0
0
34 Mens Pay for one Month is
...
■ •4
905 12
9
Provisions for these Men one Mouth
*•*
r«4 •»§ 200
0
0
Wear and Tear of Vessel per Month
• *«
»*« 300
0
0
Sicca Rupees 1405 12
9
I have calculated the Wear and'Tear upon a supposition that the Vessel may want every
6" Months a Suit of Sails and a Cable and Anchors which I think is as little as can possibly be
allowed for, if she does not want them, she will other things that will come to the same rents.
Agreed that the Nautilus Brig be freighted by, Government for 650 Sicca Rupees jer
Mensem, that the Establishment proposed by Major Kyd for the Vessel be kept up on account of tbe
Company ; and that the necessary Orders in consequence be sent to the Acting Marine Pay Master
by the Secretary.
1798. — No, XIiVTIi
Biiperintendant at the Andamans 7th O’ctr..
To Edward Hay Esqr, Secretary to the Government,
Sir, — Accompanying I have the honor of transmitting you a letter from Lieutenant Wells
in charge of the Settlement at the Andamans which I have just received by the Union Brig — as
also the Surgeons Reports of Sick for the MLonths of July August and September which papers I
request you will be so good as to lay before the Board for their Information Respecting the state of
the Settlement.
I am very happy to have it in my power to acquaint the Board that-hy my private letters from
Mr. Wells and Mr. Wood, I learn that the alarming Sickness, which prevailed during the first
part of the Rainy Season has -been very Much got under and there is very great hopes that on
the expected Returning fair Weather, the Settlers will again be healthy.
You will perceive by Lieutenant Wells’s letter that- some part of the Provisions last
indented for had not been received,' this was Owing to the Seahorse, being unable to bare (sic)
the whole, and the remaining part is- now - in charge of the Acting Commissary of Supplies
ready to be sent by the first opportunity^
276
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[June, 1902 .
I will also beg of you to represent to tlie Board that the greatest part of the live Stock
sect by the Seahorse perished from the Severity of the Weather which that Vessel experienced
[in] her passage and^hat as the Settlement is very Much in want of fresh Provisions it will be
Tery Necessary that the Cornwallis Snow should (as soon as she can be spared from the Pilot
Service) be delivered again to the Charge of Lieutenant Wales in order that she may be
speedily fitted out and a Crew provided.
If on Considering on the answer I have given to Mr. Shakespear’s letter, respecting the
Nautilus Brig the Board are pleased to employ that Vessel for the Andaman Establishment,
and if they do not intend to Continue the Union Brig on freight. I beg that Lieutenant
Eoper May be appointed to the Command of her, when he May immediately proceed to
fitting her out, which I will give him every Means of doing in the best Manner ; and I think
the alteration that May be necessary to Make on her to fit her for the Service [can] be
completed in little More than a Month from the time it is commenced.
I have the Honor to be Sir, Tour most obedient Humble Servant
Fort William (Signed) A. Kyd
October 7th 1793._ Snperintendant Andamans.
Enclosed in Do. 7th October.
To Major A. Kyd Snperintendant of the Settlement at the Andamans at Fort William.
■Sir"— The Honble Company’s Brig Seahorse arrived here on the Ifith Instant with two
Sirdars & Eighty Coolies, all in perfect health and were immediately landed. I have the
pleasure to add, that they will be in course of a day or two commodionsly lodged, tho’ they
are at present some what otherwise by our total want of Tents ; not one having been received
by this Conveyancer-
All the Military Stores are likewise landed, and the two brass Guns ; but I have thought it
better on many Considerations to leave the heavy Ordnance on board, as besides the want of Means
to land them untill a Raft be constructed, we are.at present wholly unprovided with People to use
"them, or any proper place for their reception.
The DhoU and Ghee is also on shore, a considerable proportion of my last Indent No, 3 dated
June 27th 1798, on the Garrison Storekeeper, still Remains due, if admitted by the Military Board,
and I hope it will be sent by the nest Vessel. Our former Dholl in Stores, is very old and chiefly
of the Kissarry kind, whiHi the Bengal Natives believe to he, from its indigestible quality, only fit for
use in a particular Se£|.son, a,nd exceedingly improper for Men under ill Health.
I beg leave to refer to your inspection the Surgeon Jlr. WoQd^s Reports the Hospital
for the complete Months of July and August, Aoxd to the present date with his concluding
'Remarks,- which aroenclosedrand will convey to you correct information of the State of the Sick,
Since my last, per the 'Rose the Weather 'has been in general less wiolent than about that Time
Yet the Rain has been so frequent, and some times heavy since.that period, as to afford few oppertunities
of doing any Work without Doors, besides repairing the damages it has Occasioned to the Buildings.
It has for this reason been utterly impracticable to do any thing further than what I mentioned in
my former™ Letter, towards the general Plan of Defence for the Settlement. But as soou as the
People by the Seahorse were sufficiently recovered from the common Inconveniences of their Sea
passage, Namely,, on the Morning of the 17th, they were all delivered over to the Charge of Ensign
Stokoe who is now industriously employed in the construction of the Works agreeably to your written
Instructions -to Iitm, and shall during the progress thereof receive every additional aid ©f Labourers
that can possibly be given to him after providing for the other indispensible Duties of the place.
June, 1902,]
THE IN THE XYIUth CENTTJRY.
27:7
I stall lose no time in making such an addition to the Building now occupied bj the European
Non Commissioned Officers as will afford proper accommodation to the Artillery Men who (from the
perusal of the Correspondence you have favored me with Copies of) I shall expect to be sent from the
Presidency as soon as you deem the Season Sufficiently suitable;.
Tlie Union. Brig, which I mentioned to have dispatched to the Camicobars on the 12th of July,
did not return to this Port untill the 12th of August, having experienced^ very adverse Winds and bad
Weather, but sustained no material damage. Lfeutenant was unable to procure more Live
Stock than- 20 small Hogs, and about the same number of Fowls ; but brought an ample supply 01
Coconuts, Limes and other Fruits of that Kind, which? were very acceptable to all the People.
By the present dispatch of that Vessel, I have allowed some People of different descriptions to
proceed to Calcutta, the Names of whom, and Motives on which I was induced to comply with their
Requests are contained in the Enclosure No; 1. They have all received their full pay and allowances
up to the BOth Instant,,
I have likewise the honor to enclose No. 2* my Account Current of Cask disbursements,
made up to the 81st of the past Month together with the several particulars and Vouchers
appertaining, and marked as therein specified (Vizt, No. 1 to 12) vrhioh I request you will be
pleased to forward to the Secretary of Government.
Also No; B*a' Scheduie^ of the Bills whichu under- the general Instructions, I have drawn
Tipon the Governor General in Council, for Monies paid by Individuals' into the public
Treasury here. I beg to observe, though possibly it may not be a Matter of Moment, that the
blank Bills with which I am furnished are wholly ‘‘first of Exchange’’ the Counterpart or
second of Exchange’*' to complete the Setts,, have been omitted to be sent ; and I presume if
it he of any consequence, they will he forwarded by a future Oppertunity.
Monthly Returns for June and July of the different Classes of People in the public
Employ, are also enclosed for your Information and are marked A. B,
E have the honor to be Sir, Tour most obedient humble Servt.
(Signed) Edmund Wells In tempry. Charge of the Settlement,
Port Cornwallis*
Sept. 23rd 1^9*%
Enclosed in Do. TtE October..
Report of the Sick
[A detailed account for
month.],
under Medical treatment at Port Cornwallis during:
the Month of July 1793;
each day is given the following are the total figures for the
Remaming in Hospital on BOth June*
Admitted during July
Discharged „•
Dead „
Remaining in Hospital on 31st July
t‘V »'»*
•« •••
...
... 14T
... 86
9
... 107
Port Cornwallis
August 1st 1798.
(Signed) David Wood
Actg. in a Medical Chpacityr,
Report of the Sick under’ Medical treatment at Port Cornwallis, from-
the Ist of August to the 1st of September 17931
Admitted during August ... .»• 116
Discharged ... ... ... ••• *.« ... ... ISO
278
ANTIQTJAEY.
[June, -1902.
Dead • M ••• ••• •«« ••• ••• •• •
-Bemainiiig- in Hospital on 81st Angust «•» ^
6
Port Comwallis
(Signed) David Wood
September lst‘I7'S3.
.'Acting in a Medical Capacity,
Beport -of t^e -Siek Tinker ‘Ifedieal treatinent At Port Oornwallis from
the 1st to the •22nd Sept. 1703.
Admitted 'during September ... •.,. ... 55
‘Discharged '■•jj ■••• »«« ••• ••• •••
Dead a». ... ••• ••• •••
* Remaining in Hospital 22nd September *... •••
In the heginning August, the Sick list had encreased to- an alarming degree, upwards
oi one fourth the people in the Island, were totally unfit for any kind of duty.
The principal complaint was the remitting fever, that commenced in July. The disease upon the
whole, has not been fatal, but many have been reduced to the greatest state of debility, from the
Obstinacy of the complaint, and the indurations of the Spleen which were exceedingly common and
appeared to be the .Chief cause oithe tedious recoveries .
Latterly I was ohjeeted [? obliged] to leave off the xise of Mercuyy for the obstructions,
on account of the great debility of the patients, the least degree of Salivation would have ^ sunk them
past recoveiy. The obstructions of the 'Spleen could not -proceed -from the use of the Bark, for
my stock was unfortunately all expended, by the beginning of August, I was obliged to have
recourse to the Oamphire Julep, Chyrotta & the Saline mixture. The greater part of
August was pretty favorable weather, which was of^great advantage to the Sick, & towards the end
of the Month, the list was considerably reduced, In the course of the month six deaths happened,
three occasioned by the flux, & three from fevers.
From the 6th of Septr. the weather has been very favorable ; the sea breeze has set in almost
daily. There has not so many fallen by as in the preceediiig Month, & those who have been lately
taken ill, 'have regular quotidians or tertians; There are sixty on the list this “day, about
fourty of these are convalescents, twelve fevers, the others trifling complaints, I look forward with
pleasure to the approaching'fak weather, when Lexpect the Sickness of the people will be greatly
removed. Three deaths have happened in the course of this Mouth, the first a boy who had a fever,
& who was afterwards seized witb the fiux p the second a . labourer who had been ill with
a fever for a considerable time, but had got it checked for several days [before] his death ; the third
-was also -a labourer, he had been in the Hospital from the beginning of Febry., his complaint a
large Concerous [growth] on hia left leg and ankle.
(Signed) David "Wood Acting in a Medical Capacity.
.Port Cornwallis
Septr. 22nd 1783.
Agreed that Lt. Eopef be appointed to the Command of the iSTautilus, as recommended
by Major: Eyd, the Board having determined that the Freight of , the Union shall be dwcontinaed,
- & agreed that Major Eyd be. desired to have the Nautilus fitted out for Service without delay.
JtTNE, 1902.]
THE ANDMANStlN THE STIIIxH CENTHET*
270
. 1793. — Ko. XLVlir.
Fort William 7t}i-Ootober 1793.
Read a Letter and itS' enclosure from the^Secretauyt to^lie Hospital BoaM,
To^'John Tombelle Bsqre. Sub Secretary.
Sir, — I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit, to you the enclosed Copy of a List ot
' Necessaries which tliey^have received, from Mr. David Wood acting Surgeon to the Andamans, which
they request you will lay, before the Governor General in Council, and to acquaint his Lordship that
they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorised to direct the Purveyor to furnish the
necessaries required.
1 have the Honor to be Sir, Your most obeiient Humble Servant
Fort William Hospital Board Gffice • (Signed) A. Campbell, Secry.
the 7tb October 1793.
Enclosed in Do.
Necessaries &ca. wanted for the Use of the Settlement and Cruisers
• at Port <?ornwallis.
■ 10 Dozen Idadeira Wine
3 Do. Brandy
4 Do. Vinegar
.2 .Do. Lime Juice
1 Maund Tamarinds
A >Bo. Sugar
4 Do. Bazar Oil
6 Bags Flower
10 Seer Candles for the use of the Dispensary
Stationary for 'Reports, Indents &oa,
(Signed) David Wood Acting in a'Medical Capacity.
, Edmund Wells In tempry. Charge of ‘the Settlement Port Cornwallis (A true Copy).
Septr. 23rd 1793.
Agreed that the Hospital Board be authorized to direct * the Purveyor to furnish the
.Necessaries wanted at Port Cornwallis, and desired to have them in readiness for dispatch to
. that Settlement by the first Opportunity that offers.
1793. — No.XI.IX.
'"’Fort William the 21st October 1793.
Read a Letter' from the Sup6rintendant,at the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqre. Secretary to Government.
•Sir, — As I have learnt that the Corwallis Snow is arrived at the Banksall,’ I beg you will
be so good as to represent to the Board the necessity of ordering her to be delivered imme-
diately in charge to lieutenant Wales, and that the Master Attendant may be directed to
proceed with all expedition to the necessary repairs and. equipment,^ to render that Vessel fit
, for the Andaman Service.
280
TfliB iSDiAN antiquary:
[5 ONE, r902.
As the Board have also been pleased to determine on employing the Nautilus Brio", J
have to request iSiat Iiieutenant Roper may be ordered to take charge of her, from' the- Isf
of November, that he may proceed with his equipment', and providing a proper Crew.
As Officers are wanted for the Nautilus, and seniority in promotion has been strictly
attended to, I hope the Board will approve of Mr. Timings, now Second Officer of the Corn>'
wallis, being appointed first Officer to the Nautilus and’ ll&. Sbmervlire who has been an
Officer of the Union to replace Mr. Timings.
Fort William I. have tho honor to-be &cw..
2l8t October 17-93^' (JSigned) A. KTyd' Superintendant Andamans.
The Governor General in Council observes, upon the first part of Major Kyd’s Letter
that Orders have been already given for delivering over the Cornwallis Snow to- tho Charo-I
of Lieut, Wales. “
Agreed that the Marine Offibers be instructed to proceed, with all expedition, in orderino-
the necessary Repairs & Equipment of the Cornwallis, to render that Vessel fit for the
Andaman Service.
Agreed that. Lt. Rbper be-directed'to'ta'ke Charge-of the- Nautilus Brig from; the 1st of
November next, and to provide, for the Vessel, a proper Crew.
Agreed that Mr. Timings, second Officer of the Cornwallis, be appointed first Officer of the
Nautilus, and that Mr. Somerville be appointed 2nd Officer of the Cornwallis, in Mr. Timino-s's
place. °
ms'.— No. E.
Fort William 1st November 17Sf3..
Read a Letter from Major Kyd.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Government.
. 1 , * Obliged to you to lay my request, before the Governor General in- Council
t^t they will ple^e to pem* an- Order to be issued for the delivery of Ten Tons of broken Gnns and
Shot from the Arsenal, as Ballast for the NautUus Brig, 1 have made enquiry and find there is a
Sufficient quantity in the Arsenal, that can be well spared.-
I Lave the honor to be &ca,
Slst October 1Y93. .Q. ^
(Sjgned) A. Kyd.
Agreed that the Military Board be desired to give Orders for Complying with the above Acnli
‘l^^if^^tilus has been freighted by Government to proceed on Service at For;
1793.— No. Lr.
Fort William' 6th Uecemb^ IT&S.
Read a Letter fcom the Shperintendant at the.
Superintendant at the Andamans- Sd^ Novr.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to Guvemmeat.-
Sir, — As the Cornwallis Snow -will be readv to- sail: for tho a-n.iow.. • ,
you will acquaint the Governor General in- Counci i^^ f ^ o ^ ^
complete Companys. ^ Cornwallis which will now consist of two
June, 1002 .]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYHIth CENTURY.
281
As there are some very necessary Artificers and Tradesmen, that must be sent by the Cronwaliis
to supply the place of those that have died or have been obliged to leave the place, on account of Sick-
-neas, that Vessel will only be able to convey the European Artillery men and Lascars, and the Sepoy
Detachment which will take some time to form will be in readiness to go by other opportunities.
As I understand that it is the intention of the Board to send Two Hnndred of the Iffiale
Convicts to Port Cornwallis ' this Season, I take the liberty of suggesting the propriety of baling
them immediately sent from the different Jails, to jCalcutta that they may be in readiness to embark
on favorable opportunities offering ; and I also beg leave to point out that this is the most probable time
to obtain Vessels on easy terms of freight to convey those people with a sufficient stock of Provisions for
them to the Andamans, as the touching at Port Cornwallis will not interfere much with the' Voyages
generally undertaken at this time to Pegu and to the Malay* Coast, Already two small Vessekhave
been tendered to me, and I have no doubt that I shall have many other Officers, — If the Board there-
fore think it expedient to adopt this mode of conveying these people to the Andamans, I beg they
will be pleased to direct that proposals for freight may be made, or if they think good, I will endea-
vour to make the most advantageous agreement with the Owners, who have made proposals to me,
first acquainting the Board of the terms for their consideration.
As it would not be safe to send many Men of such desperate Characters in an unarmed Country
Ship, part of the Sepoy Detachment may be sent on each Vessel as a Guard.
Calcutta , * « . * -I have the honor to be &ca.
doth November 1703, . (Signed) A* Kyd Superintendant Andamans.
The Governor General in Council refers to the Proceedings of the 29th July, where a letter
dated the 25th of that Month, from the Superintendant at the Andamans, and the following resolu-
tions then passed upon it are recorded. ' - - . -
“ Agreed that the Detachment of. Sepoys at Port Cornwallis be increased to the" strength of
‘‘two Companies, to be made up of Volunteers from the Battalions at Barrackpore.”
“ That a small detachment of European ArtiHery, consisting of 1 Serjeant, 1 Corporal, 2 Gunners,
“ and ten Matrosses be held in readiness to proceed to Port Cornwallis,
““That a Detachment of 1 Serang, 1 Tindal, and 40 experienced Gunlascars be drafted from the
“ Artillery Lascars at the Presidency for the same purpose.’’
Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to issue Orders for forming the detchment
mentioned in the* first of these resolutions, and to appoint another- Subaltern Officer to the Sepoy
detachment at the Andamans.
Agreed, that the Commander in Chief be further, requested to give Directions that the propor-
tions of European Artillery and Gun Lascars, to be sent to Port Cornwallis, may be Ordered, and in
readiness to embark on the Cornwallis Snow.
Agreed in Pursuance of the intention that a Number of Convicts should go to the Andamans
that Orders be issued from the Nizamut Adawlet for sending to Calcutta from the nearest Gaols, two
hundred of the Persons in readiness to embark, and that Major Kyd be desired to receive proposals
from the Owners of Country Vessels for conveying the Convicts to the Andamans, with Six Months
provisions, laying before the Board the Proposals that may be made to him for their consideration,
1793.— No. LII.
Bead a Letter from the Assistant to the Commissary of Stores,
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
— Inclosed I have the honor to send you the Invoice and two Bills of Lading of the Stores
sent on the Cornwallis for the Andaman Island. A Oopy also has been sent to the Military Board.
I am &ca.
Port William . (Signed) Those. Aubxirey Assi. Oomry; Stores.
O^th Dec. 1793* ' ' - ~ —
282
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[JlTNE, 1902.
Enclosed in Do,
Invoice of Stores dispatched on the Snow Cornwallis Lieut. Wales Commander for
the Andaman Islands and goes consigned to the Commanding Officer there.
Fort William 29th Novr. 1793.
Paint Ground Yellow Oker in 1 Iron Bound Cask
•••
Maunds
1-12-8
Paint Ground Red Lead in 1
Do. Do.
• ••
• ••
2-21-12
Rope Europe in 2 Bales
• ••
•*«
In Coils
2
Steel (Bars 44) in 4 Bundles
«•»
• ••
Maunds
5
Twine Jute in 5 Bo.
« • •
...
Do.
8
Canvas English )
{ ••• •••
Bolts
10
> in 2 Bales <
Linen Dungaree j
^ •••
• ••
• ••
...
Pieces
9
Canvas Chittagong in 2 Bales
• ••
• ••
Bolts
8
Tents Pins )
r ••• •••
700
> in 5 Bundles <
„ Mallets j
t
• ••
* » •
ft • ft
10
„ Poles in 10 Bundles
» • •
• * ft
Setts
10
Shot fixt to Bottoms Grape in 25 Mangoe Boxes 12 K.
ft»ft
300
Planes Trying Double )
(
• • •
•••
...
...
6
Smoothing Do. ^ in 1 Mangoe Chest <
•••
6
Fore Do, }
(
...
909
6
Portfires in 1 Mangoe Chest
... •••
00*
400
Aprons Leaden >
r
• • •
• ••
...
8
Hammers Gun
• •ft
...
2
Pincers Tube.,,
• ft «
...
2
Priming Wires
• ••
...
8
Drifts Gun
• ••
...
...
8
Bills Gun
...
...
8
Measures Powder
*•«
• • •
...
3
in one Mangoe Chest' ^
Locks Pad Brass
« • »
ft • ft
• « •
2
Boxes Tube Tin
• • ft
...
2
Cases Portfire
• • *
...
...
2
Pouches Cannon Cartridge
•••
...
4
„ „ Priming
«««
• ••
...
4
Tompions with Collars
...
...
2
Straps Tube Box J
« • *
•••
...
2
Spikes Gun Ray 1
in the foregoing 1
A
/
...
8
Tubes Empty Copper J
Mangoe Chest j
1
• ••
...
500
JtTlTE, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
283
Bolts Iron
Saws Lock
Chissels Firmer
Stones Oil
Twiae Europe j
Tents Priyate in 5 Bales,,
„ Fly’s Marquee in 1 Do
Measures Pewter from 1 Galln. to | of a Pint in 1 Mangoe Box Package Setts
Boxes Mangoe
Casks Iron bound
Gunny Chutties
Nails Europe lOd Seers
Okum ••• ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, ,,, Do,
Twine Bengal ... Do,
Charges Shipping Sont. Rs, 4-10-9.
60
2
24
2
12-8
10
1
1
80
2
20
1
5
1
(Signed) Thos, Auburey,
Asst. Comry. of Stores.
1793, — No. LIII.
Fort William 16th December 1793,
The following Letter was received, on the 13th Instant from the Superintendant at the
Andamans, and upon its being Circulated, was returned with the orders, that will be entered
after it.
Superintendant at Andamans 13th December.
To Edward Hay Esqre, Secretary to Government.
Six, — I beg you will acquaint the Honble the Governor General in Council that Mr, Copestake
the Owner and Commander of a very well found and Commodious Vessel of 150 Tons Burthen is
willing to land One hundred Men and One Thousand Bags of Grain at Port Cornwallis for
the Sum of 3,000 Sa, Rs. which as Insurance is very high at this time, appears to me to be a Moderate
demand. If the Board therefore will accept of this Offer, for the transporting Convicts, I request
that I may be Authorized to Settle with Mr. Copestake, and that Eghty Convicts may be ordered to
be held in readiness to embark. I will immediately take measures to have a party of the Sepoys
ordered to be raised in Readiness to embark with them, as a guard, to make up the Number of
Men which the Vessel can accommodate. If the Garrison Store Keeper is to furnish the provisions,
I beg he may be directed to consult with me on the proportions of Rice, Dhol, Ghee and Salt that
will be necessary and I shall beg leave to propose that the Provisions be of a Coarser kind, than what
has been supplied for the other Settlers. As there are only two Vessels belonging to the Company
employed as Transports to the Andamans and as there will now be more reason for encreasing the
number than when I represented the Necessity of it, and Offered the Nautilus Brig I beg leave to
propose that I may be authorized to freight a small Vessel for four Months as the Board have been
pleased to employ the Nautilus on another Service. At this period I have reason to think that a
284
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[June, 1902.
fitting Vessel may be freighted on reasonable terms, ’rehich if the Board Agree to I will Acquaint
them of before I Make any Agreement,
Calcutta I hare the honor to be &ca.
13tli December 1793. ■ (Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant Andamans.
1798. — No. LIV.. .
Port William 16th December 1793.
In circulation for Orders. A Letter of this Date, from Major Kyd, the Superintendant at
the Andamans.
(Signed) E. Hay'
13th Deer. 1793. ■ ' Secry. to the Government.
I think the proposal's of Mr. Copestake for landing' One htmdred Men and One thousand bags
of Rice at Port Cornwallis, for the Sum -of Sa. Es. 3,000 Reasonable, and therefore recommend the
Acceptance of them and that Major Kyd be Authorized to settle with Mr. Copestake.
Provisions [? Previous] to directing the Garrison Store keeper to furnish the Provisions
for the Convicts, Captain Kyd may be desired to examine those returned from the Pigot and if
they should not- be of a‘ [sufficient] quantity to answer the' Garrison Store keeper may then be
directed to furnish -the provisions, wanted, after [consulting] with Major Kyd, I. agree also in the
proposition for freighting a Vessel for four Months, in lieu of the Nautilus.
(To he continued.)
j J. Shore.
(Signed)^ Peter Speke.
[Wm. Cowper,
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN -WORDS.
- . .'BY'OHAELES PARTRIDGE, M. A.
- - . , (Qontirmedjrom 215.-J- ■
Chameleon ; aim. 1883 : s. v, Bamoosy, 573, ii.
Chamois ; s, v. Giraffe, 288, ii, s. y. Goorul,
296, ii.
Chamouchfs ; ann. 1688 : s. v. Kincob, 369, i.
Champ ; s Champa, 140, i, s, v. Compound
(a), 186, ii, twice.
Champa ; s. v. 140, i, 5- times, «, v, Calambac,
110, i, 8. V. Chnropuk, 167, ii, v. Comar,
183,- i, f,. V. .Eagle-wood, 258, i, see 258, ii,
footnote, 600, i,. footnote, twice,; ann. 943:
. «. o.Java, 347, ii; ann. 1150: s. i*. Mace .(a),
404, i ; ann. 1298- : s. v. Indias, 332, ii ; ann.
1322 : 8. e>. Suttee, 6,68, i ;ann. 1328 and 1516 :
, s. V. Champa, 140, ,i ; ann 1540 : s, a.„
Varolla, 734, i ; ann. 1552 : «. v. ,Calambac,
110, ii;,ann. 1553 : s.,». Laos, , 386, ii; ann.
1572,(twice).and 1608 : s. v. 140, ii; ann.
1,614: 8. V. Varella, ,734, i;.ann. 1673 ,; s. v,
. Bantam, Fowls, 48, i; ann. 1696; s.v,U0,
. ii, twice.
Champa ; s. v. Champa, 140, i.
Champa ; ann. 1623 : e. v. Chnmpuk, 167, ii.
Champac ; ann. 1786 ; s. v. Chnmpuk, 167 ii!
‘Champada ; s; v. Soursop (b); 650, i.
Champagne ; s. v. Simkin, 634, i.
Champaigne; ann. 1602 : a. v. Topaz, 711, ii ;
, ann. 1648 : 8. ». Sampan, 696, ii.
Champaiz ; ann. 1555 : a. v. Baroda, 63, i.
.Champak ; a. v. Chnmpuk, 167, ii.
Champaka ; a. v. Chnmpnk, 167, ii, 780, i ;
ann. 1810; a. a. Chnmpnk, 168, i.
Champana ; a. v, 140, ii ; ann. 1616 and 1540 :
a. y. Sampan, 696, ii,
Champdna; ann. 1552; a. o. Sampan, 696, ii,
-Champane; ann. 1648 : 8. Sampan, 696, ii,,
: Chamjanel ann. 1533 : a. v. Chittore. 157,
.ii; ann. 1558 : a. Cooly, 192, ii; ann’.,
1606 ; a. v. Baroda, 63, i. ' '
Champanir;. ann. 1565 : a. v. Baroda, 63, i. ,
Ohampdnlr ann.-1584.: a, v. Surath, 666, i. -
Juke, 1&02.]
ITOEX TO YULE’S HOBSON- JOBSON.
285
Champaran; v. Dome, 249, i, s. v. Behar,
764, i.
Champena; ann. 1613 : 5. v. Sampan, 596, ii* ^
Champing ; ann. 1750-60 : s, v. Shampoo, 622, i.
Champna ; s. v. Shampoo, 621, ii.
Champo ; s> v. Shampoo, 621, ii.
Champoed ; ann. 1800 : s. v. Sampoo, 622, i.
Champoing ; ann. 1813 ; s, v. Shampoo, 622, i.
Champooed ; ann, 1810 : s. v. Shampoo, 622, i.
Champore Cocks ; ann. 1673 : s» Bantam
Fowls, 48, i.
Chan; ann. 1712: s. Bnxee, 104, i.
Chana ; s, v. Gram, 300, ii.
Chanak ; s. v. Achanock, 2, ii.
Chan Chanaan ; ann. 1726 : s. v. Sipahselar,
637, ii.
Chanchew ; ann. 1615: 5. v, Macao, 820, ii.
Chanco ; ann. 1563 : s, v. Chank, 141, i, 3 times.
Chancray Chenoran ; ann. 1553 ; s, v. Laos,
385, ii.
Chand ; s, v, Bajpoot, 571, ii.
Chanda-bhanda ; s. v. Sunderbunds, 660,
Chandal ; ann. 712 : s. v. Ohandaul, 140, ii.
Chandal ; s, v, Chandanl , 140, ii.
Chandala ; ann. 1783 : s, v. Halalcore, 311, ii.
Chandana; s. v* Sandal, 597, i.
Chandana-nagara ; s. v, Ohandernagore, 140, ii.
Chandapur; ann. 1564 Sindabur, 635, ii.
Chandarnagor ; ann. 1726 : s, v, Calcutta,
112, i.
Chanda Sahib ; ann. 1782 : s. e?. Urz, 866, i.
Chandata ; ann. 1837 : 5. v, Paddy, 496, i.
Chandanl ; s. 140, ii.
Chand Bardai ; 5. Hindee, 315, ii.
Ohandela; ann. 1810: s. v. Halalcore, 311, ii.
Chandergerry ; ann. 1801 : s, v, Malabar (B),
413, ii.
Chandergherry ; s. Ohinapatam, 153, ii.
Chanderl; ann. 1528 : $,v. Tara, 718, i.
Ohandernagore ; s. v, 776, ii, s, v. India, 331,
i ; ann. 1742 : s. v» Calcutta, 112, i ; ann,
1753 : s. -y. Muxadabad, 828, ii ; ann. 1/82:
s. t\ Bandel, 760, ii ; ann. 1788 : s. v. Assam,
28, ii.
Ohandernagore ; s, v. 140, ii.
Chandi Sewn ; s. v. Boro-Bodor, 81, n.
Chandor Ghat ; s. v. Firefly, 267, n.
Chandra; Sunderbunds, 660, i.^
Ohandrabagha ; s. v. Punjaub, 561, ii.
Chandra-ban ; s. v, Sunderbunds, 660, i.
Ghandra*band ; s, v. Sunderbunds, 66U, i.
Chandra-dip; s. v, Sundei'bunds, 660, i.
Chandra dip -ban ; s, -y. Sunderbunds, 660, i.
Chandragiri ; s, i\ Malay alam, 417, i.
Ohandragupta ; s. Dinar, 245, ii.
Chandraha; ann. 1020: $, v. Sutledge, 859,
i ; ann, 1030 : s, v, Candahar, 119, i.
Chandra-nagara ; 5. y. Chandernagdre, 140, ii.
Ohandras ; s. v. Dammer, 228, if.
Chandruz ; s, v, Dammer, 228, ii.
Ohandunagore ; ann, 1757 : v. Sett, 615, ii.
Ohanell Creek ; s. Rogue’s River, 849, ii.
Chaney; ann. 1711: s, t\ Bungalow, 768, i.
Ohanf ; s. v. Champa, 140, i; ann. 851, 5. y.
Champa, 140, i.
Ohanfarauho ;ann. 1554 : 5. v, Talapoin, 677,
ii.
Ohanfi ; ann. 851 : s. y. Champa, 140, i.
Chang ; s, v. Moors, The, 447, ii.
Changan ; s, v, Zingari, 749, ii,
Changana; ann. 1780 : 5. v, Poligar, 543, ii.
Changchau ; 5. z?, Chinchew, 153, ii,
Ohang-chau ; s. z?- Amoy, 12, i, $. v, Chinchew,
154, i, s. V- Quemoy, 847, ii.
Ohang-chan~£a ; s. t\ Chinchew, 153, ii.
Change ; ann, 1876 : 5. y. Cash, 129, i.
Ohangi ; s. v, Zingari, 749, ii.
Chang-Kien ; China ; 151, i.
Changngadam ; s. /i. Jancada, 810, i,
Changthan; ann. 1862 : s. v. Mamiran, 4-19, i.
Chang ulapn t ; ann. 1674: s, v, Mufty, 826, i.
Chank ; s, v, 140, ii, 141, i, twice; ann, 1734 :
s, 141, i ; ann. 1813 and 1875 : s. v,
141, ii.
Ohanmanning ; ann. 1791 : 5. y, Coooh Behar,
191, ii.
Ohahhadam ; s, v» Jancada, 810, i.
Channel Creek ; s, v. Rogue’s River, 849,
ii, twice.
Channel Trees ; ann. 1685 : s. v, Tumlook,
864, ii ; ann. 1711 : s. ??. Narrows, 829, ii,
s. V. Rogue’s River, 850, i.
Channock; s. Achanock, 2, ii, (1), 752, ii;
ann. 1677 : s. v» Achanock (2), 752, ii ;
ann. 1727 : s. v. Suttee, 670, i.
Chanock ; ann. 1686 : 5. v. Hidgelee, 314 ii ;
ann. 1711: s. v. Achanock (2), 752, ii,
twice ; ann. 1848 : 8,v, Achanock, 2, ii.
Chanock-Reaoh ; ann. 1711 : s. v, Achanock
(2), 752,ii.
286
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[June, 1902.
Chanquo ; ann, 1644 and 1673 : s, v. Chank,
141, i.
Chansamma ; ann, 1712: s, v, Consnmak,
190, ii.
Chan Sumaun; ann. 1759; s, v. Consumah,
190, ii.
Chahwar ; s. v, Ohowrj (b), 165, i,
Chac ; s, v, Chobwa, 778, ii.
Cbaobpa ; & v. Chobwa, 778, ii.
Cbaona; ann. 1598 : s. v. Coffee, 179, ii,
Cbaori ; 5. v. Yak, 744, i.
Cbaori ; s, v. Choultry, 163, i.
Cb’aori Gai ; 744, ii, footnote.
Cbaori gao ; s, v. Yak, 744, i.
Chaoua; ann. 1598: s, v. Coffee, 179, ii.
Chaousbes ; ann. 1826 : s. v. Chouse, 164, ii.
Chap ; 5. Cbupkun, 168, ii ; ann. 1727 : s, v.
Chop, 161 5 i, 3 times, s. i\ Hoppo, 324, i.
Chap ; s. v. Chop, 161, ii.
Chap ; s. v. Chop, 160, i.
Chapa j s, v. Chop, 159, ii, 160, i, twice; ann.
1537 and 1552 (twice) ; s. v. Chop, 160, ii,
Chapa ; s, v. Chop, 778, ii.
Chapada ; s. -y. Chop, 160, i, and footnote,
Chapado; s. v. Chop, 159, ii.
Chapao ; ann, 1802 : s. -y. Byde Horse, 105, i.
Chap5,r cdtt ; ann. 1778 ; s. v. Chopper-cot,
161, ii.
Ohapati ; s. v. Ohupatty, 168, ii.
Chape ; s.v* Chop, 159, ii, and footnote, twice.
Chapkan ; 5. v, Cbupkun, 168, ii, twice,
Chapo ; ann, 1537 : s. v. Chop, 160, ii,
Ohapp ; s, v. Chop, 160, ii, twice ; ann. 1783:
s. -y. Chop, 161, i.
Chappa khana ; ann. 1880 ; 5, v. Balcony, 40, i,
Chappas ; ann. 1590 ; s, v. Bandanna, 43, i.
Ohappe ; ann. 1782 : s, v. Chop, 161, i,
Chappor ; ann. 1782 : s. v. Chopper, 161, ii.
Chapra ; s. v, Chupra, 169, i,
Ohapras ; s. v, Chuprassy, 169, i, twice.
Chaprasi ; 5. u. Chuprassy, 169, i, twice.
Chaqui ; ann. 1328 : s, y. Jack, 337, i.
Ghaquivilis ; ann. 1580: s. y, Chuckler, 167, i.
Char ; s, y. Churr, 169, i, twice.
Charachina ; ann, 1540 : s.y. Chin-chin, 154, ii.
Charak; 5. y. Churruck, 169, ii.
Charaka ; 5. v, Myrobalan, 465, ii, 466, i,
Charak-puja ; s. y, Churruck Poojah, 169, ii.
Charamandel ; 5. v, Coromandel, 199, ii, 200,
i ; ann. 1516 : s, y. Cael, 108, i.
Charamendel ; ann. 1516 : «, v. Canara, 117, ii.
Charan ; s. v. Dbnrna, To sit, 244, ii, twice.
Charanagiri ; s. v. Chundrgnrh, 780, i.
Oharas ; s. v. Chnrrus, 169, ii, twice.
Ohaxconnaes ; s. v. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Charges ; ann. 1787 : s, v. Bndgerow, 91, ii.
Chari ; s. v. Cherry fonj, 777, i.
Chari-fanj j s. v. Cherry fonj, 777, i.
Charkh ; s. v, Chnrrnck, 169, ii.
Charma j s, v. Churrns, 169, ii.
Chamagnr ; ann, 1727 : s. v. Ohandernagdre,
140, ii.
Charnathaca; ann. 1614: s.u. Canara, 118, i.
Oharnock ; ®. Aehdnock, 2, ii, s, v.
Achdnock (1), 752, i, twipe, (2), 752, i;
ann. 1682 : s. y. Yakeel, 783, i ; ann. 1683 :
s. 41. Gentoo, 280, ii, s. v. Maldiwes, 418, ii,
s. V. Pnn, 558, ii, b. v, Picar, 843, ii; ann.
1684 : s. V. Cazee, 775, ii, twice ; ann. 1690 :
s. V. Dewann, 240, i ; ana. 1848 ; s. v, Aohd-
nock 2, ii.
Chamoc’s Battery; ann. 1758: s. v, AcM-
nock, 2, ii.
Charpii ; ann. 1662 : s v. Charpoy, 141, ii.
Charpai ; s. v. Charpoy, 141, ii, s. v. Cot
205, i.
Charpoy ; s. v. 141, ii, s. v. Got, 204, ii, s. v.
Teapoy, 692, i; ann. 1876 and 1883: s. v.
141, ii.
Oharsa ; s. ». Ohnrms, 169, ii.
Chartican ; ann. 1610 : s. v. Chittagong, 157, i.
C’hasa ; ann. 1799: s. v. Ehasya, 367, i.
O’hasas; ann. 1799 : s. v. Khasya, 367, i.
Ohashm-i-khurus; s. v. Ruttee, 587, ii.
Chashtana ; s, v. Choul, 162, ii.
O’hasya ; ann. 1799 : 3 . v. Khasya, 367, i.
Chatag ; ann. 1786 : s. v. Chittagong, iW, i.
OhataguSo ; ann. 1591; «. v. Chittagong, 157 ’,!^
Ohatak ; 157, i, footnote.
Chatanati ; s. v. Ohnttanntty, 170, i, twice,
s. V. Hoogly, 321, ii. ’
Chatanati ; s. v. Kidderpore, 814, if.
Chatganw ; s. v. Chittagong, 156, ii ; ann.
1590 : s. 41. Aracan, 768, ii.
Ohati ; ann. 1662 : s, v. Chetty, 145, i,
Chatigam; s.v. Porto Piqneno, 550, i; ann.
1552: s. v. Chittagong, 157, i; ann. 1585 :
«. 4 ;. Mugg, 455, ii ; ann. 1690 : s. v. Bengal,
64, ii, twice.
Chatigam 157, i, footnote.
June, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
287
Cliatigan ; ann. 1598 and 1786 : s, v, Chitta- j
gong, 157, i
Chatigao ; ann. 1583: $. v, Codavascain, 178, ii;
ann. 1552 : Burrampooter, 101, ii.
Ohatigaon ; ann. 1535 : s, v, Satigam, 854, ii ;
ann. 1545: s. v, Arakan, 25, i.
Chatim ; ann. 1562 : s, v, Chetty, 145, i.
Ohatin ; ann. 1596 : 8, v, Cafila, 109, i, s, v,
Cketty, 145, i.
Ckatinar ; ann. 1552 : s, v. Chetty, 145, i.
Chatna; ann. 1813: $, v, Chutny, 170, i.
Chatnee; ann. 1820 : s. v. Chutny, 170, i.
Chatnl; s. V, Chutny, 169, ii.
Chatra ; s. y. Tee, 693, ii.
Chatra ; ann, 1340 : s. v, Chatta, 141, ii.
Chatriaioi; 5. v. Khuttry, 367, ii.
Chatriya ; ann. 1612 : 5. v. Orankay, 492, i ;
ann. 1805-6 : s. v. Pariah, 515, i.
Chatta ; s. v. 141, ii, 5. v. Umbrella, 725, ii ;
ann. 1875: s, d, Kittysol, 372, i.
Chattarhoea caudata*; s. i\ Bat-bird, 574, i.
Chattawala Gully; ann. 1787: s. v. Chit,
778, i,
Chattie ; s, v. Lota, 398, ii.
Ohattisgarh ; s. v. Gurjaut, 309, i.
Chatty ; s, v. 142, i, s. v. Kedgeree-pot, 364, ii ;
ann. 1781 and 1829 : 5. v, 142, i.
Chatur ; s. v. Choky, 158, ii, (b), 158, ii.
Chaturam; ann. 1807: s, v» Chuttrum, 170, ii,
twice.
Ohaturanga; s, v. Sittringy, 639, ii.
Chaturangam ; 588, ii, footnote.
Ohaturgrama ; s. v. Chittagong, 778, i ; ann*
1786 : 5 . V. Chittagong, 157, i.
Chaturi ; ann. 1510 : s.v, Catur, 135, i.
Chatushka; s. v. Choky, 158, ii.
Chatyr ; ann. 1354 : s. v, Chatta, 141, ii.
Chau ; s, v. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chaubac ; ann. 1756 : s. v. Chawbuck, 142,
Chaubainha ; ann. 1554 : s. v, Talapoin, 677, h.
Cbaubandi ; s. v. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chaube ; ann, 1573 : s. v. Coffee, 179, i.
Chaubinhaa ; ann. 1554 : s. v, Talapoin, 677, ii.
Chaubuck ; ann. 1784 : s. v. Chawbuck, 142, ii.
Chau-chau ; s. v. Chow-chow, 779, i.
Chaucon; ann. 1745 : 5. v. Bohea, 691, i.
Chaudaris ; ann. 1644 : s. v, Bandaree, 43, ii.
Chauderie ; ann. 1782 : s. v. Choultry, 163, ii ;
ann. 1784: 5. v. Tyre, 724, ii ; ann. 1790:
5 . 2 ?. Choultry, 779, i.
Chaudeus ; ann. 1727: s. z?. Palempore, 836, ii,
twice.
Chaudhari ; 5. v. Chowdry, 164, ii.
Chaudhary ; ann. 1300 : s. v. Chowdry, 164, ii.
Chaudiis ; ann. 1727 : s. v. Palempore, 836, ii,
twice.
Chaugan ; $, v. Chicane, 146, ii, twice, 147, i, 777,
i ; ann. 1848 : s. v. Polo, 645, i.
Chaugan ; ann. 1590 : 5. v. Chicane, 147, ii,
twice.
Chaugan ; s. v. Chicane, 145, ii, 146, i (twice and
footnote), and ii (3 times and footnote), s, v,
Mydan, 464, i.
Chaughan ; ann. 1838 : s, v. Polo, 544, ii, 545, u
Chaughan ; ann. 1030-40 : s. z?. Chicane, 147, ii.
Chauhan ; s. v- Rajpoot, 571, ii.
Chauigan ; s. z?. Chicane, 146, i.
Chauk ; s. Chowk, 165, i, twice.
Chankat ; s. z?. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chauker ; ann. 1810 : s. v, Chackur, 139, ii.
Cbaukhat ; s. z?. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chanki; fi. v. Choky (b), 158, ii; ann. 1590^
s. V* Choky, 158, ii ; ann. 1657 : s, v, Dawkii
232, i.
Chauki ; s. v. Choky, 158, i, $. v. Ooorsy, 194,
ii; ann. 1782 : «. v. Choky (b), 778, ii.
Chaukl-anki ; s. v, Looty (b), 397, ii.
Chaul ; s. v. Choiil, 162, i, s. i\ Coromandel,
198, ii, s, V, Wootz, 742, i ; ann. 1095 : s. v,
Snpara, 663, i ; ann, 1508 and 1538: s. v,
Bombay, 766, ii ; ann. 1552: s. v. Oanara, 118,
i ; ann. 1553 : s. z?. Hidgelee, 314, ii, s. v.
Nizamaluco, 830, ii ; ann. 1567 ; i\ Jaggery,
341, i ; ann. 1584 : $, v. Ghoul, 163, i ; ann.
1586 : s. z?. Bantam, 761, i ; ann, 1727 : 5.
Choul, 163, i.
Chaun ; ann. 1630 ; s. v. Padshaw, 497, zi.
Chann-paul Gaut ; ann. 1780 : 5. z?. Budgerow,
92, i.
Chauhri ; $, v, Ghowry (b), 165, i.
Ghauuribardar ; s. v. Chowryburdar, 165, ii.
Cbaup ; ann. 1678 : s. v. Chop, 161, i, twice.
Chaupabra ; s. z?. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Ghaupar ; 5. v. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Ghaurangl ; s, v. Chowringhee, 165, i.
Cbaus ; s, z?. Chonse, 779, i, twice.
Chaush ; s, z?. Chouse, 163, ii.
Chauspa ; s, v. Choul, 162, ii.
Chautar ; ann. 1516 and 1598 : s. v, Chudder,
167, ii.
288
THE INDIAN ANTIQtJAHT.
[JuHE, 1902,
Ohautare ; ann. 1516 : s. v, Oliudder, 167, ii, 8, v,
Sinabaff, 634, i ; ann. 1598 : $. v. Cliudder,
167, ii.
Chauth ; 5. v, Chowt, 165, ii.
Chavala ; 838, i, footnote.
Chaye ; $. v. Ohabee, 139, i.
Chayonis ; s, v. Piece-goods, 535, ii.
Chayula ; 838, i, footnote.
Chaw; s. V. 142, i; ann. 1616 : s. v, 142, i; s. v.
Tea, 862, i,
Chawadi ; ann. 1833 : s. v. Choultry, 163, ii.
Chawadi ; s, v. Choultry, 163, i,
Chawatl ; $, v. Choultry, 1 63, i.
Chawbooked; ann. 1760: s. v, Chawbuck, 777, i.
Chawbuck ; 5. v, 142, i, 777, i ; ann. 1673 and
1688 : s. t\ 142, L
Chawbucked ; ann. 1673 and 1699 : 5. 2 ?. Chaw-
buck, 142, i ; ann. 1726 : $• v, Chawbuck,
142, ii.
Chawbuckswar ; s. v, 142, ii.
Chawbuckt; ann. 1682 : s. t\ Chawbuck, 142, i,
Chay; ann. 1638 : s. v, Budgrook, 92, ii.
Chaya ; s. v, Choya, 166, i.
Chazari ; ann. 770 : s. i\ Sind, 634, i.
Cheater ; s, v. Cheeta, 144, i, 3 times.
Chebulee ; s. v, Myrobalan, 465, ii.
Chebuli ; s. v, 142, ii; ann. 1343 : s. v. 142, ii.
Chebulic ; a. v. Myrobalan, 466, i.
Ohebulic Myrobalan ; s. v. Myrobalan, 465, ii.
Check ; ann. 1825 : 5 . v. Chick (a), 148, i.
Chedanm; ann. 1823 : 5. v* Dumree, 254, ii.
Cheechee ; $, v. 142, ii.
Chee-chee ; s. v. Lip-lap, 395, ii ; ann. 1781 and
1878 : $, V, Cheechee, 142, ii.
Chee Chee; ann. 1881 : s, v, Cheechee, 143, i.
Cheek; ann. 1673 : s. v. Chick (a), 147, ii, twice,
148, i ; ann. 1810 : s, v. Chick (a), 148, i.
Cheen; ann, 1475: 5. z?. Porcelain, 549, i; arm.
1590 ; s. V. China, 152, i.
Cheena Pattun ; anh. 1780 : a. z?. Chinapatam,
778, L
Cheenar; 5. z?. 143, i.
Cheeny ; 5. v. 143, ii ; ann. 1810 : s, z?. 143, ii.
Oheeria Chat; ann. 1793 : s, v, Terai, 696, i.
Cheese ; s, v. 143, ii.
Cheeta ; s. v. 143, ii ; ann. 1610: z?. 143, ii.
Cheetah ; ann. 1862 and 1879 : s. v. Cheeta,
143, ii.
Oheettoo ; ann. 1823: s, v. Pawnee, Kalla, 522, ii.
Ohefoo ; 5. v, Likin, 393, ii, twice.
Oheghanser^i ; ann* 1514 : s. v. Cafiristan, 109, ii.
Chehil ; ann. 1621 : s. z?. Bendameer, 62, ii.
Chekiang ; ann. 1298 : 5. v. Sugar, 655, i.
Chela ; anh. 1648 : s. v. Gingham, 801, i.
Chelain ; ann. 1829 : s. v, ChiUum, 149, ii, s, v,
Surpoose, 666, ii.
Chelande ; s. v, Chelingo, 144, i.
Chelandia; v, Chelingo, 144, i.
Chelandria ; s, v, Chelingo, 144, i.
Cheli ; s. v. Oheling, 144, i ; ann. 1613 : s. v,
Cheling, 144, i, twice, s, v. Compound, 188, i.
5. V, Kling, 374, i.
Chelidonion mega; s, v. Mamiran, 419, i ; ann.
1100 : 8. V. Mamiran, 419, ii.
Chelim ; s, v. Nanking, 472, i ; ann. 1522 ; s. z;,
Sumatra, 658, ii, s. v, Cheling, 144, i ; ann.
1613 : 5. V. Compound, 188, i, twice.
Chelin; ann. 1567: s, v, Cheling, 144, i ; ann,
1613: 8. V. Compound, 188, i.
Chelindras ; 8, v. Chelingo, 144, i.
Cheling ; s. v, 144, i ; ann. 1613 : v, Klino*,
374, i.
Chelingo ; 5. v, 144, i, 777, i ; ann. 1761 : s, v.
777, i, twice.
Chelingoes ; ann. 1761; 8, v. Chelingo, 144, i,
twice.
Chelloe; s. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii, see 801, i,
footnote ; ann. 1750-60: s. v. Shalee, 620, i,
Chelluntah ; s. v. Sayer, 604, i.
Chelumgie ; ann. 1715 : 5. z?. Chilluinchee, 150, i,
Chembur; s. i\ Choul, 162, ii,
Chemuli ann. 1095 : 8, v. Supara, 668, i,
Chen; 5. i\ China, 151, i.
Chena; s, v, Jhoom, 351, ii.
Chenab ; ann. 1400 : s. v. Punjaub, 562, i.
Chenab ; s, i\ Doab, 248, i, twice, s, v, Punjaub,
561, ii, twice.
Chenam ; ann. 1687 : s. v, Chuntim, 168, i, s, v,
Chiinam, To, 168, ii.
Chenano; ann. 1553 : s. v. Sunda, 669, ii.
Chenappa ; 153, ii, footnote.
Chenappapatam ; 8. v. Chinapatam, 153, ii.
Ohenar ; ann. 1817 : s. z?. Cheenar, 148, ii,
Chenawr; ann. 1628 : 8. v. Cheenar, 148, i.
Chen-Ching ; $. v, China, 150, ii.
Chen-ching ; s. z;. Siam, 681, ii.
Ch’eng; s. v, Datchin, 230, ii.
Chengala ; ann, 1610 ; 5. z?. Chilaw, 149, ii.
Ohengalput ; ann. 1809 : s, v, Jagheer, 341, ii.
Ohenghiz Khan ; ann. 1840 : 6*. z?. Nokar, 481, ii.
Juke, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSONJOBSON.
Chengie ; ann, 1675 ; s. v, Gingi, 801, ii.
Chengier ; ann. 1672: e?. Naik (c), 470, ii;
ann. 1672 ; s. v, Cuspaclore, 787, i*
Chengleput ; 5. v, Poonamalee, 547, i.
Chengy ; ann. 1680 : s. z;. Oankameira, 772, i.
r. Gingi, 801, ii.
Clienji ; s, v, Gingi, 801, i.
Chenna ; 5, v, Swaniy-pagoda, 672, i.
Ohennappa ; s, v, Chinapatam, 153, ii.
Chen-pu; ann. 700 : s. v. Cospetir, 202, i.
Chenwal ; s, v. Ghoul, 162, ii, 3 times.
Chepi; ann. 1710 : s. v, Chipe, 156, i.
Chequeen; ana, 1711; 5. v. Chick (b), 148, ii,
s. V. Gubber, 806, ii.
Chequiam; ann. 1727 ; Liampo, 393, i,
Cheqnin ; ann. 1609 : s. v. Chick (b), 148, i ; ann.
1623; 5 , V* Chick (b), 148, ii; ann. 1767 ; s. v.
Chick (b), 777, ii.
Chera ; 5 . v. Salem, 593, i j ann, 1800 : s. z?.
Pandaram, 508, i.
Cherabaya ; ann, 1468-9 ; 5. zj. Qnilon, 570, i,
Oherafe; ann. 1610; Shroff, 630, i.
Cherafin ; ann. 1610; 5. v. Xerafine, 748, ii.
Cheraman^alam ; 5. v, Coromandel, 199, i.
Oheraman Perumal ; ann. 1844 : 5, z?. Shinkali,
627, ii.
Cheramntty ; ann. 1590 : a. v* Hooly, 323, ii.
Cherbuter; ann. 1810: s. v. Chabootra, 139, i,
twice.
Chereeta ; ann. 1820 : s. v. Chiretta, 156, ii.
Cheribon; s. v. Sunda, 659, i.
Cheringhee ; ann. 1788; 5, Black, 766, i ;
ann. 1790 : s. v, Chowringhee, 165, i.
Cheroot ; s. i\ 144, ii, 4 times, s. t\ Bunco, 97,
i, s. V, Cheese, 143, ii, s. v. Lunka, 401, i, 5. t\
Trichies, 715, i, 3 times, 5. v. Agdauu, 755, i ;
ann. 1759 and 1781 : s. v, 144, ii, 6*. v. Dub,
252, ii ; ann. 1810 ; s. v, 144, ii ; ann. 1849 :
s. zj. Gram-fed, 301, i ; ann. 1875 : b. v, 144, ii.
Cheroso ; ann. 1653 ; s. v. Musk-Bat, 827, ii.
Cherques ; ann. 1563 : s. v. Madremalnco, 821, i.
Cherry fonj ; .s. i\ 777, i; ann. 1803: s.
777, i.
Chersonese ; s. z?. Malay, 416, ii ; ann. 1572 ;
s, z?. Sumatra, 658, ii.
Chersonese ; ann, 1572 ; s. v. Sumatra, 658, ii.
Chersonesus ; ann, 1613 : b. v. Macareo, 403, ii.
Ohersonnesus ; s. v. Guardafui, Cape, 305, i.
Cheruse ; ann. 1673 : s. v. Cashew, 129, ii.
Oherute ; ann. 1,781 : s. v. Cheroot, 144, ii.
2S9
Chetin ; s. v. Cheling, 144, i ; ann. 1511 :
Chetty, 145, i.
Chetis,' ann. 1516 : s. v. Junk, 361, i.
Chetti • ann. 1516 and 1726 : s. i\ Chetty, 145, i.
Chetti ; s. i\ Chetty, 145, i, 5. i\ Sett, 615, ii.
Chettijn ; ann. 1598; s. i\ Chetty, 145, i.
Chetty ; B, v, 144, ii, s. v, Cheling, 144, i, r.
Chintz, 155, ii, s. i\ Comaty, 183, i, s. i\ Sett.
615, ii, twice, s. v, Sowcar, 651, i ; ann. 1596 :
s. t\ Cafila, 109, i ; ann. 1686 ; s. v, 145, i.
Chetty; ann. 1511; s. z?. Kling, 373, ii.
Cheturah ; ann. 1630 : s. i\ Brahmin, 85, i.
Chen; $, v. Kowtow, 376, i; ann. 1585 : s, z*.^
Canton, 121, ii.
Cheul ; ann. 1516 : s. v. Vanjaras, 88, i,
Cheyrotain ; ann. 1711 : s. z?. Bezoar, 69, i.
Chevul ; ann. 1510 ; s, v. Choul, 163, i.
Obey ; s. Choya, 166, i.
Cheyk ; ann. 1770 : s. v. Sett, 615, ii, 3 times.
Chha ; s. z?. Tea, 688, i.
Ghhan ; s. Chownee, 779, ii.
Ghhana ; s. v, Chownee, 779, ii.
Chhaoni ; s. v, Chownee, 779, ii.
Chhap ; s. i\ Chop, 159, ii, twice.
Chhapa ; s. z?. Chop. 160, i.
Chhapaniya ; s. v. Chop, 160, i.
Chhapara ; s. v. Chop, 160, i.
ChhaparKhat; ann. 1809; s. i\ Chopper-cot,
161, ii.
Chhapna ; s, v. Chop, 159, ii, 160, i.
Ghhappa ; s. i\ Chop, 160, i.
Chhappar ; s, i\ Chopper, 161, ii.
Chhappar khat ; s. v. Chopper-cot, 161, ii.
Chbat ; s. v, Chutt, 170, i.
Chhata ; s. v- Chatta, 141, ii.
Chhatr ; s, v* Chatta, 141, ii.
Chhatra ; b, i\ Chatta, 141, ii.
Chhatrapati ; s. v. Cospetir, 201, ii.
Chhenchki ; ann. 1875 : s.v, Ghltchky, 156, u.
Oh’henchki ; s. v. Chitchky, 156, ii.
Chhint ; ann. 1590 : s. t’. Bandanna, 43, i.
Chhitak ; s. v, Maund, 431, i.
i Ghholdarl ; s. v. Shooldarry, 629, ii, s. v. Pawl,
842, ii.
Ohhokra ; s. Chokra, 158, i.
Chhota Sahib ; 5. v, Cazee, 775, ii. ^
Chhoti-hazri ; 8. z?. Ohota-hazry, 162, i.
Chi ; s. V, Cheechee, 142, ii. ^
Chia; ann, 1565 and 1588 (twice); s. r. Tea,
689, ii ; ann. 1626 ; Tea, 690, i.
290
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[JusE, 1902.
Chiai-Catai ; s, Teaj 6S9, i.
Chiai Catai ; ann. 1545 : s. v. Tea, 689, ii, twice.
Ghialeug; ann. 1726 : s. v. Ohelingo, 144, i.
OMalonea ; ann. 1726: s. v. Guingam, 288, i.
Cliiamai; ann. 1552 and 1572; s. v, Cliiamay,
145, ii.
Chiamai ; ann. 1572; s. v. Siam, 632, i.
Ohiainay ; s. 145, ii, twice; ann. 1553; s, v.
Laos, 385, ii ; ann. 1572 : s. v* Siam, 632, i ;
ann. 1652: s, v. 145, ii.
Chiammaj ; ann. 1544 : s. v. Chiamay, 145, ii.
Chiamo; ann. 1553 : s. v* Sunda, 653, ii, twice.
Ohiampanai ann, 1510: s, v. Sampan, 596, ii.
Ghiang-mai ; s. v, Chiamay, 145, ii.
Gbianko ; ann. 1672 : s. v, Chank, 141, i.
Cbiaoux ; ann. 1653 : s. v. Chouse, 164, i, twice.
Chiaramandel ; s. v. Coromandel, 200, i.
Cbias Moor ; ann. 1673 : s, v, Sbeeah, 625, i.
Cbiaul; ann. 1570 : s. e?. Melinde, 483, i.
Chians; s. v, Cbonse, 164, i; ann. 1610: s. v.
Chouse, 164, i, twice.
Chiaused; s, v. Chouse, 164, i ; ann. 1650 : s. r.
Chouse, 164, i.
Ohianso ; ann. 1560; s. v. Chouse, 164, i.
Ghiaux ; ann. 1754: s. z?. Chouse, 779, i.
Chic ; s. V, Chicane, 145, ii; ann. 1881 : s. t?.
Chicane, 147, ii, twice.
Chicacole ; s. v, Circars, 170, ij, s. zj. Teloogoo,
695, i.
Chicane ; s. v. 145, ii, 146, i, 147, i, twice, 777,
i and ii, s. v, Mydan, 464, i, s. v. Polo, 544,
ii, twice.
Chicaner ; s. v. Chicane, 146, i, twice.
Chicanery; s. v. Chicane, 145, ii; ann. 1761:
s. V, Chicane, 777, ii ; ann, 1881 : s. v. Chi-
cane, 147, ii.
Ohiche ; s. v. Gram, 800, ii.
Chick ; s, z?. 147, ii, twice, (b), 148, i, twice, 777,
. ii, twice, s. v. Sicca, 632, ii, s, Sirky, 638, ii,
a. V, Venetian, 736, ii; .ann. 1866 and 1875:
e. (b), 148, ii,
CMckakal ; ann, 1727 : s, z?. Kabdb (a), 467, il
Obickeen ; s,* v. Chick (b), 148, i.
Chicken ; s. v. 148, ii.
Chicken-hazard ; s. v. Chick (b), 148, i.
Chicken maladoo ; s. z?. Maladoo, 822, L
Chicken-stakes ; s. v. Chick (b), 148, i.
Chickenwalla ; v. Chicken, 148, ii.
Chkkinos ann. 1583 : s. z?. Chick (b), 148 , 1
Chickore-; #, z?, 148, ii, twice, 149, L
I Chick-pea ; $. v. Gram, 300, ii.
Chico ; s. V. Chicane, 145, ii.
Chicquenes; ann. 1612; s. v. Chick (b),
148, ii.
Gbicquet ; s, v. Chicane, 145, ii.
ChiSs de Mer; ann. 1609 ; s. z?. Penguin.
527, ii.
Chigh ; s, z?. Chick (a), 147, ii.
Chighs ; ann. 1590: s. v. Lao, 381, ii.
Chihal-o-hasht-gani ; ann. 1350 : s, z?. Bargany,
761, ii.
Chih-chih; s. v. Jiggyjiggy, 811, ii.
Chihar-pai ; s. v. Charpoy, 141, ii.
Ch’ih-fan ; s. v. Tiffin, 700, i.
Chij ; ann. 1552 : s. v. Singalese, 635, ii.
Chik; s. v. Chick (a), 147, ii; ann. 1590 : s. v.
Lac, 381, ii.
Chi-kiang ; 791, ii, footnote.
Chikin ; s. v. Chicken, 148, ii.
Chikin ; s. z?. Chicken, 148, ii.
Chikore; ann. 1814: s. v, Ohickore, 149, i.
Chikur; ann. 1520: s. v, Ohickore, 149, i.
Chilam; s. v, Chillum, 149, ii.
ChilamcM ; s, v. Chillumchee, 149, ii, twice.
Obilao ; s. 777^ y, s. Chilaw, 149, i; ani^.
1543 : s. V. 777, ii ; ann. 1562 : s. v. Beadala,
57, ii ; ann. 1610; s. v. Chilaw, 1 49, ii, twice.
Chilaw ; s. v, 149, i.
Chile ; ann. 1631 : s. v. Chilly, 150, i.
Chilenfu ; s. i\ Nanking, 47 2, i.
Chili ; s. z?. Chilly, 150, i, s. v. Turkey, 719, ii ;
ann. 1631 and 1848 (twice) : s, v. Chilly,
150, i.
Chiliarch; B. 0. 464 and B. 0. 890; s. v.
Kowtow, 376, ii.
Chilies ; ann. 1813 : s. v. Chutny, 170, i.
Chili pepper; ann. 1814: s. v. Popper-cake.
548, i.
Chillaes ; s. z?. Piece-goods, 535, ii.
Chillian; ann. 1856: s. v, Jelum, 350, i.
Chillies; s. z?, Ourry-stnfE, 219, i, s, v. Fogass,
271, ii; ann. 1590: b. v. Ghee, 282, ii; ann.
1860 : s. V. Curry, 219, i, s. v. Curry-stuff,
219j ii.
Chillinga; ann. 1746 : s. v, Ohelingo, 777, i.
Chillum; s. z?. 149, ii, s. Chillumchee, 150, i,
s. 27. Hubble-bubble, 326, i, s. v. Tobacco,
705, ii; ann. 178] and 1811; $, v. 149, ii;
ann. 1828: s, v. 149, ii, s. v. Hooka, 322, ii ;
ann. 1848 : 5 . z?. 1 49, ii.
June, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
291
Chillumbrnm ; s. ??. 149, ii, 777, ii; ann. 1781 :
$. V, Pagoda, 501, i ; ann. 1826 : s. t\ Carnatics
126, ii.
Chillumcliee ; s. v, 149, ii, 150, i, twice, 778, i,
s. V. Gindy, 285, ii; ann. 1833 : s. v, 150, i;
ann. 1857 : s, v. 778, i, twice.
Chilly; s. v, 150, i, twice, s. v. Curry, 218, i.
Chilnmchee; ann. 1851 : s. Chillumchee, 1 50, i.
Chimchir ; 8, v. Scymitar, 608, ii.
Chimices ; ann. 1645: s. v, Cbints, 155, i.
Cliimkin; ann, 1280: 8, v. Moochnlka, 443, i,
twice.
Chimnagie Appa; ann. 1813; s. v. Kitmntgar,
371, i.
Chimney-glass ; 8. v, 150, ii.
Chin ; s. v. Macheen, 406, i, s. v. Catty, 774, ii.
8. t\ Macheen, 820, ii, ann. 1298 (twice) and
1300 ; s. i\ China, 151, ii ; ann. 1511 : s. v.
Kling, 373, ii; ann. 1516 ; s. v. Canton, 772,
ii; ann. 1540 ; 5. v. Typhoon, 723, i, twice;
ann. 1552 and 1612 : s. v. Singalese, 636, i.
Cbin ; ann. 1020 and 1205: s, v. India, 332, i;
ann. 1300 : s. v, Ceylon, 139, i, s. v. Junk,
360, ii ; ann. 1320 : s. v, Macheen, 406, i ;
ann. 1442 : s, v, Sarnan, 601, ii.
Chin ; s. V. China, 151, i, #. v. Macheen, 405, i
(3 times) and ii (twice); ann, 930:5, z?. Tibet,
698, ii; ann. 1200: s. Tibet, 699, i; ann.
1343 : s. z?. Calicut, 113, ii ; ann. 1442 : 5, r,
Macheen, 406, i. 5. i\ Tenasserim, 695, ii.
(To he continued.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
SUPEESTITIONS AMONa HINDUS IN THE
CENTRAL PROVINCES.
1. When the breasts o£ suckling women be-
come bard and painful they take three balls o£
clay, pass them three times round the painful
breasts and then throw them into a well, being
careful at the time to turn their backs on it. As
the balls dissolve the breasts will soften.
2. Booking a cradle,^ when empty, will pro-
duce acute pain in the stomach of the infant who
occupies it. To prevent this, a wooden ladle is
placed in the cradle when lying empty and is
remoTed as soon as the infant is placed in it.
3. If a woman has veins running in a serpen-
tine directions on ber tbigb, it indicates that she
win lose all her husbands — should she re-man*y
on losiug the first. Women have been known
to remain single to avoid this calamity. An old
gentleman lately showed me a woman who had
done so. Another woman, residing near the
Empress Mill, Nagpur, with three such marks
on her thigh, has lost two husbands, each
within a short period after marriage.
4. Dropping fire on night-soil produces pain
in the stomach of the person whose excreta it
contains, while spitting on the excreta of another
person gives tonsilitis to the spit ber.
5. To stunt the growth of a dog pass it
through a ring made of the cloth {cJiamhdl) which
is generally placed on the heads of women when
carrying water or loads.
heavy downpour of rain on the day the child is
married, irrespective of the time of the year the
marriage takes place.
7. Modes of detecting a theft or firaud. —
Take a I6td (a brass cup for diinking water) and
fill it with fresh water fi*om a well. Place some
lice on a clean spot, then take a grindstone and
place this over the IStd. Burn some frankiucense
and repeat the name of the suspected person and
at the same time touch the stone slightly with
your fingers, without moving it. If the person
named is guilty, the stone will turn round on the
I6td, as if moved by some unseen hand.
This method is adopted,' not only in detecting
fraud, but also in ascertaining^hether a person
wiU be successful in any undertaking («. the
passing of an examination, recovery from illness,
ete.). It is also used to find out whether sickness
is bodily or mental (possession).
Another mode is to place a bandmill before a
number of persons. Each one, in turn, throws a
little grain into the mill and works it If the
mill moves with difficulty for anyone, he is guilty.
Yet another method is the following. A piece
of white cloth is torn into a square and folded
in half. Then a piece of stick is inserted between
the folds androUed tightly between the fingers —
at the same time the name of the suspected person
is repeated. The cloth is then set aside and left un-
touched for some time. If the person whose name
was repeated at the time of folding the cloth
is guilty, the stick will come out of the folds, on
unwrapping the cloth.
6. When a child is in the habit of eating un-
cooked rice the people believe that there will be a
l The Central Provinces cradle is a rude miniature hammock attached to the roof rafters^
292
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Jtoe, 1902.
8. Sometimes the walls and roofs of houses
are very low — just a little above the level of the
ground. In such cases dogs will sometimes climb
upon the roof. This is looked upon by the
Hindus as a bad omen and as f oreboding disaster
to the occupants of the house. To ward of0
any calamity befalling them, the dog is deprived
of its ears and tail. If, however, the dog evades
its pursuers, a Brahman is called in, who
performs a short ceremony. To see a dog bereft
of ears and tail is not an uncommon sight in those
parts of India, where there is a large Telugu
community.
9, If a dog scratches a hole in front of a
house, it is considered a bad omen. It means that
some member of that house is to die ; and if a
member of that family happens to be ill at that
time, so strong is the belief in this superstition
that all hopes of recovery are despaired of. The
patient himself will lose heart, if made aware
of the fact,
10, When a dog stretches itself fully on the
ground^ or shakes its ears, people regard these
actions as indicating some calamity to the
inmates of the house.
11. Children sometimes amuse themselves by
riding upon the back of a dog. Hindu parents,
however, will not allow this. They believe that
by doing so the children are likely to get worms
in the stomach.
M. R. Pedlow.
THE MOTHEE’S BROTHER.
The part played by the mother's brother in
many marriage ceremonies is well known, but
no explanation of the following superstition
has been offered
Hoshiarpur Account.
A child who first teethes from its upper jaw
is considei’ed unlucky to its maternal uncle. The
ceremony performed to remove the evil effects
is this : the mother of the child goes beyond the
limits of her village on the path leading to her
parents’ house. Prom the opposite direction
comes the maternal uncle of the child bringing
with him a white brass tray, IJ seer of rice, seven
pice, one yard of cloth and four iron nails. All
these things, except the tray and the nails, are
knotted in the cloth. The maternal uncle drives
the four nails in the ground in a square form and
touches the teeth of the child with the tray, and
then puts the tray and the cloth, with the other
articles wrapped in it, within the square between
the nails and goes back to his house. The uncle
and his sister neither talk n or see each other's
To ward qff any calamity, the
faces. The sister sits with her child clinging to
her shoulder, with her veil drawn and her back
towards her brother, who returns silently after
performing the aforesaid ceremony, which is
called ddnton hi thaknd, or the charm of the teeth
ECarnal Version.
^ When front teeth of the upper Jaw of a child of
either sex happen to come out first, it is a bad
omen to the maternal uncle. His sister {i, a,, the
mother of the child) sends word to him of the event.
On receiving the message the maternal uncle
takes a bronze cup of medium size, a quarter of a
seer of hasar ovpanjirt (wheat flour baked in glii
and mixed with sugar), and half a cocoanut in a
piece of red cloth {kkarwd ), and proceeds to his
sister’s house without informing her or any other
person in the house of his arrival, which is kept
strictly secret. He goes quickly on to the roof of
the house in which his sister is residing and puts
the cup, etc., on it, or if there is no staircase he
throws them on. After performing this ceremony
he silently retraces his steps without speaking to,
or seeing the face of, his sister, and returns home.
W'hen it is known that the ceremony has been
performed, the things are taken from the roof and
made use of without scruple.
Patiala Ceremony.
This ceremony is performed in a different way
in those villages which are situated in the neigh-
bourhood of Pati&ia. A time is fixed and a place
appointed for the ceremony. The mother of the
child goes to the place, which is always fixed
beyond the limits of the village, on the road to
her brother’s house. He starts from his own
village and halts a mile from the place to get
information of his sister’s arrival. He brino^s
with him an old three-pie coin (MansiM paisd)
with an iron nail, but nothing else. When he is
informed that every thing is ready, he proceeds to
the place. His sister takes up her child in her arms
so that its face is towards the way her brother is
coming, she herself standing facing the village
whence she came. The brother comes silently and
opens the mouth of the child, touches its teeth
with the paisd and iron nail, without sho wing him-
self or seeing the face of his sister, and burying
these things on the spot returns to his village.
Note.
Any further particulars concerning this, or any
similar belief, might be noted. Why should the
mother’s brother of all people be affected by
this particular occurrence ? Is his fate bound up
with that of his sister’s child in any other way ?
H, A. Rose,
h^ipBTinteudeint of Ethnography^ JPunjah*
Simla, 27th J%dy 1901.
person who observes these movements in the dog, spits three times on the ground.
July, 1902.] ‘ NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA.
293
NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA.
BY B. A. GUPTE, E.Z.S.
(With a Note hy H, A, Rose,)
1. The mole is a vYell-known protection from the Evil Eye. It is also an emblem of the
ChSiiidani, corresponding to Venus, whose approach to the Moon, a personified male distinguished
from the female^ of the West) is a natural phenomenon held to represent the meeting of a loving
pair. The Moon is called Kaktipati or Tar%anapati, “ King of the Night,” “ Husband of the
Stars.’'
2. B6hini is his favourite wife, and she is represented thus # , while a crescent shows the
Moon. A dot between the horns Vi-^ represents the face of the Moon, which is often,
however, drawn like the human face in profile
with another dot below it to represent
his loving consort. It is an emblem of conjugal happiness,
8. A line between the eyebrows represents the red powder or the ashes applied
to that spot as a protection from all evils. It is called angora, or vibhtlti.
* ^ 4. The Panch or five Pa^davas, who lived in conjugal happiness — withov.t
disagreement — with one wife, represent domestic harmony among brothers.
♦ • 5. The nine planets or grabs are supposed to have great influence over the
# • • destinies of mortals ; and as a charm against their occasional evil influence a ring is
• • worn containing the nine gems, such as diamond, ruby, coral, topaz, pearJ,
emerald, sapphire, cat’s-eye and ySmed, known to commerce as the Burmese ruby.
The ring is represented in the tattoo mark.
6, This eight-sided figure represents the lotus (called phUl in the tattoo
mark), which is the seat or pedestal of Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth. It also
represents the whole universe, and is drawn in diffei^ent ways* Thus —
O IH
T
i Compare Shakespeare's It is the East, and Juliet is the enn ! .Oh, rise fair Sun, and kill the envious luoon ! ”
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[July, 1902.
It ^Youldbe interesting to trace the development of the lotus in these designs, the following
dotted enlargements will give an idea thereof : —
The mystic sign A shows the eight directions, while B shows the eight points of the compas«
produced by placing two squares^ one above the otlier, with their planes crossing each other — the
squares representing Heaven and Earth. Among the animistic races who have no conception of the
“ worlil above*’ the straight square
four corners of the globe.
— — in linear or dotted lines represents the
^ 7. In Gujarat this emblem represents a pair of scales
»■
♦ %
lias foiiad a place on the early coins of the Honourable East India Company,
or traders of the Eanjab 7
* — it.
.'1 \ , and
Is it used by the Banias
July, 1902.]
NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA.
295
, « 8. These are triangles, the mvstic representations ot the
female power, y6ni. Compare SMrakamalakara’s Eules of Worship for the Sudras. When
u Brahman performs a religious ceremony in the house of a Sudxa he draws a triangle in water on
tii8 ground and not a svastika
or a square | 1 , as he would in the house of one of the
'•'Iwice-borns.’' This triangle is called yoni in the text mentioned above.
9, This is the emblem of the fish ; —
✓
/
But what is a <‘fish*' and why is it lucky? Originally it represented die female l>owet, tha
ydniy thus —
296
THE INDIAH ANTIQUAET.
[JiriT, 1902.
The triangle is the more primitive emblem of the y6m ; thus —
A
\
Coo
o
O Q
Coo
10. The profession or caste is very often indicated by the tattoo marks, though
it has not usually been intentionally included among them. It T?ill be interesting to find
out whether
I. H, H X.
at^ran or ntdran (spindle) is
tattooed by women of the spinning castes, who were originally nomads, and are now mat-makers or
lope-makers, still unsettled in their habits.
11. The milh -maids of Kyishi^La are thus represented ; —
H-HH
1
<*
/
A J
\ /
k
-Ji
^ ^
k <
/ <^ \\
/
/
\ /
k /
\ X /
These emblems will possibly show that the woman who bears them is a milk-maid, Aliir or
G6 t« by caste. It may be carefully noted that the number of maids shown is ahVays Jive.
July, 1^02.] NOTES ON FEMALE TATTOO DESIGNS IN INDIA.
m
12» The tattoo mark known as Kanhayya’s mukat or crown.
Tkere is no mistaking the caste of a woman using this. Although the design is called mukat
or Grown only, it is the throne — the peacock throne (ma^ur) of Krishna or Kanhajya. He is seated
in the centre, with a crown over his head ; to the left is his crowned wife, Eukmini, and to the right
his brother, Balaram. The women who bear this emblem on their arms are Eajpnts of the lunar
race. Their great ambition, a brave husband, a warrior on horse-back, is also pourtrayed.
13. The camel as a beast of burden was a very useful animal to caravans. The Kasars,
traders in copper and brass pots at Nasik, have two camels on the pedestal of their goddess. Women
with these marks will be found to be Banjaras by caste, the dotted and linear delineation
distinguishing one tribe from another. Those with the dotted lines will possibly be northerners and
those with the heavy linear designs the southerners, or more “ mixed.’’
Conclusion. — Tliese notes are intended to show that an ethnographist has much to learn
from the tattoo marks, that they are not mere ornaments, that they are not without motive, and
that a careful study thereof will afford valuable information towards the explanation, among other
things, of Oriental symbolism, and, in some instances, of primitive rock carvings.^
Note on Female Tattooing in the Panj^b.
(By H, J, Bose.)
The Panjdb notes, collected at the Census, show that tattooing is more prevalent among the
nomad and pastoral tribes than among the settled and civilized ones. That some Muhammadan
women still practise it, in spite of the prohibition in the Q}irdn, is an interesting feature.
Among marks, (1) the madkavt (churn >(: ), (2) the ateran (spindle), (3) the camel, (4) the
needle, (5) the sieve, and (6) the warrior on horse-back, clearly denote the castes of the women
using them ; but as most of these designs have not been grouped according to castes, it is difficult to
discuss the question of identification fully. However, it will be no surprise to find that the women
ate, respectively, (1) milk-maids, (2) spinners, (3) traders or members of caravans, (4) cobblers,
(5) farmers, and (6) Eajpfits. These marks are the survivals of obsolete totems, even if they be
not now recognized as such.
(a) The lotus, (6) peacock, (c) fish, ((?) triangle, and (e) ^mstiha are signs of luck, and if
tattooed on the left arms they are much more so. The chakra (wheel), the stars, the pdiicM and the
“ Sita’s kitchen” are protective charms. Sita was protected by the enchanted circle {taboo) drawn
« lAnte, Tol. XV. p. 66; Vol. XXX. p. 148 f.- En.]
298
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[July, 1902.
round her gumpM (hut, kitchen), and she was enjoined not to leave the latter during her protector’s
absence. She disobeyed the order out of charity towards Havana, who was disguised as an ascetic,
and was thus carried off by him.
The practice of tattooing a scorpion, a snake, a bee or a spider has its origin in sympathetic
magic, which is supposed to protect people so marked.®
The dotted and continuous lines used in drawing these figures may enable ethnographers to
distinguish the tribal origins of different sects. The Gujarathis of Bombay and the Todas of Madras
use the dotted process, while the Marabhas apd Dravidas use the linear one. Careful investigation
may give us definite data.
Among the nomads mentioned, the Kanjars are a criminal tribe of cattle-lifters and dakaits.
They are notoriously versatile, and change their tribal name so constantly that it has always been
difiScult to trace them. If tattoo marks can be so classified as to enable the police to say definitely
whether a gang consists of Kanjars, Sansis, Miiltani Banjaras, Hajrabasis, Singuvalis, Ods^
rope-dancers, or acrobats, a great administrative gain would accrue.
The fear of losing one’^s identity in heaven among these wandering tribes is due to the fear of
being abducted^ or lost on earth in the jungles. Tattooing on a sensitive part also of the body
owes its origin to sympathetic magic, but the spider deseiwes special mention, as it is credited
with the power of producing leprosy. The parrot is a love-bird, and has special value as a charm.
The most important part of the information collected is the belief that the tattoo marks migrate
to Heaven with “ the little entire man or woman” (soul^) inside the mortal frame.
Considering the results of this preliminary inquiry, it is to be hoped that some one will take
steps to obtain separate plates for each caste, showing the designs as they actually are in shape
and size, and noting on each sheet the tribe or caste and the place of birth of the individual. The
latter will show the effects of environment. The notes given above will show how important
the subject is from an ethnographical point of view.
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
BY THE LATE PROF. 0. P. TIELE.
{Translated into English by (r. K, Nariman.)
Sources.
Very abundant are the writings out of which one may learn to study the Mazdayasnian religion
as it flourished under the sway of the Sassanides, and has since to the present day been preserved in a
few districts of Persia, but above all in Western India, Before the Aveata became known in Europe,
we had to content ourselves with these and with the reports of the classical authors for an acquaintance
with Zoroastrianism. At the close of the seventeenth century, the erudite professor at Oxford,
Thomans Hyde, essayed, on the basis of these sources, and preponderatmgly on the more recent ones,
an account of the religion of the ancient Persians, Parthians and Medians.^ It goes without saying
that the founts of our information comprise much that is old, that they communicate to us many a
tradition and depict for us many customs which have existed for centuries. But what is old in them
and what of -a later date can be positively ascertained only by means of a comparative exposition of
8 See Fraser’s Golden Bough, p. 9.
* Compare They, Khyens [Chins}, allege that they were driven to rfc (tattooing) hooatise their Tvomen were
naturally so heautifnl that they were constantly carried off by neighbouring tribes,’* Sir John Lubbook ia
Origincd CivilifsoHon, p, 64. [Evidence of this more than doubtful;, however, — Bu.}
^ Fide Fraser’s Golden Bough for this belief, * «
t M&toria BeUgionis Veter um Tersarum Bwumgm M<zgorum» Oxon. 1700;
Jttlt, 1902.]
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
299
the most primitiTe of the indigenous records. One is warranted in the surmise that considerably
more of them could be proved as archaic and original, if we possessed the Avesta in its entirety, cr at
least a greater portion of it than the present fragmentary remnants. However, on such surmises no
history can be constructed ; accordingly we shall leave them out of account and employ them only
occasionally to elucidate facts of historical validity. As authentic sources for the period with which
we are exclusively concerned they are of little utility.
The sources from which to build a history of the religion of the Persian or Iranian peoples*
previous to the fall of the Achasmenide empire, are relatively scanty ; though this paucity of materials
is outweighed by the superior significance of the most important of them, the Avesta, wliich embodies
most of the relics of the sacred scripture of the Zarathushtrians in the original language. A few
fragments discovered in the last decades, and which were not comprised in the ordinary canon, decidedly
belong to these sacred writings. We must here content ourselves with a cursory notice of this
main fountain of our information. Another chapter will be devoted to a discussion of the contents, the
dates, the character and the history of these books. Besides these we have, though of subsidiary im-
portance for our knowledge of the religion, the inscriptions of the later Achsemenide dynasty, of wliich
the most prominent was discovered at Behishtan in Media, and at Persepolis and Naksh-i-Rustum in
Persia proper. They are composed in old Persian, a tongue which is indeed diSerent from that
of the Avesta, but closely allied to it. Moreover, most of them are accompanied by a translation in
modern Susian, in which we see with greater probability the tongue of Elam or Susiana in the times
of the Achasmenides. The core of its contents is not of a religious, but of a historical, nature. Still
the monarchs confess to their faith in Ahuramazda, tlie mighty God, and impute to his grace their
domination and their triumphs. Their professions are more emphatic and less effusive than those
of the kings of Assur, Babel, or Egypt, when they glorify their gods. Multifold data for a descrip-
tion of the Iranian creed of yore are derived from the Bundehish, a composition in Pehlevi, the
language of the Sassanian era. And if the hypothesis enunciated by the Coryphaeus of Pehlevi
savants, E. W. West, turns out correct ; namely, that this work is a rendering or a manipulated
version of the Bamdat Nash, one of the lost books of the Avesta, there is no objection to our making
such use of the book. No one will deny that much of what it is composed of is of remote antiquity.
But the redaction which we possess dates at the earliest from 9th century of the Christian era, from
an age in which Sassanian rule had long before come to an end, and when Mazdayasnianism was no
more the state-religion. Even if the Bamdat Nash formed the ground-work of the book, it is at all
events no exact translation of it. Let alone the allusions to the Arabs, which may be later accretions,
it includes so much that could issue from the Sassanian times alone, that we should act uncautiously,
did we assume the rest as testimony to the religious conceptions of the centuries which preceded
Alexander. An off-hand sifting of the evidence is out of the question. We shall therefore not draw
upon this source. The same applies in an increased measure to the other Pehlevi works, whose
value for the interpretation of the Avesta we are not inclined to dispute ; while we cannot consider
them as original documents for the investigation of the religion of our period.
The solitary contemporary of the Ach^menides among the Hellenic writers, who relate some-
thing about the religion of the Persians, is Herodotus. His friend Ktosias, who Was physician aTtEe
court of Persia, had the fairest opportunity of instructing his quondam countrymen in the predomi-
nant faith in his land of adoption. Perhaps he did write on the subject, but the fragments of his
works preserved to us to-day do not deal with religion. When we reflect, however, how little reliance
he merits respecting his historical narratives and likewise regarding the little that he says about the
creed of the Babylonians and the Assyrians, that is probably not much to be deplored. Herodotus^
gives a comparatively exhaustive account of the religion and usages of the Persians, which very
probably concern the Medians too. Whether he personally visited Persia, which is not certain, or
learnt of the home and the history of the Persians only through the Persians of Asia Minor, which is
s Book 1. 131-140-
800
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[July, 1902.
more likely, in either case he depicts the circumstances as they obtained at the time of Artaxerses I,
about the middle of the fifth century B, 0. Had he got to make use of older Greek sources, his
portrayal would refer to a somewhat preceding age. But we have no sufficient grounds for this
conjecture.
This much is confirmed : what he records is produced neither by himself nor by his authority
from the sacred literature of Persia. It is the result of personal or second-hand observation and oral
communication, — not the official doctrine of priestly schools, but the every-day practice, which, as a
matter of course, is to some extent divergent from the prescriptions and ideals of the theologians.
This before all must be borne in mind in estimating the worth of his portrayal, which must not be
branded as falsehood, when it seems to contradict the latter, but which at the same time does not
argue a different time and a different sphere for the origin of the Avesta. The coincidences between the
Avesta and Herodotus are too many for us to doubt that he actually has in mind the Zarathushtrian
religion. But he is not uuifortnly accurate. 'What he asserts about the Persian names^ shows that
here he misses the meaning of his authority, and when he holds Mithra^ for a female divinity, whom the
Persians had assimilated from the Arabs, it is manifest that he has misunderstood him. Such discre-
pancies, however, are easily emended, and no reasons are forthcoming why we should refuse to credit
his accounts. On the contrary, they supply a valuable means of inquiry into the tenets of the Zara-
thushtriaii religion, as already accepted in general under the Achaemenides.
It is much to be deplored that the works of Tlieopompos have perished beyond recall. In the
eighth book of his Philippma this contemporary of Philippus and Alexander handles the Hagian
teachings. In connection with the tradition ol the Parsis that Alexander had the holy writings of
Zarafchushtrianism translated into Greek, which is not certainly to be literally understood, it would
be of immense consequence to know what Theopompos had read or heard of the precepts contained in
them. Plutarch was cognisant of his work and consulted it. He cites him where he recounts the
successive world epochs, which the Persians admitted, and with reference to the conflict between
Aromazdes and Areimanios and the annihilation of the latter. Probably he is beholden to the same
authority for his careful account of Zarathushtrian theology which he presents in the same work.s
It must be, then, that he derived his information from Hermippos, a contemporary of Ptolemaios
Euergetes (247-22 B. 0.),of whom Pliny® assures us that he had studied the precepts of the Persians
from their own books, and had published a detailed account of the two million verses which they con-
tained. Hermippos^ work, too, is hopelessly lost, to the incalculable detriment of the history of
Mazdayasnian religion. Not so much because we would have learnt what is conspicuously absent in the
archaic and the recent autochthonous sources, but because from it we should have derived what was
already in rogue among the Zarathushtrians, and because it would have shed considerable light on
the question of the date of the Avesta,
On this account it is that the reports of Diogenes Laertius^ (who also cites Theopompos)
that Eudoxos, the contemporary of Plato, and Aristotle knew the doctrine of the conflict of Zeus-
Oromazdes and Hades-Areimanios, is of the greatest moment despite its brevity.
8 Chap. 189. ^ ^ 4 Chap. 181.
‘ 4 . 7 Osiride, c. 46-47. The explanation he gives with regard to the four out of the six Anaeshaspends
IS wlerably correct; but he has not quite understood Haurvatat aud Ameretat. His account of the 24 of the gods
of Oromazdes’ creation hiding themselves in an egg, which is broken by as many counter-creations of Areimanios, has
so far fonnd no corroboration in any old Zarathushtrian text. Por a notion in the later writings harmonizing with
tins idea, see Windisohmann : Zoroasirische Siudim, p. 284.
e mstona Naktralis XXX. 1. To ^ Windisohmann the two million seems an exaggeration, and, instead of vicies
centum mtUaversicum, he would read vicies dena miUa versuum. He indicates that the 200,000 lines tolerably corre-
spond to what is related of the hulk of the Avesta during the times of the Sassanides. I, too, would not answer for
the accuracy of the two million. But the Sassanian Zend Avesta was held to he merely a remnant of the richer
literature which existed at the time of Alexander.
’ Prcoemium^ 6 and 9,
JrLY, 1902.]
THE EELIGIOH OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
301
Strabo,® belonging to Lbe first century B. 0., also deserves mention, since wbat he relates from his
own experience of the Persian rites among the Cappadocians is essentially pertinent, notwithstanding
that he obviously draws upon other writers, in part even upon Herodotus.
Finally, Pausanias’^ solitary allusion to the customs of the Magiaiis is in tolerable concord with
what we learn from the Avesta^
For the rest, we are content to allude to the not yet antiquated monograph of Fr. Windischmann^^
on the passages from the ancients bearing on Zarathushtrianism ; though we are unable to subscribe
to the genuineness of the fragment of the dialogues ascribed to authors Lydus and Plato, to which he
refers.
CHAPTER I.
The Sacred Writings.
I.
The Zend-Avesta of the Sassanides.
The history of the Mazdayasnian religion for a good part coincides with that ot the sacred scrip-
tures of the Zarathushtrians. Consequently we must first make a closer acquaintance of these writ-
ings. The greatest portion thereof has perished. As has been already stated, a rich Zarathushtrian
literature existed when Alexander subverted the Persian empire, and on which Hermippos, among
others, drew for the material of his work. According to a Parsi tradition, to which we shall revert
in the sequel, the Greek invader consigned to flames some of the books, some he had despatched to
his home, and only the Arsacides and subsequently the Sassanides (A. D. 226-636) are credited with
having collected the remnants. It is certain that under the domination of the Sassanides a canon or
a holy writ was in vogue embodying the ancient text, Avesta, with, its Commentary or Zend, and
usually on these grounds passing under the name of the Zend-Avesta. This canon fell into twenty-
one or books, of which in the 9th Christian century twenty were still extant in the original tongue,
nineteen in the Pehlevi translation with elucidatory glosses. Even this collection no more exists. It
is extinct not exactly because of the irruption of Islam, — by the 9th century it had long
been in the ascendant — but only later under the Tartar sovereignty, owing to unfavourable times
and the supineness and ignorance of the believers. The ensuing sections of this Chapter are devoted
to the d^rk of this body of writings.
It might seem that a discussion of the Zend-Avesta of the Sassanides does not belong to our
investigation, inasmuch as we do not pursue our research farther than down to Alexander the Great.
But that is not so in fact. Even though the Amsia, had it been preserved to us intact, would
have served as a source only, with certain reservations, Tor a knowledge of the Zarathushtrian religion
prior to the fall of the Achsemenides. However much the more ancient ingredients were worked up
into the spirit of the times and edited anew, still archaic writings are incorporated with it and
constitute its pith and marrow. It is, therefore, pertinent to enquire what we can learn about them,
if only that some desirable light may be shed upon what remains to us thereof.
On the contents of the Sassanide Zend-Avesta more or less complete information is afforded
by the Dinkart, a composition in Pehlevi and dating from the 9th century A. D. The author seems
to have had before him the original as well as the translation, with the exception mentioned above. To
him only the latter version was intelligible. The former, the original text, was to him a book with
seven seals. This is to be concluded from the fact that he has nothing to say concerning the con-
tents of the ono nashj which he possessed in the old language, but not in the Pehlevi rendering. What
he, therefore, furnishes us is confined solely to excerpts from the version with all its inaccuracies,
8 Besides Book SI. 8, 4. Oorap. specially Book XV., and here, inter alia,, 2, 14 ; 3, 1 ; 3, 7 et seg. ; before all
3, 13 seq,
• 9 V. 27, 2 and 3.
**Siellen der Alien xfber ZoroasiHsclies*'* in his Zoroasitische Siudierii p. 260-313. [For an English translation
of this important work, vide Pastnr BaraVs Zarathushtra in the Qaihas and in the Classics. — Te.]
302
tPHE IJsBlAK ANTIQUAEY.
[JXJLT, 1902.
periphasis, scholia and later additions. The abstracts at all events seem to be correct. Anyway, the
synopsis of the contents of the Veiididad, which the author presents is in tolerable accord with the
prototype. But details touching the period of the Sassauides, nay more, here and there allusions to
the Arabs, crop up, so that it is well to regard as old only what harmonizses with the dogma of the
primitive texts, so far as they have come down to us.
The Dmhart contains two classifications of the 21 books, of which neither can be original. One
divides them into three classes, to each of which belongs seven Naslcs : seven Gathic, seven Hadha-
Manthraic and seven legal works. This division is but partially in consonance with the contents of
the books. Prom the writer’s own words it is evident that, properly speaking, not more than four
books appertain to the Gdtkas, that not more than five can claim the designation of Juristic
works, so that in point of fact all the rest must be recorded or afc least characterized as Hadha-
Mantliraics or miscellaneous. The second classification is a theological triviality, according to which
each Nash corresponds to one of the twenty-one words of the Ahuna Vaerya Prayer, which is
the ** fount of the fountains of religion.” Perhaps more authentic, and, at any rate, more rational
sequence, is that in which almost all the Persian Bevaydts enumerate the books and which we shall
follow in our rapid survey of the Zend-Avesta*
At the head stands the Stot-Yasht, Staota Yesnya, which at present is wholly embraced in the
Yesna and comprises the most archaic litanies, the Gdthas, along with other ancient texts. Eightly
does West, the Coryphaeus of Pehlevi scholars, remark that the Stot-Yasht, and especially the
Gdthas, loxm the central point round which allATaa^s are ranged, and that these texts in the Sassaniau
epoch were neither larger nor smaller than now. Perhaps they may be better styled the foundation
on which all the rest reposes.
The three Nashs, which- immediately come after, are or should be scholia on the Gdthas and the
oldest prayers. The first of these, the Sutkar, can be so called only arbitrarily* I would hesitate to
call this Nash a collection of homilies after the type of the Gdthas, notwithstanding it may be urged
in extenuation that “homilies do indeed at times, digress far from the text.” In trutli, so far at least
as we can judge from the table of contents - the. presents, several chapters have not the
slightest bearing- on the litanies with which tradition associates them.ii The Yarstmansar has much
more of commentary. It is arranged not only in order of the prayers and psalms preceded by a pre-
lude recounting the miraculous birth of Zarathushtra, but actually keeps to what we find in the cor-
responding passages of the Pehlevi Yasna though occasionally it deals with matter which is touched
upon neither in the old texts nor in the version, to our knowledge, and although there is mention,
naturally in a prophetic manner, of Mani and his followers (215 A. D. and the subsequent years),
and even of the 9th and the lOth century “after the coming of the religion,” e„ according to the
native chronology of the 5th and 6th, or even the Gth and 7th, centuries after Christ. If we
compared the Gdthas in. a way with the Vedic Samhitd, this Nash would.be called a Brdhmana.
Btill more intimately is tke Bako Hask connected, with the Gdthas and the appended texts, at least
in respect of the sequence. The books do not .pretend to be an exhaustive commentary, but the
author selected a few sections {laho, hagha, piece or fragment), to which he siiperadds his own reflec-
tions, making it most difficult for us to ascertain the contextj^ possess in the original the first
three JE'argwfds of the JBaho-Nash, which give a kind of analysis of the three sacred formulse,^^
Comp., e. g., in Dinlsart IX. Chap. 6, which should belong to Yasna 29, but which makes no mention of
Geushurva ; or Chap. 7, which treats of something quite other than the two spirits in Yasna 30 ; and so forth.
12 The following may serve as an illustrative example: In FargaHU, inter aUa, hhvaethvadata, marriage
between near* relatives, is spoken of, and Aurhmazd himself is cited as an instance. The occasion for this is
furnished by a passage in Yasha U, where Spenta Armani’ is called his d^aughter. This is combined with another
rayth which denominates her his spouse ; nnd ther^roin the conclusion is arrived at that he; like Mami; was married
to his own daughter. - - ^ •
« Only of these three Nash do we possess to some extent a detailed analysis in Knlarf IX. ; of all the rest,
SO far as they wereraocessible to the author, <mly- a. summary of contents in Binhaxt 'YIU; '
1* Especially Tasmi J9-21. * '
July, 1902.]
THE RELIGION OE THE IRANIAN PEOPLES,
803
On these properly Gathic boohs follow seven others of miscellaneous contents, the Hadlia-
Hanthraic, which treat of religious ceremonies, customs, legends, myths, of cosmogony and the IMazda-
yasnian law. The most important of these Nashs seems to have been the Damdat, “ The production
of the creation/' a sort of genesis of the spiritual and the material world. The book also handles the
same theme as the Bundehish, a Pehlevi writing of which only a recension of the 9 th century has
descended to us, and, as noted before, has been the ground-work of the same. Another of these
books, the Vishtasp-Shasto^ is held to have its reflex in the so-called Vistasp Yasht, the original
text of which has been preserved. If that be so, we have here a somewhat younger writing, embodying.
int'er alia^ in a form of instruction imparted by Zarathushtra to king Vishtaspa, the precepts of
Mazdayasnianism, defective in structure and not very original.
What was included in the Vashtap-Nask, which next comes up, we do not know, since it
was lost very early. The two following. Spend and Chithradat, have this in common, that both
deal with legends of saints and prophets ; the second, which chronologically should be the first,
proceeding from Hoshang to Zarathushtra, the first from Zarathushtra to Shoshyans. The Bakan
Yast IST ask comprised at the lowest fifteen of the Tashts which survive in the primitive text. In
these Yashts the epic stories of Iran occupy prominent position. Then come five books on legisla-
tion, of which the last, the Vendidad, is extant. Like all law books of authority, they relate to
a motley farrago of all possible subjects bearing on religion, on civil, on political matters. Nor
does the tolerably detailed conspectus of its contents help us to discover a logical sequence. Onlv
we are able to denote the first, Nikatum, as a species of penal code, and the fourth, Sakatum,
as a regulation affecting personal and family concerns. But these general designations would
apyply to several of these chapters. The question, whether they are the Pehlevi redaction
of very archaic texts, does not- lend itself to an easy solution. There is much in them
which may be ancient, but more of which the contrary is less doubtful. In the synopsis of the
contents of the penal code just referred to, there is nothing which may prevent our locating it in
the times of the Achremenides or even earlier. The same in general would hold good of the others,
did we not omit to add that they have been reduced to unison with the later social and political exi-
gencies and religious tenets, and that they have been copiously interpolated. Thus, to cite only a few
illustrations, what is laid down in the Ganalasamij at with reference to soldiers and their generals
need not be of a posterior period. But when, in another chapter of this Nash, the enemy are
depicted as subserving the king of kings and doing homage to the Yazatas, and when they are
threatened with death, should they recalcitrantly decline to adopt the Iranian nationality, we rest
assured that it is the voice of one of the orthodox of the Sassanide times. It is possible to distin-
guish between the original and the subsequent accretions only when^ as in the case of a portion of the
Juristic hook of Hushparain, the Avesta text is also available to us.^^ whether these law books
were ever enforced and are founded on legal decisions it is difficult positively to affirm. It is not
improbabk as„regards the Sassanide period ; in the epoch with which we are concerned they were
perhaps no more than sacred scripture in which the clergy and the theologian had drawn his ideals,
while in public life they exercised no binding authority.
The whole collection closes with the Hadokhta INask, which, in virtue of its name (Eadha-
Uhhta )] was a supplement to the other texts, and was by consequence composed of heterogeneous
materials ; hut likewise embodied very old ingredients. Various fragments of it have survived' in
the primitive language, and the name of the Nash is cited in'^the younger Tashts, ^
A conclusion of no small moment, which may be deduced from our exposition, is that the
GUthas, along with the allied texts, occupied the same exalted position in the Zend-
Avesta of the Sassanides that they at present hold, and that then, too, they constituted the
_ contents t>f two of ih^'Nask mostly correspond with the Mrangishtan, edited and translated by-
Barmesteter, III. p- 91, s&g,; but. the order of succession is altogether different. Barmesteter
has not .ob^e^ved that the first part of the Avesia-NirmgUMan has its parellel, not in the FargaH of the same name
in the Nash, but in the preceding one of Aer^patishtan, • , _ .
3C4
^HE INDIAN ANTIQDAET.
[JuLT, 1902 ,
qiiiiitesbencej and Were allowed to be tlie most primeval and sacrosanct documents, of the Zarathusb-
triaii revelation. Moreover, it is obvious that tiie Zend-Avesta comprised neither more nor less
(lathic tests than are incorporated into our Tasna, This is indicated by the order of the three
Gathic Nashs, which have the form of scholia to the holy formulae and the Gdihas^ though they
belong to a description of commentary not rare in later centuries too, which obscure more than they
illuminate. At all events they show with what reverence the ancient documents were cherished and
how the people beheld in them the/o? 2 s et origo of the divine communications.
The most important remnants of the sacred books that were still extant after Alexander, the
weightiest before all, for our knowledge of the religion, remain ; still we have to deplore the destruction
of so many, if of less consequence, writings in their original condition. A greater amount of the Iranian
literature of yore would not contribute a little towards the elucidation of its relics. Till then a
delimitation of what has come down from antiquity and of the latter-day additions in the Pehlevi and
Parsi literature would not be possible. If we had the book of the Nashs, Cliiti'adat and Spend,
extant, we should not laboriously have to piece together the fragments of the Iranian epos and the
legends of Zarathushtra each into a coherent whole, but should have presented before us synopses of
both. From the Damdat we should derive an insight into the old Zarathushtrian conception of the
creation and the synthesis of the world, which we can but infer from sporadic allusion in the Avesta
book and vague hypothesis reared on turbid sources. They would better acquaint us with the cult
and the priesthood. But we must content ourselves with the salvage from the great shipwreck and
now we have to face the question if we can confidently utilize the debris,
(To be contimied,}
1.
2 .
3.
4 .
5 .
6 .
7.
8 .
9.
10 .
11 .
LADAKHI SONGS.
BY THE BEV. A. H. EBAIJCKE, LEH.
(With the aid of the Bev, Rihhach and Dr, E. Sham.)
{Concluded from p, 106.)
Khalatsei gling glu mams yin These songs [?. Nos. XXI.-XXIX.] are
the gling gln^ of Khalatse.
Song No. XXI. — Heavenly Voices.
Text.
amai bu zliiiiig bltamspari dusla 1.
mi yulbo ’oddis ’ang khyangs 2.
lliayi bu Kesar kun bltams tsana 3,
’adzambu gling ’oddis khyangs. 4.
rgyal Icang Icanggi Icang stodna 6.
lha phrug ysum skyod ’adug lei 6,
lha skad cig diriri 7.
rgyal lham chenmo kun skyod tsana 8.
lha skad cig diriri 9,
lhayi bu kesar kun skyod tsana 10.
lha skad cig diriri 11,
Translation.
When mother’s little boy was born,
All the land of men was filled with light.
When Kesar and the [other] sons of the
gods were born
All ’aDzambngling was filled with light.
On the top of the willow of the world
There are walking three sons of the gods.
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
When all the great godly kings are walking
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
When Kesar and the [other] sons of the
gods are walking,
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
^ pl/ififf glu are the Bongs sung at the Spring or Kesar Festival, ■when everybody practises archery The
of Khalatse and the pLinp jlu of Phyang may be usefully compared. This song was included
Tol, XXX, p. 359 ff.) m ‘‘ A Ladakhi Bonpo Hymnal,”'
July, 1902 *]
LADAKHI SONGS.
805
rgyal Icang Icanggi Icang stodna
Ihamo kun skyodded lei
lha skad cig diriri
jojo ’abruguma skyod tsana
Ilia skad cig diriri
sbel Icam ’abruguma skyod tsana
On the top of the billow of the world
There are walking three goddesses.
There is a hum of heaveiily voices.
When the noble ^aBruguma Ts ivalking,
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
When ’aBruguma, the crystal wife, is walk-
Iha skad cig diriri
There is a hum of heavenly voices.
Notes.
1. hltamspari, for participles ending in pari^
compares ong No. XVII. Note on6 . 2, 4. Jchy-
angs; just as Ickyahpa was derived from ^agebspa^
Ichyangpa was derived from ^agengspa. 3. hun^
for hun^ in the sense of ‘and so on,’ compare
ante, “ Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga,” Philologi-
cal Notes, No. VI., 19. 5. rgyal Icang, originally
probably rgya loang, the willow with far-spreading
[branches]. The prefixed I of the second syl-
lable was sounded with the first. It is the tree
of the world, mentioned in Ladakhi Wedding
Ritual, Songs Nos. V., VL, VII., and VIII.
8, rgyallham, for the addition of final m, compare
ante, “ Spring Myth of the Kesar Saga,” Phi-
lological Notes, No. V,, 1. 13. skyodded^eky^
oddad, see JjadcfJihi Qrammar, present tenses.
Notes.
If I am not altogether mistaken, this hymn
contains an explanation of the phenomenon of
thunder. It is thought to be caused by the
walking of the gods. The word lhaskad, which
I translated by ‘ heavenly voices,’ may be taken
for any sound, caused by the mouths, hands or
feet of the gods. The idea of thunder is not so
very far-fetched, if we consider that, according to
Song No. XXIX., lightning is called ‘ Kesar’s
sword,’ and that the word diriri may have been
originally Idiriri, which is used to express the
rolling of thunder.
Song No. XXll. — Dedication of the Arrows.
Text.
1. thangka bdemoi kha mda shing legsmo rig
yod.
2. ihang de bdemoi kba mda shing legsmo rig
yod.
3. mda shing ringmobo
agui mda shing zhig yin lo
4. dezuggi mdS shingbo
agubai lagtu phul
5. dezuggi mda shingbo
agu drungbabai lagtu phul lei
6/ mda shing chung chungbo
jojobai phang shing rig yin
7, dezuggi phang shingbo
aneyi lag de la phul
8. dezuggi phang shingbo
ane bkur dmanmoi lag de la phul lei
Notes.
S, 6, 7. the syllable ba in agubad, drungbabai,
jojobai was inserted only for the sake of singing.
7. jojo, the reiterated form, is always used with
the feminine, jo with the masculine*
Translation.
1, On the beautiful plain there is a fine arrow-
tree,
2, On that beautiful plain there is a fine arrow-
tree.
3. The long arrow-shaft
is an arrow-shaft of the Agus.
4. Such arrow-shafts
offer to the hands of the Agus !
6. Such arrow-shafts
offer to the hands of those who are before
the Agus 1
6. The short arrow-shaft
is a spindle-stick of the ladies,
7. Such spindle-sticks
offer to the hands of the wife [of the heaven-
ly king] !
8. Such spindle-sticks
offer to the hands of Ano bKnrdmazxmo !
Notes.
All the arrows, used at the Kesar Festival, are
to be considered as being dedicated, the longer
ones to the Agus, the shorter ones to the
heavenly queen Ane hKurdmanmo.
306
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[July, 1901
Song No. XXIII.— Kesar’s Four Victories-
Text, Translation.
1. buthsa ngarangugi dgung lo brgjadpoi
nangdu
shar ande baadhe ysum btalpa yiu
butbsa de kiinni kba ’agyiug ’agying rig
^agyingspa yin
2. batlisa ngarangngi dgung lo bcu ynyispai
nangdu
ri rgyal blon chen kiin btulpa yin.
butbsa de kunni kba ’agying ’agying rig
’agyingspa yin.
3. butbsa ngarangngi dgung lo bcu drugpai
nangdu
bdud kbyabpa lagring kun btulpa yin
butbsa de kunni kba ’agying ’agying rig
’agyingspa yin
4. butbsa ngarangngi dgung lo bco brgyadpai
nangdu
hor ngan kun btulpa yin
butbsa de kunni kba ’agying ’agying rig
’agyingspa yin.
Notes.
1. For the Andehandhes of tbe East, compare
Kesaj' Saga No. V, 1-8. There we have seven
of them. 2. Kun, compare Note No. I. 3.
3. Khgahpa lagring means ‘coverer longhand.’
This is perhaps another name of Agu Za in
Kesar Saga No. III.
1. When I, a boy, bad reached my eighth
year,
I subdued the three Andebandhes of
the East.
The boy has been triumphing over all of
them.
2. When I, a boy, bad reached my twelfth year,
I subdued all the great ministers of the hills.
The boy has been triumphing over all of
them.
3. When I, a boy, had reached my sixteenth
year,
I subdued the devil Khyabpa lagring and
his men.
The boy has been triumphing over all of
them.
4. When I, a boy, had reached my eighteenth
year,
I subdued all the bad Y^rkandis.
The boy has been triumphing over all of
them.
Notes.
In this song we have probably the four victories,
which were prophesied in “the Spring Myth of the
Kesar Saga” No. V. 11-16. Instead of the word
‘Yarkandis’ in 4 * Mongolians’ may be said,
compare Jaschke’s Dictionary. ^
Song No. XXIV. — Kesar and the Mules.
Text.
1. butbsa ngai ngosla nyon dang wa drezha
khampa
2. butbsa ngai bdagla ysan dang wa drezha
khampa
3. rtsvakha nang gar bzangpo za chogpa ’adug
4. drezha khampa khung khungbo cila bco
’ad lei
5. chu mig gar bzanpo ’athung chogees ’adiig
6. dresdaa khampa khung khungbo cila bco
’ad lei
7. sa Ijab bdemoi Idia ’adug chogees yod
8. drezha khampa khung khungbo cila bco
’ad lei
Translation.
1. Oh, you brown mules, listen to me, to a boy !
2. Oh, you brown mules, please, listen to me,
to a boy !
3. There is quite enough of good pasture;
4. Oh, you brown mules, why are you crying
khung khung ?
5. There is quite enough of good wells;
6. Oh, you brown mules, why are you crying
khung khung ?
7. You have been [long] enough on good pas-
ture ;
8. Oh, you brown mules, why are you crying
khung khung ?
July, 1902.]
LADAKiai SONGS.
307
Notea.
4, 6, 8. Khung Ichmg imitates the voice of
the mules, ho is the emphatic article. 7. saljabi
means the name as sacha, pasture ground.
Song No. XXV. —
Text.
1. srargyi lai stengna thang dkar mgo dkar
kun chadde luste ’adug
ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
mdzad
2. srargyi lai stengna phorog nag chiing kun
chadde luste ’adug
ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
mdzad
3. srargyi lai stengna ^yuma phorou kun
chadde luste ’adug
ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
mdzad.
4. srargyi lai stengna shangku mjug zlum kun
chadde luste ’adug
ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
mdzad
5. srargyi lai stengna sragpa cundru kun
chadde luste ’adug
ane bkur dman rgyalmos ngala rogs shig
mdzad.
Notes.
chadde, in all the verses, means originally ‘is
cut off,’ Togs=grogs, Lad* Gr, Laws of Sound 3.
3. 'phoron^phugron, pigeon, 4. shanghti^^scang-
hu^spyangJcu, Lad, Gr, 1, of s. 1 ; 5, cundru,
earless, derivation not known.
Song No. XXVI. — Kesar,
Text.
1, yyuma phoronla rdzuste
-ynam stod mthonpola agyingba ohana
khra skya dkarpola i*dzuste
yyuma phoronni sna skyilla chen lei.
Notes,
This song is to be placed alter Kesar’s return
from Hor. Then he found that the mules had
taken the King of Hor’s part. It is almost
certain that the word ’acZre, a certain spirit, was
mixed up with the word dre, mule, and thus the
original spirits became animals.
On the Srar Pass.
Translation.
1. On the Srar Pass the strength of the white-
headed falcon is broken, and he remains
behind !
Oh, queen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to
my help 1
2. On the Srar Pass the strength of all the
little black crows is broken, and they
remain behind.
Oh, queen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my
help I
3. On the Srar Pass the strength of ah the
turquoise pigeons is broken, and they
remain behind 1
Oh, queen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my
help !
4. On the Srar Pass the strength of all the
bushy-tailed wolves is broken, and they
remain behind.
Oh, queen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my
help !
5. On the Srar Pass the strength of all the
earless stone-partridges is broken, and they
remain behind.
Oh, queen Ane bKurdmanmo, come to my
help I
Notes.
This song is a prayer rendered by Kesar, which
he addressed to the queen of the gods, when cross-
ing the difficult Srar Pass. This pass he had
to cross on his journey to the North.
Beturning to ’aBrugnma,
Translation,
1. If she, taking the shape of a turquoise dove.
Should go to soar iu the highest skies,
I, taking the shape of a white falcon,
Will go to take her home again.
308
THE INDIAN ANTIQtJARY.
[Jttly, 1902.
2. -yyuma phoronla rdzuste
dgtuig stod mthonpola shorna
khra skya dkarpola rdzuste
-yjuma phoronla ’adedpa cken lei,
S. nyamo 7 ser migla rdzuste
mtliso stod Dathonpola ’agyingba chana
cbu sram kamala rdzuste
nyamo -yser miggi sna skyilla cken lei.
4. nyamo yser ndgla rdzuste
mthso rgyan mthonpola shorna
chu sram brang dkarla rdzuste
nyamo yser migla ’adedla chen lei.
3Srot$8.
1. jpAorow dove ; literally
‘ hinder the nose,’ 2 . e., * meet from the front.’
5. Kama, said to mean the same as hrang dkar,
whitebreasted. 4. rgyan ^rgya^ wide. Lad.
Grammar, Laws of Sound 5.
2. If she, taking the shape of a turquoise dove,
Should go to flee into the highest zenith,
1, taking the shape of a white falcon,
Will go to follow after her,
3. If she, taking the shape of the fish ‘ goldeye,’
Should go to float in the deepest ocean,
I, taking the shape of a whitebreasted otter,
Will go to take her home again.
4. If she, taking the shape of the fish ‘ goldeye,’
Should go to flee into the widest ocean,
I, taking the shape of a whitebreasted otter,
Will go to follow after her.
Wotes.
Kesar, after having taken the food and drink
of forgetfulness, had forgotten ’aBruguma. Now,
that the birds, coming from the South, brought
him a message from her, decides to win her again
by all means ; actually there was no need to use
the transformations mentioned in the above song.
Song No. XXVII. — ’aBruguma’s Farewoll to Kesar.
Text, Translation,
me ma khruUi Kesar 0 Kesar, who never lettest the fire fall !
1. stangscanni rgyalpo nyerang
steng nang lha yulla skyod zana
lha yulli lhamo kun mthongse
mi yulli jojo ning rjed ma rjed.
2. stangscanni jo nyerang
steng nang lha yulla skyod zana
lhamo nang sitarram kun mthongse
mi yulli ’abruguma ’aphang ma ’aphang.
3. stangscanni rgyalpo nyerang
yog nang klu yulla skyod z^na
klu yulli klumo kun mthongse
mi yulli jojo ning rjed ma rjed,
4. stangscanni jo nyerang
yog nang klu yulla skyod zaua
kju yulli klumo kun mthongse
mi yulli grogs skal ’aphang ma ’aphang,
1. Oh, my clever King !
When thou wilt go to the upper land of the
gods,
And seest all the fairies of heaven,
Then do not forget thy wife from the land
of men.
2. Oh, my clever Lord !
When thou wilt go to the upper land of
the gods,
' And seest all the Sitarr&ms among the
fairies,
Then do not reject ’aBruguma from the
land of men.
3. Oh, my clever King !
When thou wilt go to the lower land of the
snakes,
And seest all the ndgini of it,
Then do not forget thy wife from the land
of men.
4. Oh, my clever Lord !
Wheu thou wilt go to the lower land of the
snakes,
And seest all the ndgtv>i of it,
Then do not forget thy helpmate from the
land of men.
July, IGOlJ
LADAKHI SONGS,
809
Notes.
1. stangB can means ‘ cleyer in strategies;*
zana = tsana^ when ; mthongse = mihongste^ seeing.
2. [Bitarram seems to be a reference to Sita,
the heroine of the Bdmdyana, disguised as a
‘4airy,” under the hermaphroditic name Sita-
Rama, according to a combination of the male
and female names of allied deities common enough
in India. — En.]
Song No, XXVIII
Text,
1, la khala yaspabo
lagsmobai mentog cig yassed lei.
2, la stod nang mthonpo kunla
yzugscanni mentog cig yassed lei.
3. darung yaspai sgang zhig yod lei
sngamo yaspai mentoggi jo.
4. darung yaspai sgang zliig yod lei
kalimanni mentoggi jo
Notes.
3 and 4 may be translated just as well ‘ Oh
Lord of the flower of the morning ; oh Lord of
the kalimam flower.’ The halman flower is not
of a beautiful appearance, but has a very sweet
scent.
Notes.
As the Kesar Myth tells us, Kesar forgot
'aBruguma all the same, after having taken the
food and drink of forgetfulness.
— Young Kesar,
Translation,
1. A flower, blooming on the pass,
Oh, a pure flower is in bloom !
2. On all the high passes
A flower of fine shape is in bloom f
3. Thou art but half opened,
Oh Lord [who art] like a flower of the
morning !
4. Thou art but half opened,
Oh Lord [who art] like a halman flower !
Notes.
This song refers to the supposed spring hero,
who has carried spring np to the high passes.
All the same he has not yet displayed his full
glory (the flower is only half opened).
Song No. XXIX. — Kesar, the God of Lightning.
Text,
1. saricanni la mgona
nagpoi sprin cig yongaged lei.
2. saricanni la mgona
dnm dum sprin cig yongnged lei,
3. nagpo sprinpoi dkyil dena
jo lagsmoi snamralla glog ’abarred lei,
4. nagpo sprinpoi dkyilpona
rgyal lham kesarri snamralla glog ’abarred
lei.
Notes,
3, 4, smmra% respectful for ralgn^ sword.
Translation.
1. On the height of the Sarioan Pass
Black clouds are gathering.
2. On the height of the Sarican Pass
Torn clouds are gathering,
3. In the middle of the black clouds
Lightning flashes from our good Lord’s
sword.
4. In the middle of the black clouds
Lightning flashes from the godly King
Kesar’s sword.
Notes,
This song furnishes us with one of the strong-
est arguments to prove Kesar’s nature-origin.
310
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
tJtriY, 1902,
Song No. XXX. — The Nyopa’s Carpet
A Wedding Song.
*Pext. Translation.
A. — Nangmas : —
1. nam stod mthonpo de;
sa dang ganggi stan.
2. gangs stod mthonpo de
su dang ganggi stan.
3. brag stod mthonpo de
5U dang ganggi stan.
4. mthsom stod mthonpo de
su dang ganggi stan.
5. mkhar stod mthonpo de
sn dan^ ganggi stan.
6. sa ’og ghon che de
su dang ganggi stan.
7. khrom zed kha sngon de
su dang ganggi stan.
8. sha stan sebo de
su dang ganggi stan.
9. rtsva shing nags thsal de
su dang ganggi stan.
10. snambu yug ring de
su dang ganggi stan.
B. — Nyopa^ ; —
1. nam stod mthonpo de
nyi ala -yuyiskai stan.
2. gangs* stod mthonpo de
sengge yyu ralli stan.
3. brag stod mthonpo de
skyin chen ba rganni stan.
4. mthsom stod mthonpo de
nyamo yser miggi stan.
5. mkhar stod mthonpo de
mi dheu gongmai stan.
6. sa ^og phol che de
rgya nag rgyalpoi stan.
7 khrom zed Idia sngon de
agu dpallei stan.
8. sha stan sebo de
agu khru btungngi stan.
9. rtsya shing nags thsai de
bya dang byigui stan.
10. snambu yug ring de
nyo ’am spun bduuni stan.
A. ~ People of the house ask : — ^
. 1. The high sky,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
2 ^ The high glacier,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
8. The high rock.
Whose and what carpet is it ?
4. The high ocean,
Whose and what carpet is it?
5. The high castle-,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
6. The wide earth,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
7. The blue-bordered saddle-cloth,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
8. The grey deer-skin,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
9* Those meadows and woods,
Whose and what carpet are they ?
10. That long piece of woollen cloth,
Whose and what carpet is it ?
B. — The Nyopas says « —
1. The high sicy
Is the carpet of sun and moon.
- 2. The high glacier
Is the carpet of the lion with the turquoise
mane
3. The high rock
Is the carpet of the mountain goat, the
old os.
4. The high ocean
Is the carpet of the fish ‘golden eye.’
6. The high castle
Is the carpet of great men.
6. The wide earth
Is the carpet ef the King of China.
7. -The blue-bordered saddle-cloth
Is the carpet of Agu dPalle.
8. The grey deer-skin
Is the carpet of Agu Khru btung.
9. Those meadows and woods ^ -
Are the carpet of the great and little birds.
10. That long piece of woollen cloth
Is the carpet jof the Nyopas^ the s^ven
brethren.
July, 1901]
THE AKDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CEKTUEY*
sn
Notes.
A. 4. mthsom—mthso^ lake. 6. phonclie" or
pJialcke, muG\ in this connection ‘much land*
7. lehr 0771 zed^hkrom7)ie zed^ ‘glitteiing bmsh,’
used for velvet. 10-. ytig means ‘not sewn,’ I
aiu-told; . thns ‘ a long woven, piece of cloth.*
B. 3. ha rgan, old ox; compare Song No, XY.
29, 8. Agu Khru htung (the spelling of the name
is doubtful) has not a human, but a falcon’s head.
Notes.
This song shows clearly the general character
of the wedding songs. It is not in direct con-
nection with the rest of the wedding songs, but
forms a scene by itself. After the Nyopas {ht^
buyers ’* of the bride) have . entered the house,
they are not allowed to sit down on a carpet,
until they have answered the questions, which form
the first half of this song, [This custom seems
to be allied to the world-wide “impossible riddle”
of Folklore, which is a variant of the idea of the
“ impossible task ** as a supernatural method of
identifying of the expected hero. The root idea
here would seem to be that the Nyopas have to
prove that that they really are Nyopas before
being received, and the proof is in the Folklore
method of answering certain formal riddles, as
one of the “ signs” of the coming hero. — En.]
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL- CONSULTATIONS OF THE XYinTH CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIB RICHAED C, TEMPLE.
( Continued from p. 2B4.)
1793.— No. IiY.
The following Letters were written on the 13th Instant, to Major Kyd, the Agent for Fort
Marlbro% and the Register of the Nizamut Adawlut.
No, 1,
To Major Alexander Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir, — I have received your Letter of the 13th Instant, and laid it before the Board, who direct Me
to Acquaint you that you are Authorised to settle with Mr. Copestake for the Conveyance of one
hundred Men and one- thousand Bags of- Grain -in the- Yessel you-Montion to the Andamans, and
landing them at Port Cornwallis on the Terms to which you have reported him willing to agree.
Orders will be given for eighty Convicts to be held in readiness to embark in this Yessel ; and
you will be pleased to Acquaint Mr. Barlow tho Register to the Nizamut Adawlut, when She
will be prepared to receive them.
The Governor- General -in Council has mstrueted me to -advise you, in respect to Provisions that
there are in Store, under charge of Mr. Perreau, the Agent for Fort Murlbro’ 426 Bags of Bice
and 290 Bags of wheat, which were intended for that Residency, but could not be taken on board the
Ship that was to have carried them, and that, if the whole or any Part, of this Grain should, be found
of a Quality that will answer for the’ Convicts, Mr. Perreau is directed to deliver it over to your
Order.
You are desired to let me know whether you will require the whole, or any, and that Part of this
Store ; and upon receiving your Answer, I shall be able to judge of the Quantity of Rice in
Addition to DhoU, Ghee, and Salt which the Garrison Store Keq)er should provide, in such
ProportioEs pf each as you may point out. . ,
312
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Jtut, 1902.
The Governor General in Council further directs me to acquaint you that he approves of a small
Vessel being freighted for four Months, for the Andaman Station, the Nautilus Brig havinjr bee
employed on other Service ; and desues you to report to him, as you propose, before you make an
Agreement for the Hire. ' j an
I am &ca.
(Signed) E. Hay, Secry. to the Govt.
Council Chamber
14 Deer. 1793,
No. 2.
To B. Ii. Ferreau Esqre. Agent for Port Marlbro’.
Sir, I have received your Letter of the 5th Instant, transmitting a Copy of one written to von
0. bjfc 0 .^^^ tl» HonMb! i
Rgot, by which and the Memorandum annexed to it, it appears that 425 Bags of Rice and 290 Ba<rs
of wheat intended for the Residency at Fort Malbro’ have been returned from tliat Ship.
The Governor General in Council directs me to acquaint you that a small Supply of Grain bein»
required to be sent on a Vessel going to the Andamans, he desires that you will allow Major Kyd or
Xo Trr f Abovementioned, and if the whole any^ Pait of it
M^r KydWder^"'^^ ^ ^
The Remainder or so much as may not be taken by Major Kyd, is to be resold as you propose
and a Quantity, equal to that sent back from the Bigot may be pui-chased and dispatchTS
Benooolen when a proper Opportunity Offers. • aispargnea to
Council Chamber j
10th December 1793, g HayTecr^to the Govt.
No. 3,
To G. H. Barlow Esqre. Register to the Nizanmt Adawlut
such Convicts, the Board have passed a Resolution that they should be transported on thal Vesaef
f» ‘h! -» «r
4. T««i b. p„,»d « r. 'sr
Council Chamber
14th December 1793, /■«• m tr
(Signed) E. Hay Secry. to the Govt,
The secretary Acquaints the Board, that the Comwallio i, • i
Cornwallis, he sent the Sailing Orders to Lieutenant w i +i proceed to Port
him geaeraUy to attend to such further Instructions as h desiring
Superintendant, at that Settlement, ® receive from Major Kyd, the
1793. — No. LVI.
Read a Letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqre. Secretary to Government.
Sir, — I have received your letter of the Tr.o+„„i j .
Mr. Copestake for the freight of his Vessel to the A C treat} with
Board, for embarking the Convicts as soon ^®^® ^®»suresas directed by the
Marlbro’ is too fine a quality, for the Convicts^^^^r*^ prepared for Fort
q^ c y, the Convicts, but as both Rice and Wheat must be soon sent for the
July, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIDth CENTUEY.
813
use of the Settlement at the Andamans ; and as Mr. Copestake’s Vessel Tvill take a Considerable
large[r] quantity than what is necessary for the Convicts, I will prepare the usual indents on xhti
Garrison Store keeper, who may be directed to take the Grain from Mr. Perreau.
I beg you will Acquaint the Governor General in Council that I have taken Measures to hnd a
proper Vessel to be hired as a Transport and inclose a letter from Mr. Smith who offers the
Snow Daphne which Vessel I have examined and think her every w’ay fit for the Service, the terms
I also conceive to be very reasonable at this time, as the Vessel is larger and in every respect better
for the purpose than the Union which was formerly employed and the freight which was fixed by
some of the principal Merchants in Calcutta, is exactly the same. If the Board will therefore be
pleased to accept of Mr. Smith’s proposal I request that the necessary orders may be issued for Survey-
ing the Vessel, and making the Agreement with the Owner, which I imagine Should be done by the
Marine Pay Master to commence fiom the 1st of January next when the Vessel will be wanted.
As I am now considerably in advance for the expences of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis,
I request that the Board will be pleased to Order me an Advance of Ten Thousand Sicca Rupees on
Account, from which Sum I will pay Mr. Copestake his freight, and if the Board think it right I will
keep a Seperate Account, of all expences incurred for the Convicts, as well as Separate Indents on
the Garrison Store keeper for Provisions to be supplied for their use.
I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedt. humble Servt.
Calcutta (Signed) A. Kyd Superintendt. Andamans.
15th December 1793.
Enclosure*
Major A. Kyd.
Sir, — Having now made every necessary Enquiry concerning the Insurance &ca, I beg leave to
make an Ofier of the Snow Daphne to the Honble Company for the term of either 4 or 6 Months, to
be employed during that time in any manner they think proper.
She at present has 4 Carriages ? Guns 3 and 2 Pounders and 20 Musquets and Bayonets and will
be manned with 40 Men (Officers and Servants included) She is a good Sailer Coppered, not quite
3 years old and now in good Order and ready for Sea will carry 2500 Bags of Rice having worked
down in the S. W. Monsoon with 2450 on board and made a quick passage. She is able to mount
12 Carriage Guns if necessary.
In the Situation above mentioned I beg leave to make a Tender of her to the Honble Company
for Sicca Rupees Two thousand, five Hundred pr. Month and will take all Risks on myself (the War
Risk excepted), and in case she should happen to be taken by any Power at War with Great Britain
I propose to Value her at Sicca Rupees Eighteen Thousand.
I hope the above terms will not be found unreasonable, and if they should be approved of I
trust I shall give every Satisfaction to my Employers.
Calcutta I am &ca.
13tb December 1793. (Signed) Matthew Smith.
Ordered Upon the Subject of the 1st Paragraph of the Letter, dated the 15th Instant from
Major Kyd that the Garrison Store keeper be informed that there are in [charge] of Mr. Perreau
Agent for Fort Marlbro’ ; 425 Bags of Rice and 290 Bags of Wheat, that were intended for that
Settlement, but were returned from the Pigot, which was to have carried them, and that, if any of
this Grain should be found to be of a description and Quality that will answer, generally, for the
Andamans, or for the Convicts going thither, Mr. Perreau will deliver up the same to the Order of
the Garrison Storekeeper, to Assist in enabling him to Comply with Major Kyd’s Indents.
Ordered that Directions be sent Accordingly to Mr, Perreau.
314
THE INDIAN -ANTIQUAET.
[JtTLY, 1902.
UpoE the Subject of Mr. Smith’s Proposal, the Board detei-mine that the Daphne shall be sur-
veyed by the Master Attendant and Mr. Gillett, and their Eeport desired whether she be, in all
respects, a proper Yessell to be freighted by the Company as Transport for 4 or 6 Months, They
aie also to report \Yhat they judge to be her Value.
Agreed that an Order on the Treasury be issued, iu favor of Major Kyd, upon Account, and that
he be acquainted that the Board entirely approve of his keeping a seperate Account of all Expeiices
incurred for the Convicts, as well as of his mailing sei^erate Indents on the Garrison Store keeper
for Provisions to be supplied for their Use.
Fort Villiam 20th December 1793.
Head a Letter from Messieurs Thornhill and Gillet.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — In Obedience to the Orders of the Governor General in Council communicated to us in
your Letter of the 16th Date, 'We have Surveyed the Snow Daphne, and find her to be in good
Condition and in all Eespects a competent Vessel to be freighted by the Company for the Andaman
Station Her Burthen is 250 Bags and Stores 1800 in her Hold the tween (^sic) Decks being 6 feet
under the Beams make?' her very convenient for carrying Troops.
^Ve are of opinion that her Value is from 17 to 20 Thousand Sicca Eupees but that she would
not fetch so much at the resent period as there is so little Want of Shipping.
We are Sir Your most Obedient Servants
Marine Office (Signed) Cudbert Thornhill Master Attendt.
the 19th Deer. Gabl. Gillett.
Agreed that the Daphne Snow be freighted for the Andaman Service for the Period of 4 Months,
at the rate of 2500 Eupees per Mensem, and that Major Kyd be desired to conclude necessary
Agreement, in consequence, with the Owner of the Vessel.
1794. --No. L
Port William 3^? January 1794. The following Letter from Lieutenant Wells at Port
CornwaUis, was received, on the Ultimo, by the Seahorse, and Circulated for the Perusal
of the Members of the Board,
M!* Wells, 14^? December 1793,
To Edward Hay Esq^e Secretary to the Government General
Sir, — In the expectation that Major Kyd, Superintendant of the Andamans, will have
left the Presidency before this can be received, I do myself the honor to address you with my
Communication of this Settlement for the information of Government.
My last Letter to Major Kyd is under Date 23^? September pr the Union Snow Lieu-
tenant Boper, which sailed from hence the following day.
I am now necessitated to dispatch the Honble Company’s Brig Seahorse, without waiting
an arrival from Calcutta, principally for the purpose of expediting a further Supply of some
particular Articles of provision, for which I forward Indent to the Military Board. The Seahorse
having ill her last trip brought only half the quantities indented for, and the unexpected detention
of the Cornwallis Snow, have together reduced our Store to nearly an exhausted State. I am
theiefoie induced earnestly to request that this Vessell may be allowed to Sail again on her return,
ais soon as possible or we shall otherwise sensibly feel the want of these essential means of
subsistence, Should an earlier Conveyance offer by any oI the Eastward bound Traders, that would
undertake to touch at this Port, I beg leave to suggest the expediency of embracing such an
Opportunity, as the means of securing an important Convenience to the Settlement. Not knowing
July, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
315
what People or Stores Major Kyd may have left at Calcutta for a future Conveyaace, I ha-e
limitted my Indents to the Articles most pressingly requisite. If there be any Spare Room in the
Seahorse after providing for other particulars, I would Recommend that her Lading be complete.-!
with Rice and Dhall in equal quantities. And should there be Accommodation for more Passen-
gers, Coolies will be the Mo.st usefull Class to send.
Enclosed is my Account Current of Receipts and Desbursements up to the 31 of October
with the Documents Appertaining Marked No. 13 to 28, which I beg you will be pleased to lay
betore the Governor General in Council, at the same time remarking that the Arrears due to the
different Establishments of People now here for the Months of October and November, Amount
to Sonat Rupees Niue Thousand Eight hundred (9,800.0.0) and upwards ; and before the Seahorse
can return to us, will be more than double that Sum, so that Unless Major Kyd shall have embarked
with a supply of Gash, I imagine it will be thought proper to send it by this returning Yessell.
Twelve Thousand Sicca Rupees (S? Rs. 12,000.0.0) in Gold or Silver with the sums which may be
expected from Indimduals here for Bills on the Governor General in Council will, I conceive, be
Sufficient.
I have also enclosed a List of Bills drawn on the Governor General in Council since my last
Advice.
The Rainy Season seems to have terminated about the Middle of last Month
[November] and is Succeeded^ by favorable Weather, which has proved beneficial to the Health
of the People in general.. For a more particular Account of the Numbei-s of Sick in the Hospital
during September October and November, I beg leave to transmit the Surgeon M? Woods
Reports for those Mouths.
I have thought proper to send by this opportunity Thirteen persons whose ill State of Health
requires, in the Surgeon’s Opinion, removal from this place and I beg leave to trouble you with his
List, and particulars of their Cases,
I have the honor to be &c®
Port CornvraUis (Signed) Edmund Wells
14*? December 1793. temp? Charge of the Settlement.
Ordered that the Papers received from Lieutenant Wells be sent to the proper Offices, and
that the Secretary be directed to Communicate his Letter to Major Kyd.
1794 .— No. ir.
Fort William 20*? January 1794. Read a Letter from the Superinle'ndant at the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqf Secretary to Government.
gir I request yoU -frill be pleased to inform the Governor General in Oounoil, that the Daphne
snow has now got on board part of the last- Provisions and Stoves indented for by Lieut? Wells
for thi Settlement at the Andamans, and that part of the Detachment of Sepoys is also ready to
embark.
On this Yessel I find that Forty Convicts can be sent, and if the Board thinks fit, I beg that
they may be directed to be dehvered to me, when I shall apply f6r them to the Register of the
Niyamut Adawlut. ^ ^ Obed! hunffile Servant
Calcutta (Signed)
20*? January 1794. Supermtendant Andamans.
Agreed that Instructions be sent to the Register of the Nizamut Adawlut in Compliance with
the above request and that he be desired generally to attend to any similar Apphcation made to
him by Major Kyd,
S16
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[JrLT, 1902.
1794. — III.
Fort William 24tli January 1794. Read a Letter from the Assistant to the Commissary
; Stores.
’o Edward Hay EsqT Secretary to the Gevernment
Sir, — Enclosed I hare the honor to send you the Invoice & two Bills of Lading of the
hores sent on the Snow Daphne for the Andamans. A Copy also has been sent to the Military
loard.
I have the honor to he &ca
Fort William (Sig?) Tho? Auburey
23rd Jan>fy 1794. • Ass‘ Comss^ Stores.
Invoice of Stores Shipped on the Snow Daphne by order of Sir John Shore Bart.
Governor General &c? Captain Mathew Smith Commander for the Andamans and
goes consigned to the Commanding Officer there. Fort William 22* Jan*? 1794.
Hatchets Hand in one Mangoe Box ...
*4 4
•••
•••
... 150
Bills Hand in one D?
... ...
• 44
• m •
* • •
• • .
. • .
... 250
Axes Broad in two D? 6.17. 8
• 44
•••
•••
•••
... 100
Felling in two D?
5.13.12
444
*0*
...
•••
•••
... 100
Mamnties . in 8 bundles
16.14.12
444
• ••
•••
•••
... 200
Axes Pick in 2
3.35.12
» 44
•••
•••
•ft*
... 50
Kails Europe 8? 1 ^ Maunds 2
104 I 1 * 2 Bags 2
Halves [hafts ?] Mamuty ^
(
• • •
ftftft
• ••
... 200
ax Broad
Felling
!- in 9 bundles
• ••
• ••
•••
•••
•••
••ft
... 100
... 100
for Picks
i
• ••
••«
••.
•ft.
... 50
Pattans [ ? Rattans] Malacca in one bundle
• ••
• ••
...
•».
•••
... 10
Pitch
Single Barrels...
...
...
...
... 2
Bammer Raw China in 6 Casks Pattan [Rattan
?] Hoops
«•*
Md? 10
Blaneirons [ ? Planeirons]
•• •
444
...
...
...
. • •
... 10
Planes Plough
4*^
4 4 t
...
•ft.
•••
»••
... 1
Bead
• • • • 4 V
• 4*
•••
•••
•ft.
... 6
Rabbit
•••
444
* » •
•••
... 2
Chissels Mortice
444
•••
• I .
... 12
Brum Heads Country in one Mangoe Box
444
*•«
•ft*
•••
•ft.
... 10
Hoops
...
444
•••
•••
• ••
... 4
Files Handsaw ...
••• ...
444
•ft j
• •«
. • .
• ••
... 50
Pitsaw
*•« •••
444
•••
•••
. ••
f ••
... 50
Half round
•••
44 •
. • •
•••
. • •
... 40
Lines Log Europe
• •t *•»
• 44
«••
...
Skains 10
Saws Hand ...
• ••
4 44
. ••
• • .
••*
• * .
... 6
Twine Jute in 7 Bundles
•*»
4 44
•••
* . •
•• •
Md« 10
Package
Bags Gunny
.*• •••
44 4
•••
•••
•••
4
444 ^
Boxes Mangoe
. • ••
it •
...
• ••
ft*.
•••
... 7
Casks with Rattan hoops
«»•
444
•••
. ••
•••
...
... 6
Gunny Ohutties ...
••• •••
444
. •
•f •
. ft.
... 50
Jtjlt, 1902.]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTUET.
317
N&ils Europs ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• Scors 2
Okum ••• ••• ••• •«« D» 12
Hope Jute Lashings ••• ••• ••• ... Sbains 15
Twine Bengal •*« ... Seers 3
Es. a. p.
Shipping Charges .«• 3 3 4
(Signed) Tho* Auburey
Ass! Commissary Stores
Ordered that a Copy of the Above Invoice be delivered with one of the Bills of Lading to
Major Kyd to be sent to Lient‘ Wells who is in the temporary Charge of the Settlement at the
Andamans,
1794. — No. TV.
Port William 14 February 1794. Bead a Letter from the Superintendent at the Andamans.
Superiuteudant at the Andamans 14^1^ February.
To Edward Hay Esqr* Secretary to Government
gir^ I i)eg you will acquaint the Governor General in Council that the Seahorse Brig being
in jleadiness to Sail with part of the Detachment of Sepoys and twenty Convicts, and all the
Stores and provisions being embarked that I imagine we shall be in want of for Some time it is my
intention with the Boards permission of proceeding to ithe Andamans on that Vessel taking the
opportunity of the Convoy of the Indiamen now under dispatch to pass the Situation
where the greatest danger from Privateers may be expected.
Upon my arrival at port Cornwallis I Shall dispatch one of the Vessels for the remaining
part of the Convicts that I find we Shall be able to take this Season for which purpose, 1 have
left a small Detachment of the Sepoys under charge of Lieu! Sandys Fort Adjustant.
I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedient Servant
Calcutta
14a February 1794 Superintendant Andamans.
P. S. As all the Convicts enbarked are Hindoos, and cannot be prevailed upon to eat provisions
that is dressed on board, I have been obliged to indent on the Garrison Storekeeper, for dry pro-
visions for their Subsistanoe during the Passage and beg that he may have the Boards Authority for
Supplying it.
Agreed that the Orders, requested in the Postcript to the above Letter, be sent to the Garrison
Storekeeper and that notice thereof be transmitted to the Military Board.
The Secretary is directed to acquaint Major Kyd that the Permission he desires to proceed in
the Seahorse to the Andamans is granted, and the Secretary to the Government is informed that he
is to give the usual Sailing Orders to the Commander of the Seahorse Brig, referring him to Major
Kyd for further Instructions.
1794. — No. V.
Fort WiUiam 21«* February 1794. Bead again a Letter from the Superintendant at
the Andamans, dated the 1®* and recorded on the Proceedings of the 7‘! of October 1793.
Ordered that a Copy of Major Kyd’s Letter be sent to the MiUtary Auditor General with the
following Information, relative to the Accounts of the Andaman EstabHshment for the three first
Months of Major Kyd’s Superintendance.
318 THE IIvDIAN AKTIQUART. [July, 1902.
That the first Item in his Account Current for Cash adranced to Captain Blair, on the Applica-
t^vs of the latter, to enable him to pav up the Establishment to the Period when Major Kyd took
charge of it is to be passed. Captain Blair having given Credit for the Sum in his Accounts which
luive been passed and allowed.
That the second Item in Major Kyd's Account Current being for a Variety of small Articles,
declared to be necessary for the Settlement at the Andamans is also to be passed under Major Kyd’s
Attestation that the Charge is just and corresponding with the Account of Particulars which he has
furiiislied.
With respect to the third Item, this is to be likewise passed, under the Explanation delivered
l>y Maior Kvd and the Militaiy Auditor General is to be informed that the Beach Master and
Assistant and the Boat Lascars entered on the Returns, were authorized as an increase to the
Estal'dishment, by a Resolution that was passed subsequent to the 18*^? of February 1793.
As to the 4, 5, 6, 7 & 8 Articles, alluded to in Major Kyd’s Letter, they are to be passed ; and
the Military Auditor General is to be acquainted, on the Subject of the 5*^ that it was the Boai*d s
Intention, that Major Kyd should draw the Military Allowances of the Superior Rank, for Instance,
on his first appointment, when he held the Rank of Captain he was entitled to draw the Batta of a
Major, and afterwards, when he was promoted to the Rank of Major he became entitled to the
Batta of Lieut* Colonel,
The 9“.^ Article does not require any Order upon it being to be passed of Course.
The Board agree that the Military Auditor General shall be authorized to pass the last Article
of Charge, made bv Major Kyd, being for his Agent’s Cammission on a Draft for 5000 Rs. the
Amount of Cash paid into his Treasure Chest by sevaral Individuals, this Charge having at the Time
been admitted tho’ precluded for the future, by a different Mode of drawing Bills having been
Established for the Superintendant’s Guidance.
Agreed that Major Kyd be instructed to transmit in future, all his documents and Charges of
whatever kind and in whatever Department, exepting those of a trivial Nature for which it may be
impracticable for him to produce the V ouchors (the latter being to be sent direct to the Governor
General in Council with the necessary Explanations) to the Military Auditor General who is to
be furnished with Copies of all Letters from Major Kyd and Authorities given to him relative to hia
Charges and Establishment, and will transfer to the proper Department, at the Close of the Year,
sueii Items of Charge as do not appertain Strictly to the Military Accounts.
1794. — No. VI.
Fort William 27*? March. 1784. The following Letter was received on the 26*? Instant, by
the Snow Daphne, from Major Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans.
Superintendant of the Andamans dated 11*? March 1794,
To Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government
Sir, — I have to acquaint you for the information of the Honble the Governor General in Council
that I arrived here on the Sea Horse Brig on the 1®> of this Month having made a very Quick
passage — I had the Satisfaction to find every work at the Settlement, in a greater State of
forwardness, than I could have expected considering the Great Sickness that has prevailed
Amongst Every class of People and I am sorry to say that there is yet a very large proportion of
Sick but principally Amongst the Europeans & Lascars of the Artillery Detachment, which lately
arrived as the Settlement is now very much encreased and as the Surgeon has great fears, that there
will still be a greater Number of Sick during the app[r]o[a]ching Rainy Season, he foresees that the
Duty will be to[o] much for one person, there, more especially as he has himself been subject to
an entermitting fiver, which he lias not been able to Shake off I have to request therefore that you
JlTLT, 1902 .]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
319
will represent to the Board the necessity of sending another Surgeon to remain here during the
Rainy Months, and as it is a matter of consequence to trace the Cause of this great Sickness, I hope
they will think it expedient to pitoh upon a person, of professional reputation and experience,
I have the pleasure to acquaint you that the different vessels with the Convicts arrived Safe,
and that these people have condeund [ ! conducted] themselves, in the most orderly Manner, attaching
themselves to labour with the greatest good will,
I now Dispatch the Daphne Snow for Sixty More convicts and the remainder of the
Detachment of Sepoys, and have indented on the Garrison Store Keeper, for four months Provisions
for that Number of convicts as also for a small proportion of provisions for the Settlement.
I beg you will represent to the Board that we feel very much the want of a public Agent in
Calcutta who would take the Care of procuring the V arious classes of people we want from time to
time to take Charge of Sepoys and others that may have occasional leave of absence, and to procure
them passages on their return as also to furnish and send down a great variety of small articles, which
cannot be procured in the Company’s Stores Lieutenant Sandys Port Adjutant of Port
William is from his Situation a fit person, and from his great attention and readiness at busi-
ness, would be very agreeable to me but as it will be imposing on him much additional trouble, as
well as the necessity of employing some additional Servants, I think it would be just that he had some
allowance for performing this Duty.
Accompanying is a List of Sick people that the Surgeon has thought necessary to recommend
being sent to Bengal on the Daphne, as he has no hopes of their recovery here, as well as some
People who have Furloughs and different artificers and Labourers who have appUed for their
Discharge.
There is also a List of Bills of Exchange for Sums that I have received into the Treasury which
I have been necessitated to draw at 15 Days Sight as I have found that people would rather send up
their Money by the Vessels than receive Bills at one Months Sight as prevented [? provided] by the
Board as however it is of [[? for] your convenience to Keep as much of the Cash here as possible, to
save the trouble and risk of sending it frequently down I hope that this diviation will be admitted of,
I have the honor to be Sir Your Most obedient bumble Servant
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A. Kyd
IQth March 1794. Superintendant Andamans.
List of Passengers directed to proceed Daphne to Bengal.
3 Sepoys 2 Women
2 Sirdars )
33 Coolies j 2 Women
1 Serang 1
2 Lascars of Artillery )
4 Chittagong Lascars
1 Potter
1 Fisherman 2 Women
1 Washerman
48 Men
6 Women
54 Total
Port Cornwallis
March 9^^ 1794.
(Signed) A. Kyd
Superintendant, Andamans.
THE lEBUN ANTIQUARY* [July, 3902.
List of the Sick recommended for a Passage to Bengal.
Sudial Seapoy
* ft •
Scorbutic
Serang Artillery Lascars
ft ft*
Hater fiver [?]
Gumanic Artillery Lascar
• ft*
Pthis is Pellononalis [Phthisis pectoralis ?]
Hutcha Artillery Lascar
* « •
Scorbutic
Suvari Washerman
ft*
Scorbutic
Sunessie Coolie., ,
• ••
Foul ulcer on left leg, Scorbutic
Oochal Coolie
• « •
• m*
Induration [induration] of Speun [ ? Spleen ]
Rawron Coolie ...
««•
• ft •
Diar shoa [Diarrhoea] general Debility
Msngoo Coolie,,.
Feverish general Debility
Hingan Coolie
Flux
Bawanie Sing Coolie
• fl •
Inflamation of Eyes
Ganpaul Coolie
general Debility
Modoo Coolie ...
• ft*
Scorbutic
Harrow Coolie ...
• •ft
Scorbutic
Luchan Coolie ...
•#•
Scorbutic
Nawagie Coolie
• ••
Flux
Sitaram Coolie Sup<^* ...
• ••
General DIbility
Nemoo Coolie
General Dibility
Nemy Coolie
• ••
General Dibility
Meroi Coolie ...
Scorbutic
Nunno Coolie
* ••
• ••
General Debility
Rafick Coolie ...
ft ft ft
Drop[s]ical
Ramdass Coolie
ft*ft
Superannuted
Port Cornwallis (Signed) D. Wood
the March 1T94, Actf in a Medical Capacity*
Ordered that a Copy of the first Paragraph of Major Kyd’s Letter Dated the Instant,
be sent to the Hospital Board, and that they be desired to recommend an assistant Surgeon, properly
qualified, to be appointed to Port Cornwallis*
Ordered that the Secretaiy be direct to send Notice to the Judicial Department that the
Daphne Snow will be ready to receire on Board Sixty more Convicts, in a few Days, and that the
necessary Directions must be given for sending them to the Andamans. The Adjutant General is
also to be advised that the Remainder of the Detachment of Sepoys for Poi-t Cornwallis may embark
in the Daphne, which will Sail for the Settlement in a Week or Ten Days from his Receipt of the
Notice.
Agreed that the Suggestion in Major Kyd’s Letter, relatiye to the appointment of a Public
agent for the Andamans shall be over for the present.
Ordered that Copies of the Lists of Passangers per Daphne, — and, of the Sick recommended
to be sent to Bengal, be transmitted to the Town Major, and that the List of the Bills of Exchange,
which are to be Duly honoured be forwarded to the Accountant General, with a Copy of the last
Paragraph of Major Kyd's Letter relative to them.
Bead a Letter and its Enclosures from the Garrison Store Keeper*
Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Having received two Indents Copies whereof are enclosed, for a Supply of Provisions for the
use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, and for 60 Convicts expected to be sent there on the
July, 1902,]
THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIItii CENTURY.
Daphne, I request that you will advise the Governor General in Council thereof, aud commuxdcate lo
me his orders whether the Indents shall he complied with.
I have the honor to ho
(jarrison S. E Office G, A, Robinson
26th March 1794. 3 -,
Indent No. 6 .
To George Robinson Esqf Garrison Store Kee}»er.
Names of Stores. j ^ Purposes for which wanted. ’
Rice
Maunds
525
For 4 Aloiiths Subsistence to 60 Con-|
Doll
,. ... do.
victs expected at Port Comwallis'
180
for the Snow Daphne.
Glioe ..
. ... do.
42
Salt
... do.
36
Port Cornwallis (Signed) Edmund Wells
March 9^? 1794. Commissary of Provisions.
A true Copy G. A, Robinson G. S. Kr
Indent No. 5.
To Lieut. George Robinson Garrisoa Store Keeper Fort William,
Total r 0 c<i.
Since May
1793 .
Balance
1 lemaiaing
motion [?j
1
■
Articles
Indented
for
^ For what
; purpose
j wanted.
Admitted
by the
Board,
Mds.
Mds.
Mds.
i
For the!
Subsistence
Rice Maunds
17C6
400
of the Set-
tiers at the
Dholl do.
530
100
Andamans.
Ghee do.
130
20
Salted Meat, Tines [? junks]
6
1
4
I do hereby Certify that the Articles Specified 011 this Indent are iudispensible necessary for the
purpose abovementioned after the most careful Examination*
Port Cornwallis (Sig?) B. Wells,
l»t March 1794. Comms^y of Provision,
A true Copy (Sig*?) G. A. Robinson G. S. Kt
Agreed that the Garrison Store Keeper be directed to Comply with the above Indents,
and Ordered that the Notice of the Authority given to him for doing so, be sent to the Military
Board.
(To be continued.)
320
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Jtjlt, 3902,
List of the Sick recommeiided for a Passage to Bengal.
Sudial Seapoy ...
• •a
• aa
Scorbutic
Serang Artillery Lascars
•
Huter fiver [?]
Gumanic Artillery Lascar
• ••
Pthis is Pellononalis [Phthisis pectoralis ?]
Hutcha Artillery Lascar
• a*
Scorbutic
Suvari Washerman
• aa
Scorbutic
Sunessie Coolie...
at •
Foul ulcer on left leg, Scorbutic
Oochal Coolie ...
« • «
aa#
Induration [induration] of Speun [ ? Spleen j
Rawron Coolie ...
a « •
Diar sboa [Diarrhoea] general Debility
Mangoo Coolie ...
aaa
Feverish general Debility
Hingan Coolie ...
aaa
Flux
Bawanie Sing Coolie
• • •
•a#
• a*
Inflamation of Eyes
Ganpaul Coolie...
• • •
aaa
general Debility
Modoo Coolie ...
• «*
aaa
Scorbutic
Harrow Coolie ...
• • •
• aa
Scorbutic
Luchan Coolie ...
» ••
•aa
Scorbutic
Nawagie Coolie
aaa
Flux
Sitaram Coolie Sup^?
• • •
aa»
aaa
General Dibility
Nemoo Coolie ...
aaa
General Dibility
Nemy Coolie
aa«
aaa
General Dibility
Meroi Coolie ...
• ««
Scorbutic
Nunno Coolie ...
» aa
aaa
General Debility
Rafick Coolie ...
a««
aaa
Drop[s]ical
Ramdass Coolie
aaa
Superannuted
Port Oorn’wallis (Signed) D. Wood
the 5*% March 1794. Act? in a Medical Capacity.
Ordered that a Copy of the first Paragraph of Major Kyd’s Letter Dated the 10^?^ Instant,
he sent to the Hospital Board, and that they be desired to recommend an assistant Surgeon, properly
qualified, to be appointed to Port Cornwallis.
Ordered that the Secretary be direct to send Notice to the Judicial Department that the
Daphne Snow will be ready to receive on Board Sixty more Convicts, in a few Days, and that the
necessary Directions must be given for sending them to the Andamans, The Adjutant General is
also to be advised that the Remainder of the Detachment of Sepoys for Port Cornwallis may embark
in the Daphne, which will Sail for the Settlement in a Week or Ten Days from his Receipt of the
Notice.
Agreed that the Suggestion in Major Kyd’s Letter, relative to the appointment of a Public
agent for the Andamans shall be over for the present.
Ordered that Copies of the Lists of Passangers per Daphne, — and of the Sick recommended
to be sent to Bengal, be transmitted to the Town Major, and that the List of the Bills of Exchange,
which are to be Duly honoured be forwarded to the Accountant General, with a Copy of the last
Paragraph of Major Kyd’s Letter relative to them.
Bead a Letter and its Enclosures from the Garrison Store Keeper.
Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Having received two Indents Copies whereof are enclosed, for a Supply of Provisions for the
use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, and for 60 Convicts expected to be sent there on the
JULT, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
Daphne, I request that you will advise the Governor General in Council thereof, and communicate to
me his orders whether the Indents shall be complied with.
I have the honor to be
Garrison S. Office (Sig?) G. A. Robinson
26th March 1794. Gharri. S.
Indent NTo. 6.
To George Robinson Esq^ Garrison Store Keeper.
Names of Siores.
Articles
ioidenied for
Purposes for which wanted*
Admitted hy the
Board.
Rice
...
... Maunds 525
Doll
...
... do. 180
Ghee
..a
... do. 42
Salt
... do. 36
For 4 Months Subsistence to 60 Con-
victs expected at Port Cornwallis
for the Snow Daphne.
Port Cornwallis ioigned)
March 9t?» 1794. Cod
A true Copy G. A. Robinson G, S. Hr
Indent No. 6.
To Lieut. George Robinson Garrison Store Keeper Port William
(Signed) Edmund Wells
Commissary pf Provisions.
Total rec*^.
Since May
1793.
Balance
remaining
motion [?j
Articles
Indented
for
For what Admitted
purpose by the
wanted. Board.
Mds.
Mds.
Mds.
For the
Subsistence
1766
400
of the Set-
tlers at the
530
100
Andamans.
130
20
1
6
4
Rice Maunds
moll do.
Ghee do.
Salted Meat, Tines [? junks]
I do hereby Certify that the Articles Specified on this Indent arc indispensible necessary for the
purpose aboTementioned a^tor the most careful Examination.
Port Cornwallis (Sig?) B. Wells,
March 1794. CommS'J of Provision.
A true Copy (Sig?) G. A. Robinson G, S. KT
Agreed that the Garrison Store Keeper be directed to Comply w'ith the above Indents,
and Ordered that the Notice of the Authority giveu to him for doing so, be sent to the Military
Board.
(To he continued.)
322
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[July, 1902.
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OF ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHAELES PAETEIDGE, M.A.
( Continued from p, 291. J
Clima ; s. 150) ii, 3 times, 152, i, 778, i, s. v.
Agar-agar, 5. ii, a. r. Amoy, 12, i, s. t\ Apricot,
24, i, 5. V. Bahaudar, 36, ii, 37, i, s. v. Bamd,
42, i, s. V. Baros, 58, i, s. v. Bear-tree,
58, i, s. V. Beecli-de-Mer, 59, i, twice, s. i\
Bonze, 79, i. s. v. Boy, 83, i, s. i\ Bungalow,
98, ii, s. V. Butler-English, 102, ii, s. v.
Camphor, 116, i, twice, s. v. Cangne, 120, i
and ii, twice, b. v. Canton, 121, ii, 8, v. Cash,
128, i, s. i\ Cathay, 133, ii, 5 times, s. v. Catty
(a) , 134, ii, s. v, Cayolaque, 136, ii, s. v.
Chick, 147, ii, s. v. China-Buckeer, 153, i,
s. V. China-Root, 153, i,s. y. Chinchew, 153, ii,
t\ Chop, 160, i and ii, s. v. Chow-chow,
164, ii, 8. i\ Compound, 187, ii and footnote,
s. Compradore, 188, ii, twice, s, v. Cooly,
192, i and ii, s. v. Covid, 207, ii, s. i\
Cowry, 208, i, s. v. Crape, 212, ii, twice,
s, V, Curaquot, 216, ii, s. v. Datchin,
230, ii, s, i\ Factory, 264, ii, 5. t\ Galle,
Point de, 275, i, s. v. Gingall, 285, ii, s. i\
Ginseng, 288, i and ii, s. v. Grass-cloth, 301,
i, 8, Hong, 320, ii, s. v. Hong-boat, 321, i,
i, V. India, 330, ii, 5. r. Jade, 339, ii, s, i\
Jaggery, 340, ii. s. t\ Japan, 344, i, s. v.
Joss-house, 354, i, s. v» Kittysol, 371, i, s. i\
Kowtow, 376, i, twice, s, v, Lanteas, 385,
i, s. ?\ Laos, 385, i, s. i\ Lee, 391, i, s, v.
Leechee, 391, i, twice, s. v. Likin, 393, ii,
s. V. Linguist, 395, i, s, v. Loot, 396, ii, s. v.
Loquot, 397, ii, 8 times, 5. v. Lorcha, 397, ii,
398, i, Lou tea, 398, ii, 399, i, 5. i\ Mace
(b) , 404, ii, 5. V, Macbeen, 405, i (3 times)
and ii (7 times), s. v, Malay, 416, ii, s, i\
Mandarin, 420, ii, 421, i, s. z?. Mandarin Lan-
guage, 422, i, twice, s. v. Manilla-man, 427, i,
s. t\ Maskee, 429, ii, s. v, Mort-de-chien, 451,
ii, 5 . V, Mugg, 455, i, s. v. Muster, 462, ii,
s, V. Nankeen, 471, ii, twice, s, v. Nanking,
472, i, V. Old Strait, 484, ii, s. v. Opium, 489,
i, s. V. Orange, 490, ii, Padre, 496, ii, s, v.
Pagoda, 498, i and ii, s. i\ Pantbay (B), 511, i,
s, V. Persimmon, 530, ii, twice, s, i\ Polo,
544, ii, s* V. Putchock, 564, ii, twice, $. v,
Quedda, 567, ii, s. v. Roc, 579, i, s. v.
Sampan, 596, ii, s. v. Samshoo, 596, ii, s, v.
Saul-wood, 603, i, s, v. Shan, 622, i, twice,
s. i\ Shanbaff, 623, ii, s. v. Shoe of Gold, 628,
ii, s. V. Shroff, 629, ii, s. v. Sling, 642, ii, s. v.
Suclat, 653, i, s. v. Sumatra, 657, ii, s. v. Sycee,
673, ii, 8, V. Tael, 675, ii, s. v. Tea, 688, ii, 689,
i, 3 times, see 720, i, footnote, twice, 5. v.
Typhoon, 722, ii, twice, s. v. Varella, 738,
ii, 8. V. Calash, 771, i 5 . v. Delhi, 788, ii, s. v.
Musk-Rat, 827, ii, s. v. Numerical Affixes,
831, ii, 832, i, s. v. Praya, 845, ii, s. i\ Teapoy,
862, i ; ann. 641 : s. v. Maoheen, 405, ii ;
ann. 798 : s. v. Kowtow, 376, ii ; ann. 851 !
8. 27. 152, i. 5. V. Tea. 689, i, s. v. Tibet,
698, ii, twice; ann. 910 : s. z?. Tibet, 698, ii,
twdce; ann. 930: s. i\ Oojyne, 487, i ; ann.
943, s. 27. Java, 347, ii; 11th cent. : s. v. 151,
ii; ann. 1150: s. i\ Diul-Sind, 247, ii ; aim.
1200; s. 27. Mamiran, 419, ii; ann. 1205:
s. V, India, 332, i; ann. 1224 : s. v. Java,
348, i, twice; ann. 1273: s. v. Malay, 416,
ii; ann. 1275: s. i\ Ceylon, 138, ii ; ann.
1800 : s, 27. Junk, 360, ii, s. i\ Macheen, 405,
ii; ann. 1387 : s. 2-’. Ceylon, 776, ii; ann,
1342 : s. V. Kincob, 369, i, s, v. Pudipatan,
557, i ; ann. 1343 : s. i\ Maund, 431, ii, s. v.
Paiidarani, 508, ii, s. v. Shanbaff, 623, ii, s. v.
Zamorin, 745, ii ; ann. 1345 : s. i\ Cobily
Mash, 172, i ; ann. 3,346 ; $. t\ Coir, 180, ii ;
anu. 1347 : s.v. Macheen, 406, i ; ann. 1349 :
8. v. Ohetty, 145, i ; ann. 1404 : s. v. Gaffer,
770, i ; ann. 1506 : s. 27. Camphor, 117 i; ann.
1516 : s. 27. Champa, 140, i, s. v. 152, i, r.
Lewchew, 392, ii, s, v. Malacca, 416, i, s. v.
Opium, 489, i and ii, s. 27. Pedir, 523, i, s. 27.
Sunda, 659, ii, s. 2 ?. Canton, 772, i, twice ; ann.
1520 : s. 27. Putchock, 564, ii, 665, i ; ann. 1526 ;
s. 27. Sunda, 659, ii; ann, 1530 : s. v. 152, i ;
ann. 1535 : s. v. Camboja, 115, ii, s. 27 . Canton,
121, ii, s. 27. Cochin-China, 174, i ; ann. 1540 :
8, 27. Chopsticks, 162, i, s. v* Liampo, 393, i;
ann. 1543 : 5 , 27 . Cochin-China, 174, ii, twice;
ann. 1552: s. 2 ?. Camboja, 115, ii, s. 27 .
Champa, 140, ii ; s. v. Mandarin, 421, ii ;
ann. 1553 : s. r. Japan, 344, ii, s. 27. Lewchew,
392, ii, 27. i\ Liampo, 393, i, s. v, Malacca,
416, i, s. V. Nanking, 472, ii, s. 27. Porcelain,
* JtTLY, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON
823
549, i, 5. V. Zirbad, 750, i, s. v. Summerliead,
857, i ; ann. 1554 : s. v. Jeetiil, 349, ii, s.
Pecul, 523, i, 842, ii; aim. 1556 i s. v. Nan-
king, 472, ii; ann. 1560 : s. v. Laos, 385, ii,
s. V, Lontea, 399, i, s, v. Porcelain, 549, ii ;
ann. 1563: s. v. 152, i, 3 times, s. v. China-
Koot, 153, i, 3 times, s. v. Leechee, 391, i,
3 times, s. v. Pntcliock, 565, i, s. v. Zedoarj,
747, ii, 8, V, Darcheenee, 788, i ; ann. 1566 :
s, V. Shoe of Gold, 628, ii ; ann. 1567 : s. v.
152, ii, s. V. Maccao (a), 402, i ; ann. 1572 :
s, V. Japan, 344, ii, twice; ann. 1584 : s. y.
Borneo, 81, i, s. v, Sncket, 652, ii ; ann.
1587 : s. V. Jangomay, 343, ii, twice ; ann.
1590 : s. V. Bonze, 79, ii, s. v. Camphor, 117,
i ; ann. 1598 : 8. v. Bahar, 36, i, 8. v, Cathay,
134, h s. V, Cochin-China, 174, ii, s. v. China-
Root, 153, ii, 8, V. Lontea, 399, i, s. v. Man-
darin, 421, ii,s.2?. Pardao, 841, ii; ann. 1602:
s. V, Macao (a), 402, i; ann. 1611 : s. v. Shoe
of Gold, 628, ii, s. v. Tea, 690, i ; ann. 1614 ;
y. Peking, 526, i, 8, e?. Varella, 733, ii, twice ;
ann. 1615 : s. v. Lewchew, 392, ii, twice, s. v.
Porcelain, 549, ii *, ann. 1616 ; s. v. Hokchew,
320, ii ; ann, 1618 : s. v. Lontea, 820, i, twice ;
ann. 1621 : 8. v. Galgal, 799, ii ; ann. 1634:
s. V, Cathay, 134, i ; ann. 1644 : s. v. Tootna-
gue, 711, i; ann. 1652 : s. v. Cochin-China,
174, ii ; ann. 1660 : s. v. Tea, 690, i ; ann.
1665: 8, V, Macheen, 821, i; ann. 1673:
s. zj. Gombroon, 295, i, 8. Pigdann, 536, i ;
ann. 1675 : 8. v. Tootnagne, 711, i • ann.
1687; 5. V. Amoy, 12, ii, s. v, St. John's Island
(b), 591, ii; ann. 1701: 8. v, Liampo, 819,
i; ann, 1704 : 8. v. Shoe of Gold, 629,
i ; ann. 1711 : 8. v- Perpetuano, 843, i; ann.
1721: 8. V. Typhoon, 724, i; ann. 1727:
s. V. Burma, lOl, i, s, v. Candy (Sugar-), 120,
i, s. V. Pntchock, 565, i, s. v, Singapore, CB7, i,
8. V, Tical, 699, ii, s. z?. Tootnagne, 711, i, 8. t\
Typhoon, 724, i ; ann. 1736 : s. Pagoda, 501,
i ; ann. 1748 : s. v. Shampoo, 621, ii; ann,
] 750-52 : 8. v. Gong, 295, ii ; ann. 1755 and
1763: 8, V, Mnnneepore, 827, i; ann.
1766 : 8, V. Bandeja, 760, ii ; ann. 1774 : s.
Sling, 642, ii; ann. 1776 : s. v. Respondentia,
577, i ; ann. 1778 : s. v. Moonga, 444, ii ;
ann. 1780; s. v, Typhoon, 724, i; ann. 1732 :
8, V, Outcry, 834, i ; ann. 1783: s, v. Bank-
shall (a), 47, i, s. Swallow, 671, i ; ann.
1789 : V, Tea, 690, ii; ann. 1790 : 8, v.
Masulipatam, 429, ii ; ann. 1793; s. v,
Burma, 101, i, s. v. Sling, 643, i, s, v. Mun-
neepore, 827, i ; ann. 1794-5; s,v, Calay,
111, ii, twice; ann. 1795 ; s. t’. Chin-chin,
154, ii ; ann. 1797 : 8, v. Nankeen, 471, ii ;
ann. 1810: s. v. Sugar, 656, i; ann. 1838 :
s. V, Nankeen, 472, i ; ann. 1840 : 8, Dam,
787, ii ; ann. 1860 : s. Old Strait, 485,
i ; ann. 1862 : s. t), Pntchock, 565, i ; ann.
1866 : 8. V, Pucka, 556, i ; ann. 1871 : s. v,
Cathay, 134, i, twice; ann. 1873 : s. z?, Cooly,
193, ii ; ann. 1875 : s. v. Camphor, 117, i ;
ann. 1876: s. z?. Cash, 129, i; ann..l883:
s. V, Seven Sisters, 616, i.
China [ = Chinese] ; ann, 1615 : s, v. Kittysol,
371, ii; ann. 1618: s. v. Abada, 2, i; ann.
1623 : s. V. Nacoda, 469, i; ann. 1759: s. y.
Kittysol, 371, ii ; ann. 1782: s. v. Slave,
856, ii.
China; 151, ii, footnote; ann. 1128: s. v.
China, 151, ii,
China Backaarj ann. 1727 : s. v» Syriam,
674, i.
China-Buckeer ; s. y. 153, i; ann. 1727 : s, v,
Syidam, 674, i.
China-closet ; ann. 1600 : s. v, China, 152, ii.
China cups ; ann. 1573 : s. y. Co^ee, 179, i.
China dish; 8, y. China, 778, i; ann. 1530:
5 . V, China, 152, i ; ann. 1608-9 : s. y. China,
152, ii.
China-dishes ; s. v, China, 152, i, twice ; ann.
1579 : s. y. China, 152, ii,
China dishes ; s. y. China, 152, i ; ann. 1328 :
s. V, Porcelain, 548, ii ; ann. 1579, 1590,
1603 and 1615: s. v, China, 152, ii ; ann.
1650 : 8, y. Porcelain, 549, ii.
China drugs ; ann. 1224 : s. y. Java, 348, i.
China, Gates of; ann. 1540 : s, y. Liampo,
393, i.
China, Great ; ann. 1300 : s. v. Macheen, 405,
ii ; ann. 1520 : s. y. Nanking, 472, i.
China-honse ; ann. 1609 ; s. y. China, 152, ii,
China Ink ; ann. 1688 : s. y. Parabyke, 512, ii,
China, Little ; ann. 1349 ; s, i\ Shinkali, 627, ii.
Chinam ; ann. 1673 and 1689 ; s. y. Chunam,
168, i.
China Orange ; s. v. Lime, 394, i ; ann. 1702 :
s, V. Shoe of Gold, 628, ii,
Chinapatam ; s, v, 153, ii, 778, i, twice.
China Patam ; ann. 1727 : s. y. Madras, 407, ii,
Ohinapatan ; 153, ii, footnote.
324
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[July, 190 * 2 .
Chinapatnam ; ann. 1672 : s, v, Havildar, 806,
ii ; aau. 1680 ; s. v, Cowle, 7 85, ii ; ann.
1726 : Madras, 407, ii.
Chinar ; s, v, Cheenar, 143, i, 4 times ; ann.
1817 ; s, V, Cheenar, 143, ii.
Ohina-Eoot ; s, t\ 153, i ; ann. 1563, 1590 and
1598 : s. r, 153, i.
Chinas ; 5 . v. China, 150, ii.
China-satten ; ann. 1680 : s, v. Porcelain, 549, ii.
China Sea ; ann. 1343 : s. v. Junk, 360, in
China Seas ; ann, 1727 ; s. i\ Governor’s Straits,
299, i.
China Shop Woman; ann. 1747: 5 , 2 ?. China,
152, ii.
China silk ; ann, 1579 : s. z\ China, 152, ii.
China stick ; s, i\ Darcheenee, 788, i.
Chinaur ; ann. 1783 : 5 . e?. Cheenar, 143, ii.
China valli ; 151, ii, footnote.
China \Yar ; s. v, Bombay Marine, 78, ii.
China-Trare ; 5 . t\ Porcelain, 548, i and ii, s, v.
Sneaker, 644, ii ; ann. 1224 : s. v» Java, 348,
i ; ann. 1347 : s. z\ Maclieen, 406, i : ann.
1350 : s, V, China, 152, i ; ann, 1711 : s, v,
China, 152, ii.
China-woman ; ann, 1609 : s, v, China, 152, ii.
China-wood ; ann, 1665 ; s. v, Mamiran, 419, ii.
China, wood of ; ann, 1563 : 5 . v. Darcheenee,
788, i.
Chinee; ann. 1673 : s, r. Ohints, 155, i.
Chinch : s. v, Chints, 154, ii.
Chinche ; s, v. Chints, 155, i; ann. 1616 : s. z\
Ohints, 155, i.
Chinchera ; ann. 1684 : $, v, Cliinsura, 778, i.
Chincheo ; s, v, Chinchew, 153, ii, 3 times; ann.
1517*: s. V. Chinchew, 154, i ; ann. 1602 : s. v,
Typhoon, 723, ii ; ann. 1616 : s, v, Sappan-
wood, 600, ii,
Ohincheos ; s. v, Chinchew, 154, i ; ann. 1613 :
s, V. Compound, 188, i.
Chincheu ; ann. 1609 : s. y. Cash, 128, ii.
Chinchew ; s. v', 153, ii, twice.
Chin-chew ; s. v. Satin, 602, i.
Chinchi ; 5 , v. Ginger, 286, ii.
Chin-chin ; $, v, 154, i, twice ; ann. 1829 and
1880 (twice) : a. z?. 154, ii.
.Chin Chin ; arm. 1253 : s. v. Chin-chin, 154, i ;
ann. 1795 (twice) : $, v. Chin-chin, 154, ii.
Chin-chin joss ; 5 . v. Chin-chin, 154 , 1
Ohinchura ; ann. 1727 : a. z?. Chinsura, 154, ii,
27. Hoogly, 322, i.
Chinchurat ; ann. 1705 : a. Chinsura, 154, ii.
Chindy Pillary ; ann. 1716 : s.i\ Sallabad, 594, i.
Chine; ann. 1013: s. v. Jam, 809, ii ; ann.
1610: s, V. Budgrook, 92, ii ; ann. 1771:
5 . i\ Zend, 869, ii.
Chinechuras ; s. v. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Chinese ; 5 . v, Burma, 101, i.
Chinese Beer ; ann. 1684 : s. v. Samshoo, 853, i.
Chinese Chestnut; aim, 1684: s, v, Leechee,
391, ii.
Chineses; ann. 1540 : s, v. Liampo, 393, i ; ann.
1570 : 5 . V. Macao (a), 402, i.
Chinese Sea : ann. 1635 : 5 . v, Acheen, 3, ii.
Chinesian ; ann. 1610 : s. t\ Malay, 417, i.
Chingala ; aim. 1616 : 5 . v. Modelliar, 435, i.
Chingalay ; ann. 1583 : s, v, Singalese, 636, i.
Chingalayes ; ann. 1681: s. v, Veddas, 736, i.
Chingalhatt ; ann. 1680 : s. z?. Roocka, 850, ii.
Chingalla ; ann, 1612 : a. z?. Singalese, 636, i.
Chingalla ; ann. 1552 : a. t\ Singalese, 636, i.
ann. 1553 : s. v, Gallo, Point de, 275, i, twice.
Chingalla,? ; ann. 1553 : s z\ Galle, Point de, 275, i.
Chingaree ; a. i\ Zingari, 749, ii,
Chingari ; s, i\ Zingari, 749, ii,
Ch’ing-ch’ing ; s. v. Chin-chin, 154, i.
Chingee ; ann. 1769 : s, v, Mahratta, 410, i,
Chinghiz 5 5 . Huzara (a), 328, i,s. z?. Nanking,
472, i, s. Z7. Nokar, 481, i, s. v, Peking, 525, ii,
Chinghiz Kaan ; ann. 1280 : s, v, Moochnlka,
443, i.
Chinghiz Khan ; ann. 1650 : s.v. Mogul, 436, ii.
Chinglira miitchee ; s, v. Moors, The, 447, ii.
Chingiz; s. v, Bahaudur, 36, ii, s, Buxee, 103,
i ; ann. 1815 : s, v. Niimda, 483, ii.
Chingiz Khan ; s, r. Bobachee, 75, ii, s> v, Bahau-
dur, 36, ii.
Chingri Khal ; s, Z7. Rogue’s River, 849, ii, 4
times, 850, i and footnote.
Ching-su; s, v. Nanking, 472, i.
Chingulais ; ann. 1685 : s. i\ Dissave, 246, ii.
Ohingulaise ; ann. 1758 : Z7. Buddha, 767, ii.
Chingulay ; ann, 1681 : s. v. Candy, 119, ii.
Chinguley; ann. 1681: s, v. Singalese, 636, i.
Chlni ; s, v. Camphor, 116, ii, s, v, China, 152, i,
5 . Z7. Sugar, 655, i ; ann. 1590 and 1876 : s, v.
China, 152, ii,
Chimkasli; ann. 1690 : s. v. China, 152, ii.
Chin-kalan ; s» v, Macheen, 405, ii.
Chin Kalan; 5 . v, Macheen, 406, i.
Chinkali ; ann, 1300 : s» v. Shinkali, 627, ii,
Ohin-khana ; ann. 1690 : s. v. China, 152, ii.
Chin-la; s. zk Camboja, 115, ii.
JtTly, 1902.]
INDEX TO TELE'S HOBSON-JOBSON.
S25
CbinTiepataii j aim, 1672 : s, v, Madi*aSj 407, i,
Cliino ; aim. 1585: 5. 2 ?. Canton, 1*21, ii, s. v.
Lee, 391, ij aim. 1588: s. v. Cliinapatam,
778, i.
Chinois ; anii. 1C25 ; s. Macao (a), 402, i.
Chiuor; aim. 1677 : 5. v. Clieenar, 143, i.
Chinqulay ; aim. 1681 : 5. Candy, 119, ii.
Cliins ; ann. 1553 : s. i\ Galle, Point) de, 275, i.
Chinsura ; s, 154, ii, 778, i ; aim. 1726 : s. v,
154, ii ; aim 1761 : s. v. Black, 765, ii ; ami,
1782 : 5 . V, Bandel, 760, ii.
Chinsurah ; aim, 1768-71 : 5. v. Gndge, 803, ii ;
ann, 1784: s, v. Bungalow, 98, ii.
Cbint ; s. v. Chintz, 155, i.
Chintabor ; ann. 1375 and 1554 : s. v. Sindabur,
635, ii.
Chint bramport ; ann. 1616: 5. v. Cummerbund,
216, ii.
Chints; s. v. 154, ii, 155, i, 3 times; ann.
1614: 5 . V. Chintz, 155, ii, s. v. Chiidder,
167, ii; ann. 1616: s. v. Mosquito, 453, i;
ann. 1673 : s. v* 155, ij ann. 1747 : s, v.
Gorge, 784, i.
Chintz; s. 155, i, twice, 156, i (twice) and
footnote (3 times), 5. v. Gingham, 287, i, s. v.
Palempore, 505, i, s. v. Piece-goods, 535, ii,
s. V. Pintado, 539, ii, twice and (b), s. v.
Salempoory, 593, i ; ann. 1648 : 5. r. Gingham,
801, i ; ann. 1673 : v, Shireeiibaf, G28, i ;
ann, 1681 : 5. v, Masulipatam, 429, ii ; ann.
1725 : 8, V, 155, ii ; aim. 1720 : s. 155, ii,
8. V. Cboya, 166, i ; ann. 1733 : s. v. 155, ii,
twice ; ann. 1759: s, v. Pintado, 539, ii ; ann.
1774 : s. V. Long-drawers, 395, ii ; aim. 1817 :
s. V. 155, ii and tootnote.
Chiong ; aim, 1817 : s. v. Myna, 464, ii.
Chiormandelan ; 199, ii, footnote.
Chipangn ; ann. 1298; s, v. Japan, 344, i.
Chipan-gii ; s. Japan, 344, i.
Chipe ; s, v, 156, i ; ann, 1685 : s, v, 156, i.
Chiquiney; aim. 1608 : s, v. Chick (b), 148, i.
Chiral ta ; s. v, Chiretta, 156, i.
Chiras ; aim. 1CC7 : s, v. Suttee, 670, i.
Chirchees Indigo ; ann. 1648 : s. v. Anile, 22, ii.
Chiretta; 5. -y. 156, i.
Chiroot; ann. 1792 : 6*. y. Cheroot, 144, ii.
Chiroute ; ann. 1782; s. -y, Oberoot, 144, ii,
Chirnta-palli ; 5. v. Trichinopoly, 715, i.
Chishmeere ; ann. 1615 : -y. Cashmere, 129, ii.
Chisliba ; aim. 1560 : s, y. Sophy, 648, ii.
Chit ; .s. y, 156, ii, 778, i ; ann. 1760 : s. y. Peon,
528, ii ; ann. 1781: s, y. Compound, 188, i;
ann. 1785 : y. 156, ii ; ann. 1787 : s. v. 778,
i; aim. 1794 and 1839 (twice): s. y. 156, ii.
Glut; s, y. Chintz, 155, i,
Chita; s. -y. Chintz, 155, i; ann. 1563: s. v,
Cheeta, 143, ii.
Chita; ann. 1596 ; s. v. Cheeta, 143, ii.
Chita ; s. v, Cheeta, 143, ii.
Chital ; s. v, Spotted-Deer, 651, ii.
Chitaldurg ; v. Chittledroog, 157, ii.
Chita-Eao ; ann. 1563: s. v, Cheeta, 143, ii,
twice,
Chite ; s, v, Calamander Wood, 110, i, s, y.
Chintz, 155, i, twice ; ann. 1653: s, v. Chintz,
155, ii ; ann. 1670: 5. -y. Corge, 197, ii ;
ann. 1676 : s. v. Chintz, 155, ii.
Chitchaiiotta ; ann. 1774 : s, v, Tangun, 683, i.
Ohitchky ; s, y. 156, ii.
Chithee ; aim. 1829 : s. y. Chit, 156, ii.
Chitigan ; ann. 1569 : s. y. Porto Piqueno, 550, ii.
Chitim; ann. 1511 : s, y. Kling, 373, ii.
Chitini ; aim. 1566 ; s, y, Ohetty, 145, i,
Chitnee ; ami. 1820 : 5. v. Chutny, 170, i,
Chito ; s. y. Chit, 156, ii,
Chitor ; s. y. Choui, 1G2, ii, see 594, i, footnote ;
ann. 1533 : s, v, Ohittore, 157, ii ; ann. 1563 :
s, y. Koot, 375, ii, s, y. Nard, 473, ii.
Ohitor ; s. v. Chittorc, 157, ii.
0 hit ore ; s, v. Pukdiock, 564, ii.
Chitorgarh ; s, v. Chittore, 157, ii.
Chitorics; anii. 1673: s. v. Cliatta, 142, i.
Chitpore ; ann. 1711 : 8, v. Kidderporc, 814, ii ;
ann, 1794: 5. v. Budgerow, 92, i.
Chitra ; 6*. r. Chintz, 155, i.
Chitra Durgam ; s. y, Chittledroog, 157, i#
Chitraka ; s. y. Chcefa, 143, ii.
Chitrakaya ; s. y. Cheeta, 143, ii.
Cliitral ; s, y. Cainboja, 115, ii, s. y. Rice, 578>
i ; ann, 1838 : 5. y. Polo, 545, i.
Chitral ; s, v. Polo, 544, ii.
Chitrel; aim. 1673 : s. v. SpoUod-Deer, 651, ii.
Chitronga ; aim. 1648 : s, v. Slttriiigy, 856, ii.
Chitsen ; s. y. Chintz, 156, i.
Ohittabullies ; 5. y. Piece-Goods, 536, i,
Chittigan ; ann. 17— : 6‘. y. Chittagong, 157, i.
Chittagong; s. y. 156, ii, 157, i and footnote,
778, i, 5. y. Aky^*), G, i, s, y. Bandel, 44, i,
s. y. Bengal, 64, i, twice, 5. v, Bummelo, 97, i,
s. V. Godvascarn, 178, ii, 3 times, y. College-
Pheasant, 182, i, y. Factory, 264, ii, s. v.
Gyaul, 309, ii, s. y. Mugg, 455, iand ii, s. y.
S2G
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[July, 1902,
Porto Piqneno, 550, i, 5. v. Rupee, 58G, ii,
s. Ada\Ylut, 752, ii, 5. v. Casiiarina, 774, i ;
aim. 1516: s. z?. Sugar, 655, iij aim. 1543 :
Ss r. Chilao, 777, ii ; aim, 1552 ; s, 2 ;.^!Burrain-
pooter, 101, ii ; ana. 1553 : 5. v» Mandarin,
421, ii ; ami. 1590 : s, v, Arakan, 25, i ; ann.
163S : s. V, Mugg, 455, ii ; aim. 1760 : s. v.
Clmcldah, 780, i: ann, 1701: s, i\ Kittysol,
371, ii, twice; ann. 1786 : s. v, 157, i ; ann.
1810 : s, V, Tonjon, 709, ii ; ann. 1811 : s, v,
Baloon, 40, ii.
Cliittagonng ; ann, 1727 : 5. i\ Chittagong, 157, i.
Chittaiiiitte, s. v. Kidderpore, 814, ii,
Ciiitte ; 5 . i\ Chintz, 155, i ; aim. 1648 : s» v.
Gingham, 801, i.
Ohittery ; aim. 1782 : s. i\ Khuttry, 368, i.
Chitthl ; s. i\ Benamee, 61, ii.
Chifctlii ; s. V. Chit, 156, ii.
Chitt! ; s. v. Chit, 156, ii.
Chitties ; aim. 1754: s. i\ Chetty, 145, i.
Chittigong; ann. 1776 : s, v. Overland, 495, li-
Chitti Poe; ann, 1711 : 5. v, Kidderpore, 814, ii.
Chitrledroog ; 5. v. 157, i; ann. 1799: s. v,
Sunnud, 661, ii.
Chittore ; s. 157, n.
Chitty; s. V. Chit, 156, ii; aim. 1678 and 1786 :
i\ Ohit^ 156, ii,
Chitty Nutty ; ann, 1711 : s. v. Kidderpore,
814, ii.
Chival ; ann. 1635 : s. v. Choul, 168, i.
Chiven; ann. 1781: s, v, Paiidaram, 508, ij
aim. 1782 : s, i\ Saligrani, 593, ii.
Chivil ; ann. 1470: 5. v, Choul, 163, ii, twice,
s. V, Coss, 203, i.
Ciiiz ; s, V. Cheese, 143, ii, 3 times,
Chldrdptiloi ; ann. 250 : s, v. Green Pigeon, S02, ii,
Choabdar; ann. 1810 : 5, v. Cliobdar, 157, ii.
Choampa ; aim. 1552 : s, v, Champa, 140, ii ;
ann, 1558 : s, Laos, 385, ii, s. v, Zirbad,
750, i.
Chob-chinl ; ann. 1590 : s, v, China-Root, 153, i,
Chobdar ; s. i\ 157, ii, s. i\ Chackur, 139, ii ;
ami. 1701: s, z\ 157, ii ; ann. 1764: a. i\
Parash, 798, ii.
Chob-dar ; s, z\ Chobdar, 157, ii, twice.
Chobedar ; aim. 1798 : v. Chobdar, 157, it,
Chobwa ; s. t\ 778, ii ; ann. 1795 and 1818 : s. v.
Shan, 623, i.
Chobwaa; anu. 1795; s, v, Chobwa, 778, ii.
Choca ; ann. 1516 and 1560 : s, p. Chicane,
777, ii.
Ohocadar; aim. 1689 : 5. v. Chokidar, 158, i.
Ghocarda ; ann, 1758; s, v, Nacoda, 4G9, i.
Chockedaur ; ann. 1817: s. v. Chokidar, 158, i.
Chocky ; anu. 1673 : s. Choky, 158, ii.
Chocoria ; ann. 1552 : s. v, Arakan, 2&, i.
Cliocrdes ; ann. 1554 : 5, v, Ohuckrum, 167, i.
Choda ; s, V, Coromandel, 199, i, see 513, ii, foot-
note.
j Choga ; s, t\ 158, i; ann, 1883 : s, v, 158, i.
Ghogha ; 5. v, Choga, 158, i.
Choirelaphos ; s. v. Hog-deer, 820, i.
Choirelaphus ; ann. 545 : 5. v, Babi-roussa, 82, ii
Chokey ; ann. 1772: s. v. Choky (b), 158, ii.
Chokeydar ; s. Ramoosy, 578, ii ; ann. 1792 :
5. V, Pyke (b), 847, i.
Chokey-dar ; ann, 1810 : s. v. Chokidar, 158, i.
Chokidar; s. v, 158, i, 5. e?. Pyke (b), 847 i;
ann. 1864 : s. v, 158, i.
Chokidar ; s, v. Kubberdaur, 378, i.
Chokies ; aim. 1810 : s, Choky, 158, ii.
Chokra ; s. v, 158, i, g. v» Chuckaroo, 166, ii,
Chokra ; s, v. Moors, The, 447, ii.
ChokrI ; s, v. Moors, The, 447, ii.
Choky; s. V. 158, i, 778, ii, s. v, Coorsy, 104, ii,
Chola ; s. i\ Combaconnm, 183, ii, a. v, Coroman-
del, 198, ii, 199, i, twice, see 518, ii, footnote.
Choladon ; s. v. Cholera, 159, i.
Cholam ; g, v. Coromandel, 198, ii, s, v, Jow'aur,
855, i.
Cholamandalam ; g. v, Coromandel, 199, i.
Chole; s, V. Cholera, 159, i.
Chole; g. p. Cholera, 195, i.
Cholera; s, v. 158, ii, 8 times ; aim. 20 : g. v,
159, i ; ann. 1563 : s, v. Winter, 740, ii.
ChoMra; s. v. Cholera, 159, i.
Cholera-horn ; s, v. Collery-Horn, 182, ii ; aim.
1879 : g. V. Collery-Honi, 182, ii.
Cholera Horn; g. v, 159, i.
Cholera-morbus ; ann. 1808 : g. v. Mort-de-cliien,
45], i.
Cholera Morbus; g, t\ Cholera, 158, ii, g. i\
Corporal Forbes, 200, i; ann. 1673: 6*. v.
Cholera, 159, i; aim, 1813: g. v, Mort-de-
chien, 451, ii.
Cholera morbus; aim. 1768 : g. Mort-de-
chien, 450, ii, ann. 1780 ; g. v. Mort-de-chien,
825, ii.
(Ta be continued,)
July, 1902.]
MISCELLANEA,
327
MISCELLANEA.
the INDIAN ATTITUDE TOWARDS FOLKLORE '
AND SCIENCE.
I PUBLISH the accompanying document in
full, just as receiyed from an English-speaking
Telugu Brahman correspondent, because I have
several times noticed that the Indian mental
attitude towards scientific thought is not appre-
ciated by those European writers on Oriental sub-
jects, who are not personally deeply acquainted
with the East,
The accompanying document shows clearly,
that the spirit which gives rise to folklore is still
an active force in India, and that folklore is being
created daily afresh in that country in pre-
cisely the same manner as obtained in the cen-
turies long ago. And for the same reason : that
the Native still takes a subjective and personal
view of facts observed in Nature, and attaches
to his own life what to the abstract thinker
are obviously accidental occurrences. In this
case a pair of small birds — apparently some form
of honey-sucker, the young of which differs in
plumage from the adult — nested near my corre-
spondent and their offspring have continued to
nest there. The sparrows have worried them, as
sparrows always will. The whole of the actions
described are ordinarily incidental to bird life,
as all, who, like myself, have carefully observed
it, are well aware. Yet my correspondent’s
scientific ” explanation is that the bird world
had ** appointed ” these little birds to attend on
him in his loneliness ! The story is also put for-
ward as a scientific ” explanation of an old-world
folktale, though there is no “ science ” in it. The
deduction that the birds as a body had “ ap-
pointed” the honey-suckers, or whatever the
small birds were, to attend on my correspondent
being a purely “ folklore ” assumption, to account
for what he had observed.
As 1 have already had reason to remark in
this Journal, the native Indian mind is as far
removed as ever from attuning itself to Western
scientific thought. It picks uj) the ^‘patter”
.quickly enough and uses the expressions, but
the sense is not usually there. It can argue
acutely from a given basis and it can observe
closely, but it cannot as yet create a sound basis
for argument from the observation. Indeed, at
present to the Indian science does not differ from
poetry.
This point seems so often and so consistently
to be overlooked by European students writing
in European arm-chairs, that I feel constrained
to publish and comment thus on the ipsissima
verba of a correspondent, whose good faith is
beyond all dispute.
I may add that this is very far from being
the first instance in which what I have published
as a folklore incident in this Journal has been
presented to me originally by a Native corre-
spondent as an absolutely true fact,
R. 0. Temple.
Letter.
Colonel Richard Oarnac Temple, 0. L E. ; Sir, —
I solicit your favour of publishing the annexed
contribution to the Indian Antiquary in an early
number. I state on solemn affirmation that
what I have described as my personal experience
is entirely true. — Please oblige as an act of
grace.
Yours truly,
Uagpore, Sitabuldi, B. Eotbu,
st November 1 901 . Maha Raj a .
Eolklore among Tailings [Talings and
Telugus] and Science.
The following folklore, into which a scientific
element enters, is interesting, as it shows that
birds not only change their colour, as is observed
among the domesticated ones, but also that they
can at option present the peculiar colours of
quite a different species !I
Folklore.
Once upon a time there was a rerj grand
marriage celebration in the world of birds
and an universal invitation was proclaimed.
But all the feathery guests not being altogether
seemly, such as were unseemly requested others
for mutually exchanging at least some of their
adornments. Objections ensued against such
vainglory of false and borrowed sliow, but impor-
tunities prevailed ; and the jay and the parrot
exchanged their legs, while the peacock ex-
changed its beautiful bill and legs for those of
the flamingo, on condition that they should be
restored subsequently. The marriage jubilee
being over the parrot and the peacock demanded
their ornaments, but the jay and flamingo
answered, Ah, if we return them it will provtJ
that we all have been a false show!! ” Thus wise
I nothing was returned and thuswise it is that at
present the legs of the parrot are heavy, dull
323
THE INDIAN ANTlQtTAHT.
[July, 1902.
and uiis6eiiily, wliilo tlios6 of tlio jay arc very
beautiful and elastic, and similarly it bas
befallen the peacock and the flamingo!! But
the promise thus undone ruptured their friendly
association!! (iEisop’s ^fable of a jackdaw on
presenting its peacock feathers was pecked and
expelled by peacocks is somewhat analogous.)
Seientifie Element.
From childhood I wandered abroad ** Remote,
unfriendedi melancholy, slow,’" but while I so-
journed at Nagpore I safl'ered a bitter persecution
from people through their mistaken ideas.
During this period of many years the brute
world of birds and beasts appointed a small
number of individuals from among them to wait
upon and serve and please me, even with their
lives. But mankind were too awful for large
wild birds, antelopes and foxes to approach me,
while I, fearing too much Government law, could
not dwell in woods. Some tiny wild birds, smaller
than the common house-sparrow, approached me at
my own house, which is in the centre and most
crowded part of Sitabuldi, a suburb of Nagpore.
These beautiful, little, and rare wild birds were
much troubled by people, but they persevered*
their duty being above their lives, and one pair of
them, building a nest near my pillow on the second
floor, succeeded in rearing a generation. The male
parent is jet black with shot colours, while the
female is simply whitish gray. Their offspring are
quite unlike their parents, the young male being
like a male house-sparrow in colour, which is a
mixture of black, white and reddish in variegation,
and the female is like a female house-sparrow, but
they have relieved their parents in their dangerous
duty and their parents have quite disappeared.
Their assuming foreign colours may be to befriend
the house- sparrows and not to appear strange to
people, but the former have incessantly troubled
and pecked them, so that they seem to abandon
their present appearance and embrace the colours
of their parents !! At present, the young male,
though not altogether changed, bears some of its
sire’s colour on the back, while all below it
continues like a male house-sparrow, which it
altogether resembled a couple of months before.
The new generation dare not build a nest close to
me owing to the great troubles in the previous
generation, as they are continually vexed by the
sparrows which are larger and stronger ; and also
they have seen that even now people expel settled
beehives and drive away other fellow -birds from
my tree which overhangs my little house.
Also, their duty of attending on me is becom-
ming lax day by day. Now they remain present
only until 9 in the morning. But formerly their
parents remained present day and night, going
away by turns only for a few minutes for their
food, which mostly consists of pollen and honey
of flowers which they pick up with their over-an-
inch-long and hooked beaks.
These little wild birds can bring no food for me,
but they have attended on me by the sympathetic
orders from the government of their brute world,
which has served me during many years and from
generation to generation, and this service will not
cease for some years more.
Such is a true and faitliful account as it bears
on the science of Natural Philosophy.
Nagpore, Sitahuldi, B. Roydu,
21st November 1901, Maha Baja.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
HUMAN SACRIFICE AND SERPENT WORSHIP.
U Budkha, son of U Muluk, of the Tillage of
Kyndiar (Nongthymmai) in the Pergunnah 25
Villages in Ehyein in the District of the Khasia
and Jaintia Hills, was convicted before Ool. W. S.
Clarke, Deputy Commissioner and Sessions
Judge, of murder on 28th March, 1882, and
sentenced to transportation for life. He in due
course ariived in Port Blair on 30th November*
1882 : and in fullness of time is now about to be
released to return in his old age to his native
country.
The details of the judgment convicting him
are unfortunately not available in the Penal
Settlement, but the brief abstract of his crime
is as follows : — Prisoner belongs to a sect known
as Rithlen, supposed to possess or keep in the ir
houses a thlen or demon serpent, which is
propitiated by offerings of the blood, nails,
or hair of human beings. The minder was
committed to bring wrath on the hou se ( ? of
an enemy) .
The man is further described as a cultivator
by occupation. His house or family was sus-
pected to be Rithlen : his society was avoided
as that of a dangerous person.*’
B. 0. Temple.
August, 1902.] NO^ES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
329
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. P. FLEET, I.O.S. (Retd.), Ph.D., C.I.E.
Th 0 places mentioned in the Antr61i-Chhar6ii plates of A. D. 757.
I HAVE recently had occasion, in prosecuting a certain inquiry, to search maps which coYer the
territory included in the Gujarat division of the Bombay Presidency and the neighbouring Native
States, and, at the same time, to look into various points in the ancient geography of that part of the
country. And the result has been the accumulation of memoranda which I shall, from time to time,
write lip into notes for this JonrnaL While bringing forward some new matter, I shall have to go
again over a good deal of ground that has been more or less covered by other writers, and especially
by the late Dr. Blihler. But, as may have been even already recognised from my notes on the
places mentioned in the Ohokkhakufci grant of A. D. 867 and the Surat plates of A. D. 1051,^ there
are misreadings to be corrected and wrong identifications to be set right ; and, to pave the way for
anyone who may hereafter take in hand the work of preparing a map to illustrate the ancient
geography of the parts referred to, in almost every case it is necessary to put on record more
si)ecific details, than have hitherto been given, as to the exact positions of the places that are to
be dealt with.
The record treated of in this note has been edited by the late Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji
in the Jour, Bo. Br, R, A* Soo, Vol. XVI. p. 105* ff., with a lithograph. The original plates were
shewn to him by a Pfitil of KarSli in the Oipad tiiluka of the Surat district in Gujarat, Bombay
Presidency. And the Patil told him that they were found; in excavating some foundations at a
neighbouring village named CliMr61i, but better knowm as Antidli-Ciiliardii, which is four miles-
to the south-east from Kareli.
^ The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Asvayuja, Saka-Samvat 679 (expired),
falling in A. D. 757, a RashfcrakfiU king Kakkaraja II., who- is to be referred to a branch of the
Rashtrakufca stock which preceded the IMalkhed family in Gujarat, granted to a Brahman, whose
father was a resident of JamlbUsarastMiia and a member of the community of Chuturoedins of that
place,2 a village {grdma) named StMvarapallika in the Kafeakilla district (tnshaya). Tu
defining the boundaries of Sthavarapallika, it places that village on the west of (a village named)
Khairdda, on the north of (a village named} Pippaiachchha, on the east of (two villages named}
Kaskthapurl and Vattlbra, and on the south of, again, Kkairdda.^ And, with regard to the
construction of this passage, it may be remarked that this record belongs to a somewhat limited class
of records, in which the positions of villages were defined, not by saying that such and such^ther
villages, etc., were on the east, south, west, and north of them, but by saying that they were on the
west, north, east, and south of those other villages, etc.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji expressed the opinion that StMvarapallikd is the modern
<?liliar61i itself, where the record was found. And in this he was quite correct. But he did not go
into any of the other details. And it was left to Dr. Biihler to add that “the village of Khairdda
“ is represented by the modern Kkdrwa and the town of Kaskthapuri by Kathdr.*®*^
ChMrdli is a village or hamlet in the Velachha sub-division of the Nansari division of the Baroda
territory, about eleven miles towards the north-east-hy^north from Surat : it is shewn in the Indian
Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 19'; long. 73° 0',; and it is about two miles from the uortli
bank of the Tapti, at its nearest point. It appears to be known as Antrdli-ChMrdli, in accordance
I Page 254 f. above, and page 255 f. 2 page 3B4 below, No. 6.
“ The original here says, according to the lithograph, Khairudci’stmvydd-dakshimiah ; and the Pandit took
simvydd as standing by mistake for stma-madhyidj — “ to the south of the middle of the Khairoda boundary. ’’
* Tol. SVII. above, p. 197, note 50. In the official compilation Bambay Places and Common Official Wordu
(1878) this name is certified as KathOr, with the short a in the first syllable. But that seems to be certainly u
mistake.
330
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[Axjotst, 1902.
with a frequent Hindu custom, because its name is not unique, and -because immediately on the west
of it there is another village or hamlet which is shewn in the map as ‘ Anthroli.’^ Its name is certainly
derived from an ancient name StMvarapallika* And it is unquestionably the Sthavarapallika of the
present record. The maps, indeed, do not shew any traces of a name answering to that of Pippala-
chelitia ; the lands of that village must have been absorbed into those of the places mentioned next.
But H^shthapuri is certainly the Kathar mentioned by Dr. Btihler, which is shewn as Kathor ’
in the Atlas sheet and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 14 (1879) of Gujarat : it is a small
town on the north bank of the Tapti ; its site is shewn three miles almost due south of Chharoli ; there
is, however, no reason why its lands should not extend, or should not have extended in former times, so
as to form part of the western boundary of the ancient Sthavarapallika. Of the name of Vatfi^ra,,
again, the maps do not shew any traces ; this village must have been much where there now are the
villages of ^ Yelanja’ and ‘ Eundh’ and the hamlet of ‘ Gadula.’ But, two and a half miles north-by-
east from Chharoli, the maps shew a village named ‘ Kaniasi,' ‘ Kaniasi ; ’ and the Trigonometrical
sheet shews the entry ‘‘(Kherwa, old site),” about half a mile on the south of ‘Kaniasi:’ this
is the Khdrwa mentioned by Dr. Biihler; and we may certainly follow him in taking it as a
remnant of the ancient Kliair6da, which was on both the north and the east of Sthavarapallika : the
remainder of the lands of Khairoda may have been absorbed into ‘ Pipodra,’ two and a half miles
north-east-by-north from Chharoli, or into ‘ Akhakhol,’ ‘ Akh^kol,’ three and a half miles east-by-
north, or into ‘ Pardi,’ ‘ Pardi/ marked as a large village, two miles east-south-east, from Chhardli.
In this case, only two out of five surrounding villages can now be traced ; namely,
Kashthapuri, which is Kafchor, and Khairoda, of which a remnant survives in the deserted Kh8rwa.
But the name of Chharoli itself is a corruption of the ancient name Sthavarapallika. And the plates
containing the charter conveying Sthavarapallika were actually found at Chharoli. Even on those
grounds, therefore, there could be no reasonable doubt that the Sthavarapallika of the record is the
Chharoli, the exact position of which has been specified above. But, further, the record places SthS-
varapallika-Chhar61i in a territorial division, the name of which it gives as the Kasakfila vishaya.
Similarly, by another record dated in A. D. 644, two villages named Sandhiyara and Pariyaya are
placed in the same territorial division, there called, with the long d instead of the short a in the
second syllable, the vishaya.® And those two villages are the modern ‘ Sandhiyar ’ and
‘ Pariya ’ of the Atlas sheet No. 23, S. E. (1888), about five miles from the north bank of the Tapti,
and respectively seven and a half miles, and five and a half miles, on the west of Chharoli. And the
identification of Sthavarapallika with Chhardli is, thus, unquestionable.
As regards the EaSakfila or Kasakfila vishaya, — Dr. Biihler took its name as denoting
the district on the (northern) bank (Icula) of the Tapti ; ” ^ and to that there is, of course, no
intrinsic objection. But, while Chharoli, ‘Sandhiyar,’ and ‘Pariya* are so near to the north bank
of the Tapti, the river Kim is only some six or seven miles away to the north from ‘ Sandhiyar ’
and ‘ Pariya,* and five miles to the north from Chharoli. And, in the absence of any indication that
the word or Kafea occurs as a name of the Tapti, it is equally possible that the name of the
district means “ the country on the (southern) bank of the Zim,” and that it gives us the ancient
name of the Kim.
JtobtLSarasthtoa, the place of residence of the grantee’s father, is, no doubt, the modern
JambtLsar, the head-quarters of the Jambusar tMuka of the Broach district, about fifty miles
towards the north-by-west from Chhiiroli. It may be noted, indeed, that even this place-name seems
to be not unique j according to the Postal Directory of the Bombay Circle (1879), there is a ‘Jam-
busar’ somewhere in the Nawanagar or Jamnagar State in K^tliiawar, and there is also a ‘Jabusar’
somewhere in the MaM-Kantha territory. But other records of Gujarat, of A. D. 629, 634, and 644,
In the Trigonometrioal map, mentioned fnrblier on, both these places are marked as hamlets.
VoL YII. above, p. 250. Bor the identification of them, by Dr. Biihler, see Vol, XVII. p. 197,
9 Vol. XVII. above, p, 197.
ATOTJST, 1902.] KOTES ON IN13IAN EISTOEY AND GEOGRAPHY.
331
mention a place which they call Jamb-fi-saras® and Jambtisara.® The record of A. D. 629 marks
that place as one at which there was, as in the Jambusarasthaiia of the present record, a commiinity
of students of all the four Vedas. That place is certainly Jambtlsar in tlie Broach district.
And there is no reason for thinking that any other place is intended in the present record.
The use and bearing of the words vastavya and vinirgata.
Among the details given in the description of grantees in ancient Indian charters, reference
was frequently made by the word v^stavya, ‘ dwelling at/ to places of actual residence, and
by the word vinirgata, ‘ gone out from, come forth from,’ to places of departure, that is to say,
to places of previous abode which had been left in order to emigrate and settle elsewhere.
Occasionally, other words were employed, with apparently precisely the same meaning
and bearing. For instance, the Ujjain plates of A. D. 1021 present, instead of vinirgata, the
simpler word nirgata,— meaning the same thing, and seemingly used only in order to avoid a rather
unpleasantly sounding repetition of the syllable yi, — in the description of the grantee as srUYdddvi-'
nirggata, “ who has come from the famous BMdvi.”io So also, instead of vdstavya we have
adhivasin, in the Haidarabad plates of A. D. 612, where the grantee is described as Tagar-ddliivdsin^
“dwelling at Tagara,”^^ and nivasin, in the Maliya plates of A. D. 5-71, where the grantee is
described as Unnata-nivdsin, “ dwelling at Unnata,”i 2 and again in the Alina plates of A. D. 649,
where the grantee’s father is described as Kdsara-grdma-nivdsin ^ “dwelling at the village of Kasara,”i3
and nivastavya, in verse, in an Eastern Ghalukya grant of the period A. D. 945 to 970, in
which the grantee’s grandfather is described as Kalvato^u-nivdstavya, “ dwelling at Kalvatorru.”!^
And, instead of using any derivative from the root vas^ ‘ to dwell,’ the Nanyaura plate of A. D. 998
presents the word abhijana, and describes the grantee as TarlcMrihd-vinirggata-Dm'Vvdliar'd-grdm'*
dbhljana, “who has come from Tarkarika, and whose ancestors dwelt (or were settled) at the
village Durvaliara,”i5 In connection with this last word, it may be noted that the BMshya on
Pdriini, iv. 3, 89, 90 (Calcutta ed., 1809, p. 480), says, nivaso nanaa yatra sampratys=ushyate 1
abhijano n^ma yatra purvvair=:usbitam, — “nivasa is where a man is dwelling now at the present
time, and abhijana is where his ancestors have dwelt ; ” and the comment given on the same sufras
in the BidclMntakaimudi (Calcutta, 1863, Vol. I. p. 587) says, very similarly, — yatra svayarh
vasati sa nivasah I yatra purvvair=ushitam s6=bhijaiia iti vivekah, — “ where a man himself is
dwelling, that is nivasa, and where his ancestors have dwelt, that is abhijana ; such is the distinc-
tion.” The word vdstavya, which is from vas, ‘to dwell,’ with the affix tavya used in the active
sense and accompanied by vriddhi instead of the more usual gii^na^ is explained by the comment in the
SiddhdntahaumiuU, Yol. II. p. 298, on Pdninh iu. 1, 36, as having the purport of vasati^ * he dwells,
he is dwelling.’ And vinirgata is the past participle, formed with the affix ta in the active sense,
from Di 4- nis + gam, and means ‘one who has gone out or away from.’ There is, however,
a passage which seems to treat vdstavya and vinirgata as nouns, meaning, respectively, ‘ a place of
residence’ and ‘a place of departure;’ it occurs in the Patna plates of the sixth year of Maha-
Bhavagupta I., which conveyed' a certain village — naiia-gotra-pravara-vinirgata-vastavyobhyo dvijilti-
varebhyah it is difficult to take these words except as meaning — “to {certain') excellent.
Brahmans who have various gotras and invocations and places of departure and places of residence.”
But, the special technical terms, most commonly used, were vdstavya and
vinirgata. Now, the latter of them will often, if not usually, not have any bearing at all as a help
towards localising a record. For instance, in case No. 4 below, the mention of Pataliputra as the
place from which the grantee’s father came, is no guide of any kind towards the identification of
® Vol. Sill, above, p. 84, line 35, and p. 90, line 35. ® Vol. VII. above, p. 248, line 10-11,
10 Vol VI above, p. 54, plate ii,, line 2 ; and &ee more fully in a subsequent Note of this series,
n Vol! VI. above, p. 73, line 14. Gupta Inscriptions, p. 1C6, line 27.
13 Vol, VII. above, p. 75, plate in, line 15 f. Vol, VII. above, p. 17, line 44.
13 Vol. SVI. above, p. 203, line 9. ^
3S2
THE INDIAN ANTIQrAET.
[August, 1902.
the tillage, Tenua,. which was given to the son ; Tenna is more than eight hundred miles away from
Putaliputra ; and we find it only through the precise information, given in the record, that it was
in the country and was surrounded by certain specified villages. And even in case No. 2, in
which there is only a distance of some ninety miles between tire place, ValabM, from which the grantee
himself came, and the village, Vadapadraka, which was given to him, the mention of Yalabhi is no
help towards the identification of Vadapadraka ; the clue as to the position of the latter place, which
has to be found, not anywhere near Wall in Kathiawar, but somewhere in Gujarat, is furnished by the
fact, stated in the record, that the grant was made by a prince who was a lord of Lata. In fact, the
epithets ending in vinirgata are chiefiy of interest in marking important ancient capitals and
centres of learning, religion, commerce, &e., and in helping to account for the existence, in certain
localities, of communities, such as those of the Audiohya, Kanbjia, and Siigauda Brahmans of
Gujarat, which claim foreign extraction. And even the epithets ending in vastavya may not
have any bearing as a help towards localising records, when they do not apply to the actual grantees
themselves. But the case is very diffeient when the epithet ending, in vdstavr/a qualifies the
actual grantee. Obviously, the grant of a village, or any similar donation, oannot.be of any
practical use, unless that village or other estate is sufficiently near to the grantee’s place of residence
for him to be able to conveniently arrange for and superintend tlie cultivation of his property and
collect his dues. The mention of the grantee’s pfiaee of actual abode may at any time be the only
clue that we have towai-ds the localisation of a record. And it may be of very particular importance
when we consider the extent to which the copper-plate records have been liable, as is so pointedly
illustrated by the so-called Vakkaleri plates of A. D. 757, to travel far away from the localities to
which they really belong.i? In the case, therefore, of the word vdstavya, or of any substitute for it
it is important that there should be nothing incorrect in our application of the epithet in which
it occurs.
There are plenty of cases In which there is no doubt at aU as to the application of
either of the technical terms in ciuestion, because- the texts are of such a nature as nofcto
jiermit of any possibility of ambiguity, For instance : —
1. — In the two sets of plates of A. D. 641 from Sankligdfi, no pedigree of the grantee was
given, and the records conveyed fields in villages named Suvarnarapalli and Kshirasara, — Dass-
puravinirggata-Kshirasaragramavastavya-Bharadvajasagotra-VajasandyaMadhyandinasabrahmachdri-
bralimaoa-Suryyaya,is — “to the Brahman Surya, who has come from Dasapura and dwells at the
village of Kshirasara and belongs to the Bharadvaja gotra and is a student of the Vajasaneya-Ma-
dhyamdina (school).” Here, we are given both the place of departure and the place of residence "of
tlie grantee himself. Dasaijura, whence he came, is the modern Dasor or Mandasor in Maiw8.i»
And, from the fact that the person who made the grant was the Gurjara prince Dadda II., and still'
more particularly from the statement, made in the record, that the two villages in question were'in
the SamgamakhStaka district (vishaya), we know that Kshirasara, where the grantee dwelt, is to be
found, ‘with Suvar^rapalli, somewhere near Sankh6da in the Baroda territory, about a hundred and
forty miles towards the south-west-by-south from Das6r-Mandas6r.
But, even when genealogical statements were introduced, which was usually more or
less the ease, the texts were often constructed in such a manner as not to permit of any ambio-uitv
Thus:— °
2 .
— The Baroda plates of A. D, 812 conveyed a village named' Vadapadraka,.— sriValabhi-
vmuggata-tachchaturvvidyasam^nya.Vastya(tsya)yanasag6tra-MfidhyandinasabrS(bra)hmachari-brah-
See Vol. XXX. above, p. 212, note 41.
“ot® 8. In the record whioh correctly gives Dasaptira instead of
tT Eegarding the point that the person who issued these oharte
TS as Dadda II.., and not a fourth person of that name, see a subsequent Note of this series.
See Yol. XV, above, p, 194, and Qu^ta Inscrs, p. 79, and note 2.
AtrausT, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
maaa-Chaiiave bhaUa-S6mriditya-putrAya,20 — “to the Bralmian Bhann, who has come from the
famous Yalabhi and is a member of the community of Chaturvedins of that place-i and belono’s to
the Vatsyayana gdtra and is a student of the Madhyamdina (school), and who is a son of the Bliatla
Sbmaditya.” Here, the place of departure, Valabhi, is unmistakably specified as that of the grantee
himself. It is the modern Waleiii, Wala, or Wald, in the Gohilwacl division of Kathiawar. And
we know, from the fact that the grant was made by the RashbrakuU prince Suvarnavarsha-Karkaraja,
lord of Lata, that the village granted to him, Vadapadraka, is to be found somewhere in Gujarat j
and, apparently, either it is to be located close on the south of Baroda,23 or else it is to be identi-
fied with Baroda itself, 23 within about ninety miles east-north-east from Wala.
3. — And so, also, the Kharda plates of A. D. 972 conveyed a village named Paiigarika, —
srimat Gejuravavi-vastavyaya ih=aiva kary-abhyagatdya Bharadvajagottra-Vahvrichasakhasavrahma-
cbarineh tri(tri)pravardya srimat Sankaraiya-pautraya srimat Sahgamaiya-sutaya srimat Chchhan-
napaiya-bhatUyajS^i — “to the illustrious Chhannapaiyabhatta, who dwells at the famous Gejura-
vavi, who has come here indeed (to Manyakhefca) on business, who belongs to the Bharadvaja gdtra
and is a student of the Bahvricha sdJchdy who has a three-fold invocation of ancestors (in inviting the
god Agni at the beginning of sacrifices), who is a son’s son of the illustrious Samkaraiya, and who is a
son of the illustrious Samgamaiya.” Plere, the place of residence, Gejuravavi, is unmistakably specified
as that of the grantee himself. And we have identified^s the village that was granted to him,
Pafigarika, with ‘Pangry’ in the Bid district of the Nizam’s Dominions, and his place of abode
with a town close by, only five and a half miles away to the west, which is shewn in the maps as
‘ Givaroi,’ Givrai,’ and ‘ Gevrai.’
4. — Again, one sot of the Bagumra plates of A. D. 915 conveyed a village named Tenna,
Lakshmana-sagotraya VajiMadhyandina-savrahmacharino PaUliputravinirggata-sriTenuapabhatta-
sut£\ya Siddhapabhabtaya,26 — “to Siddbapabhabta, who belongs to the Lakslimaua gotra, who is a
student of the Vaji-Malhyamdina (school), and who is a son of the illustrious Tennapabhatba who
came from Pa^lipntra.” Here, the place of departure, Pfibaliputra, is unmistakably connected with
20 Yol. XII. above, p. 160, lino 44 f.
21 The meaning of tat in tlie expression tach-cMturvidya-sdm&nyaf which is of very frequent occurrence, is made
clear by other opposite expressions, of occasional use, such as Udwnlaragahvaravinirygata-KhHakavdsfavy-Odum-
haragalivaracMtvrvvidyasd'mmya, “ who has come from Udumbaragahvara and dwells at Elietaka and is a member
of the community of Chaiurvedins of Udumbaragahvara’* (Vol. XV. above, p. 340, line 4l f.), and Anandapura-
mnirgjcda“Kh'UakLivd$tavy-[A^']nand(6pnraoMt'arvvidyasdr/idnya, “who has come from Anandapura and dwells at
Khetaka and is a member of the community of ChaturvddUis of Anandapura” (Vol. VII. above, p. 79, line 14 f.).
From a contrast of the two classes of expression, wo can see that tat means “ that place,” with reference to the
place which is mentioned by name immediately before the introduction of the chdiurcidya. In the two oases
given above, the names of Udumbaragahvara and Anandapura were repeated, because the use of tat would have-
wrongly located the communities of QhaturvCdins at KhCtaka.
22 See Vol. V. above, p. 145.
2" Bee Qaz. Bo. Bros, Vol. I. Part I. p. 125.
2* Vol. XII. above, p. 20*?, line 50 IT. For cJiCfriiydi^ read chWne, For srimat Oejuravdvi, read h*tmad-Gtju’
ravdvi ; and make similar corrections in tho other three cases in which the writer failed to combine Mmat with
the words that follow it.
25 gee page 221 above. — Among tho boundaries of Pahgarikii, tho record mentions a village named
KinilhgrAma, on the we it. I have identified this village with the ‘Keenugaou’ of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 53
(1882), three miles towards the north-by-west from ‘Pangry ’-PangarikA. Since that^ I have found that the Atlas
sheet No. 39, N. E. (1895), shews a ‘Kinagaon,’ *— not giveu either in the full sheet No. 39 of 1855, or in sheet
No. 56, the position of which is about throe and a half miles west-north-west from * Pangry,’ and three miles
soxith-west from ' Keenugaon.^ Whether ‘ Kinagaon^ is a second village of the same name, or whether the positioii
given to it is the proper position of * Keonugaon,’ is not apparent. But, in any case, it is probable that ‘ Kinagaon,’
rather than * Keenugaon,’ is really the XinihigrAma of the record.
2c Jouv. Bo, Br, R. As, Soc. Vol. XVIII. p. 200, line 3 ff, from the top. The published text gives tho name o ’
the father as Vennapa ; but the lithograph distinctly shews Tennapa. The translator has confused vinirgaia with
vCkstavya^ and has rendered Pdtaliputra-vinirggata by “inhabitant of PAtaliputra,”
336
THE IIS^DIAN ANTIQUARY.
‘August, 1902.
‘ Tankara,’ ‘ Tankari,’ « Taiikari/ more or less near to the Narbada, Tvdiich would satisfy the condition
or being in the Madliyadesa or middle country. But, until we know the exact spelling of those names,
it is difficult to suggest any particular identification.
In all the above cases, the texts were constructed in such a way, by the use of separate words, as
not to leave any doubt as to whether the places of residence and of departure are to be connected with
the grantees themselves or with some of their ancestors. The cases which present anything of
an ambiguous nature are those in which the whole description of a grantee, including the mention
of an ancestor, is presented, not in separate words, but in one unbroken compound. Oi: this class of
eases, it will suffice to quote two instances, which are thoroughly typical of all the rest : —
10. The Nausan plates of A. D. 706 conveyed a field at a village named Samipadraka, — Giri-
nagara\ inirggata - Sraddhikagraharavastavya - tachchaturvvidyasamanya- Pravayanasagotra-Y aja[sa''"]-
n8yai\Iudhyaudinasapra(bra)hmachari -bralimanaDatta-putra-brahmanaDevasvfimin^.'^^ Here, if, in
transciibing, we should not insert a hyphen between brdhmanaDatta and putray we should have
a compound consisting of seven composite members, of which the first six, Girinagara-vinirggaiay
hraddhihagrdharcL-vdstavgay tadi-chdliirvvidya-sdmdnyay Prdvdyana-sagOtniy Vdjasaneya-Mddhyan-
dtn'i-sabrahmchariy and brahmana-Datta-putray would all qualify the last member, brdhnam-
Demsmmme. The translation would be — “ to the Brahman Devasvamin, who has come from Girina-
gara, and dwells at the Sraddhika agraMrciy and is a member of the community of Ohaburvedins of that
place, and belongs to the (?) Pnlvayana gotra, and is a sfeudeiit of the Yajasaneya-Madhyamdina
(sschoul), and is a son of the Brahman Datta.” And this rendering would mark the Sraddhika agrct-
Mra as the place of abode of the grantee himself, and Girinagara as the place whence he himself had
come. On the other hand, if we insert a hyphen between brdkmana-Batta and p^Uray then tha
terms Girinagara-vimrggatay 'Sraddhikdgrdhdra-vdsiavyay taGh-chdturvvidya-sdmdnyay Prdvdyaiia-
sagotrciy and Vdjasaneya-Mddhyandina-sabrahmachdn, all qualify bralimana-Datta, The translation
then is, — “ to the Brahman Devasvamin, a son of the Brlhman Datta who has come from Girina-
gara and dwells at the Sraddhika agy^dhdra and is a member of the community of Chaturvedins of
that place and belongs to the (?) Piavayana gbtQ'a and is a student of the YdjasanSya-Madbyamdina
(school). And this rendering connects both the place of departure, Girinagara, and the place of
abode, the Sraddhika agvdUray with the grantee’s father. Now, in this instance, the point is,
perhaps, not a very ^essential one; for, Girinagara is the modern Girnar near Junagadh, in thi^
Soradi division of Kathiawar ; Samipadraka is a village, now known as ‘ Sondarna,’i5 in the Choranda
subdivision oUhe Baroda territory, about a hundred and seventy miles towards the east-by-north from
Girn-ir; the Sraddhika agrdhdra seems to be the modern ‘Sadhii,’ eight miles east-by-sonth from
‘ Sondarna; and, if that is the case, it is a matter of indifference whether it is to the grantee himself
or to his father, that the record assigns SradcUiiku-^ Sadhli ’ as a place of abode. But the matter is
very cliffierent in the next instance.
U, The IsTausilri plates of A. D. 817 conveyed the above-mentioned village of Samipadraka,
winch they speedy as being in the country between the Mahi and the Narmada, — Bfidavivaatavya- |
-Bharadvajasaghtra- -Taittiriyasabrahmachari- | -Badaa(iiupaddhyaya-pntra-GobbadiJma[mng].*6
The same remarks, as in the preceding case, apply in respect of the analysis of this compound. If wo
0 not insert a hyphen between BMaMi-upUddhydya and putra, the translation is, — “to Gobbacldi,
who dwells at Badavi, and belongs to the Bharadvaja gotra, and is a student of the Taittiriya fschool)
and ,s a son of Je Upddhydga Badaddi.” And this rendering, adopted by the editor, connects the
place of abode, BM^vi, with the grantee himself. But Badavi is Badami, the head-quarters of the
Badami taluka m the Bijapur district, Bombay Presidency. Samipadraka, as already stated, is
bondarna, m Gujarat, some four hun.ired and seventy miles away to the north from BadAmi.
** Vol. XIIL above, p. 7S, line 19 f. « gee Jov/r. Bo. Br. B. As. Soc. Vol. XX pp 134 149
Jour. Br R As. Sos. Yol. XX. p. 140, line 53 f. As indicated by the editor, the marks of pMotnation
between some of the members of this oomponnd, are superfluous ^ notuation,
Attstjst, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
337
% — — —
The grant of a village in Gujarat could not possibly be of any practical use to a person residing at
BMtoi : in a period when no railways, motor-cars, or even bicycles were available, it would take him,
unless he could fly or was the happy possessor of a vimana or self-mO'Ving aerial chario-t which could
proceed independently of the direction of the wind, at least three months to travel to and fro by
road for the annual inspection of crops and accounts ; and he could not reduce that time very much,
even if he should make his way to the coast and then travel by a sailing ship. In this case, it is
absolutely certain that the specified place of abode was that of the grantee’s father, and there is an
implication that the grantee himself had become a settler in Gujarat, or was there and settled there
when the grant was made to him. And, in this case, we must certainly insert a hyphen between
Bddaddi-npdddhydija and ^uira, and translate, — “ to Gobbaddi, a son of the Upddhydya Badaidi
who dwells at Badavi and belongs to the Bharadvaja gotra and is a student of the Taittiriya
(school).”
We may gather, even from this last instance alone, that the intention, in all similar cases, was to
connect a place of abode or of departure, not with the grantee himself, but with his father or any
other ancestor mentioned just before him in the same compound. And, that this was the intended
meaning in such compounds, is further emphasised by the construction to which recourse was had
in certain spurious records, which, though of no historical value, are yet instructive on such points as
the present one. For instance, the spurious Um^ta plates, which purport to have been issued in
A. D. 478, claim that a village named Niguda was granted, — Kanyakubjavastavya-tachaturvidya-
samany a-V aSshthasagotra-Bahrichasabrabmacbari-bhatt aMabidharas=tasya sunu bbatUMadhava,^^
“ the Bhatia Mahidhara, who dwells at Kanyakubja and is a member of the community of Chatur-
^Hins of that place and belongs to the Vasishtha gotra and is a student of the Bahvricha (school);
his son, the Bhatia Madliava ; [to him*],” This ungrammatical construction is simply a partial
analysis of what ought to have been presented in one continuous compound, similar to those which we
have in the instances Nos. 10 and 11 above, namely, — Kanyakubjavastavya-tachchaturvvidyasa-
manya-Vasishfchasagotra-Bahvrichasabrahmachari-bhatUMahidhara-sunu-bhatUMMhavaya, — “ to
the Bhfiiia Madhava, a son of the Bliatta Mahidhara who dwells at Kanyakubja,” etc. Similar
ungrammatical constructions are presented in the spurious plates which purport to- record a grant
made by Dharasena II. of Valabhi in A.D. 478,^® and in the spurious Bagumra plates which purport
to have been issued in A. D. 493,^® and in the spurious Ilao plates which purport to have been issued
in A, D, 495.®® And they shew plainly how the person or persons who composed those documents,
also, would have interpreted such compounds as those which we have in Nos. 10 and 11. But,
further, we have, in fact, a partial analysis, grammatically correct, of precisely similar compounds, in
the instances given under Nos. 5 and 6 above. In each of those cases, a description of the grantee
which might have been given in one unbroken compound exactly like those under Nos. 10 and 11, has
been broken up into two separate words by the use of the datives sutdya and putraya^ instead of the
bases suta and putra, after the father’s name. And these two cases also, Nos. 5 and 6, shew plainly
how the composers of those two records, again, would have interpreted the unbroken compounds in
Nos. 10 and 11.
I am not able to quote any instance of the use of these unbroken compounds in cases in which
mention is made of any ancestor prior to the father of the grantee. This fact, coupled with a com-
parison of the general nature of all the instances given under Nos. 1 to 9 above, leaves an impression
that it may have been the custom to use these unbroken compounds only when the
father of the grantee was still alive. And, in translating both these passages and those iiv
which different constructions were employed, I have used the past and present tenses in accordance
with that impression,
Yol. VII. above, p. 6i, line 15 f. of plate i. It does not seem necessary to encumber the transcription by
correcting certain mistakes of the original.
Vol. X. above, p. 284, line 17 ff. Vol. XYII. above, p. 200, line 14 ff.
<5® XIII. above, p. 117, line 13 f.
338
THE INDIAN ANTlQtJAEY.
[Atjoust, 1902.
There is a curious instance in the Kapadwanaj plates of A. D. 654, which pui-port to coiivej
a certain village, — Mahichha[ka]vinirggata-Mahichhakavastavy-aitachchaturvvidyasamanya-Kausi'
kasagotra - V ajasan^yasabrahmachari-br [a’*]hmanaBappa - pntra - Bhattibhafc [fc ^ ]aya,5i — “ to Bhatti-
bhafcfea, a son of the Brahman Bappa who has come from Mahichhaka and dwells at Mahichhaka and
is a member of the community of Ghaturv^dins of this same place and belongs to the Kausika gotra
and is a student of the Yajasaneya (school)/’ Here, the same place, Mahichhaka, is presented
both as the place of departure and as the place of residence of the grantee’s father.
The editor, however, has told us that “ the name Mahichhaka, which occurs twice in the grant, seems
to be a later correction in somewhat different characters. ”^2 Evidently, in this record we have
another instance of a genuine record having been subsequently tampered with.®^ And
the person who did that, did it in a careless and clumsy way, introducing the name of Mahichhaka
by mistake for something else, either in connection with vinirgaia or in connection with mstavya.
DISCURSIVE NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
BY K. P. PADMANABHA MENON, B.A., BX.
The long narrow strip oi land lying between Gokarnam in the North and Cape Comorin in
the South, the Ghdts in the East and the Sea in the West, is known by various names, such
as ParaSurAmaksh^tram, BhA.rgavaksh6tram, Karmabhfimi, Kdralam, Malabar, and
Malaydiam.
The first two names have their origin in the well-known legend of the warrior sage Parasu-
Rama’s alleged reclamation of the country from the sea. The legend has a firm foothold in the
land, and it will, indeed, be long before it can be dislodged from the minds of the people.
According to one version, Parasu-Rama or ** Rama-with-the-axe,” an asserted incarnation of Vishnu,
commanded the ocean to retire from the foot of the GhAts, and, the Indian Neptune demurring
to this somewhat arrogant behest, the infuriated Brahman fulminated the threat that
“ Soon with my arrow will I dry this sea
Till not a drop of ocean shall remain.”
The threat had the desired effect, for the god of the oceans at once receded to a specified
distance and gave up the land to the irate sage. Thus was created Para6ur&maksli§tram, or
BMrgavakshetram, i. e., Parasu-Rama’s or the Bhargava’s land, because Parasu-Rama belonged to
the Bhrigu clan.
The process by which Rama accomplished this mighty deed takes different forms in different
versions of the legend. Some say that the warrior sage, after destroying the Kshatriyas, z, e., the
royal race, thrice seven times was seized with remorse, and to expiate the sin he made a gift of all
his conquered land to the Brahmans, who ordered him to quit the country. In this difficulty he
assumed his divine powers, ascended the heights of Gdkarnam, and commanded Varuna (the ocean)
to retire from the foot of the Ghats from G6karnam to a point where the axe he wielded would fall
when thrown southwards. The sea-god did so.
The legend is not to be rejected altogether as pnerile. It has a core of truth in it ; no doubt,
encrusted all over with adrentitious matter, so as to obscure the gem within. It, in fact, as it appears
tome, chronicles, in part, in the imaginative style of the poets, the efiFeots of volcanic action
on the coast centuries ago. The low lauds of the Malabar Coast have evidently been raised from
beneath the sea-level by subterranean forces. Instances are not wanting of the formation by natural
forces of large tracts of land on the coast, even in modern times. The Island of Vypeen, 13 miles
long by one broad, on the north side of Cochin, was thrown up by the sea not long ago. It is known
Ep. IjkZ. Yol. I, p. 88, line 42.
w Loc, dt, p. 86.
See Yol. XXX. above, p. 213, and note 44.
AuaxJST, 19020 NOTES ON MALABA.R AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
339
in the locality as Pudu Vaippu, i. e., new foundation, and the people there commence
an era from the date of its formation in A. D. 1341. It would appear that previously a small
river flowed by the town of Cochin, having a narrow opening into the sea, the main outlet for the
discharge of the freshes that came in torrents down the Ghats being at the well-known opening at
Oranganore. lathe year 1341, an extraordinary flood occurred which brought down from the Ghats
such a mass of water that it forced itself into the sea at Cochin and opened a capacious estuary,
converting the land-locked harbour of Oocbin into one of the finest and safest ports in India. The
soil of the low lying lands on the sea-coast, consisting of sea-sand and calcareous matter combined with
various kinds of earth and clay, attests the nature of the formation. The nature of the subsoil
brought up at the sinking of an arle&ian well recently in British Cochin makes it clear that the strip
of land on which the town is now situated lay not long ago submerged in the sea.
Fra Bartholomeo says ^ that in his day the natives believed that the sea formerly extended
even to the foot of the Ghats, evidently referring to the tradition we are now discussing. He, however,
was of opinion that the tradition had no foundation, though he is willing to concede “ that some of the
plains found in this country have been produced by conflicts betw^eeii the waves of the sea and tor-
rents of rain. ‘ The devastation occasioned by such inundations,’ says he, 'can hardly be described.
Grand-children sometimes can scarcely point out with any certainty the spot where their grand-father
resided, because it has assumed a form totally different,’ There is, indeed, strong reason to suppose
that in the early years of the Christian era the sea-coast ran along the eastern shore of the backwater,
which extends at present to over 40 miles from Chafiganaseri to Pallipuram, and it is extremely
doubtful if the long strip of land which forms its western bank, and on which stand the now flourish-
ing seaports of Cochin and Allepy, had any existence then. The towns mentioned by Ptolemy as
lying on the sea-coast between Muziris (Oranganore) and Barkare (near Quilon) can nowhere
be identified with their modern sites as the coast now stands, whereas some of them, Podoperoura,
Semn^ and Korthora, may be identified with Udayampdrtir (the Diamper of the Portuguese},
Chembu and Kothfir, all of which are situated on the eastern coast of the backwater. ”2
In a Report on the mud bank at Alleppy in Tmvancore, Mr. Rhode, a former Commercial
Agent of the State, observed : “ I cannot give dates as I have no records, but it is certain that the
coast from about north of Calicut to south of Quilon was once well above the level of the sea, and was
after a long period totally submerged and then again was thrown up by volcanic action and has again
been partially covered by sea, I state this because in cutting the Warhalai Tunnel trees were found,
and also shells have been found on the coast which are known to belong to a class of shell-fish that
only live in deep water. Remnants of a fort at Poracaud were visible 30 years ago, and at Calicut
and Yypeen massive buildings are now in the sea.” 3 « It is curious, ” says Dr. Day, that this law
of encroachments of the sea is now the rule on the western coast, because tradition and an examination
of the geology of the country both lead to the conclusion that the sea formerly washed up to the
Western Gh^ts ; thus, Malabar has been literally raised from the sea.” Dr. Day refers to a
Manuscript Account of Malabar by Hcrnan Lopez d© Casta nheda, ia 1526, where it is said
that little more than 2,300 years ago the sea came up to the Western Ghfits.^
The theory that the sea-coast originally ran along the line of the eastern shore of the backwater
receives support from the names by which certain places situated on that line are still known. About
8 miles to the north of Cochin, on the eastern side of the backwater, lies the village of Ka<Jakara,
or more correctly Kadal = ‘sea’ 4* Kara = ‘shore’ (in Malayalam) =: Kadalkara, signifying
‘ sea-shore,’ To the south of it, almost in close proximity, is another village called Blikara which.
^ A Voyage to the Mast Indies^ p. 128. ® The Madras Review, Vol. I. p. 324.
® Para. 231 of the Report on the Adminisiraiion of Travancore for the Year 1S5142 (W, Log-gan).
4 See Yol. 22, Mad» Jour, of Lit. and Sd, N. S. 6, pp. 230 and 264, 1C61 ; NaraJcal or Cochin Mud BanJe, by
Francis Day, Civil Surgeon, Cochin ; and The Mud Banlc at NaraJcal, near Cochin— its composition as ewhihited hy
the Microscope, by Lieut. J. Mitchell.
840
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1902.
there can be no doubt, should originally Lave been Ali = ‘sea’ + Kara = ‘shore’ (Malayalam) =
Alikara, also meaning ‘sea-shore.’ Next to Elikara, towards the south lies Katamakuti which is
evidently Katal -b jMukko -f Kuti = Katamakuti, meaning the abode of the sea fishermen. The
coast line, as known at the time of Megasthenes, 4th Century B. 0., certainly ran along the eastern
shore of the backwater. For he mentions Tropina, identified by Mr. Dutt with Trip6ntari, or
Trippoonithuray, a few miles inland front Cochin and on the backwater side as lying on the sea-
coast.^
The earlier notices of Malabar do not mention Cochin at all. Among the mediaeval travellers,
Nicolo Conti (A. D, 1440) mentions it for the first time as Cocym.^ It may be noted that this is
almost exactly a century after the formation of the harbour. Cochin attained importance only about
the time of the arrival of the Portuguese in India. Since then it has been the chief port of Malabar*
Barbosa, the anonymous Sommario dei 'Regni in Ramusio, and D’Barros mention it as Cochin, while
the Lisbon Editions of Barbosa and Conti have Cochim, Cocym or Cochym. So also Gutschin of
Spinger, G. Balhi has Cochi.7 It is remarkable that Nicolo Conti in the 15tli century and
FraPaolino in the 17th both say that the town was called Kochi, after the small river that flowed by
the place. The non-mention of Cochin by the early travellers, and its first mention, so far as at present
known, in 1440 by Conti lend colour to the theory that it was formed since the days of the Peri plus
and Ptolemy, and it is indeed significant that a hundred years had to elapse from the date of the
formation of the estuary, before it came to be mentioned for the first time — a sufficiently long
2)eriod for the port to come into importance.
According to Tamil Historical Texts, the people in the south, 1800 years ago, remembered that
in former days, the land extended further south (of Cape Comorin) and that a mountain called
KumS.rikk6du and a large tract of country watered by the Pahruli existed south of
Kumd,ri. It is said that, during a violent irruption of the sea, the mountain Kumilrikkodu and
the whole of the country through which the Pahruli flowed disappeared.
There are other local instances of the irruption of the sea and the subsidence of the land. The
Buddhist annals of Ceylon record one such on the south-western coast of that island in the
2nd century B. C.® The island of Ramesvaram, which is 11 miles long, is only two miles away from
the Indian coas^, and, till but 8 or 4 centuries ago, there was a rocky causeway connecting Ramesvaram
W'-Ith the mainland. It is said that about the 15th century this connection was severed by the sea
bursting through the chain of rocks that formed the causeway.® The abrupt manner in which Point
R^man on the coast terminates, and its geological formation, which can bo traced across the ridge of
the rocks to the island, almost confirm the supposition, and the opinion is strengthened by the records
of the Temple at Ramesvaram, which state that, until the early part of the 15th century, the island
was connected with the continent of India by a narrow neck of land and that the Svami of
Btoesvaram was on particular festivals carried to a temple on the mainland. The sandy ridge
known as Adames Bridge connects Ramesvaram with Ceylon, thus accounting for the so-called
bridge built by tbe moukey soldiers of the Edmdyam}^ Ofi the coast of Ceylon is the island of
Manner, about 18 miles long.
Extricating ourselves from tbe halo of legend that surrounds and obscures the Brahman sage,
ParaSii-Be.ma, we see in him the leader perhaps of the earliest Aryan colony into
South India. The miraculous powers by which he is said to have reclaimed the land are part and
parcel of his mythical charactei;* The very existence of such a personage as Parasu-Rama has been
questioned by some authorities. He is asserted to be an incarnation of Vishnu and it is difficult to
5 Duties Antieni India, Vol. II, p. JJO. . ^ See JMajor^s India in the Fifteenth Century,
^ Yule’s Cathay and the Way Thither, p. 455. ® 7^he Madras Review, p. 225, et seq,
^ After five centuries of separation the South Indian Pailway Company is about to make an attempt to restore
Ihe connection between the mainland and the island by means of the Pamban Channel Eailway Bridge,
w The Qassetteer of^qaihern India, p, S85.
August, 1902.] NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
841
fix his date with any approach to accuracy. His encounter with his namesake of the Bdmdyana and
his slaughter of the Kshatriya race have been pronounced by Mr, Talboys Wheeler to be pure
myths
But Mr. Romesh C bandar Dutt thinks that the story of Parasu-Rama probably conceals a great
historical truth. He is said to have fought against the Kshatriyas and exterminated the caste
21 times and then he was conquered by the Kshatriya Rama, the hero of the Epic. It would seem that
this story indicates the real rivalry and hostilities between * the priestly and the warrior castes —
indications of which we have found in a literary form in the Upanishads''^^ Parasu-Rama is,
however, a post-Vedic character and cannot therefore be accorded too high an antiquity. “ In the
Anusdsana-Parva of the MahdbMrata^ section 52, Yudhishthira enquires how Parasu-Rama, the
son of the Brahman Jamadagni, was possessed of the qualities of a Kshatriya. It is, indeed,
remarkable that Jamadagni* s name occurs in the but not that of his renowned son Parasu-
Rama. That character, therefore, is a later inrention, and the story of his wars with the Kshatriyas
is probably based on actual hostilities, which may have taken place early in the epic age (B. C,
1400 to 1000 ) between stalwart priests and proud kings just when the caste system was taking
Bhape.”i3
According to the Rev. William Taylor the nearest conjecture we can form regarding the date of
Parasu-Rama is that he lived sometime within the thousandth year after the fiood according to the
orthodox Christian chronology. He thinks that assuming the astronomical principles detailed by
him elsewhere^^ to be correct, there must have been a great retiring of the mass of the waters from
the Northern Hemisphere during the period within 500 years to a 1,000 years after the flood 5 and,
unless the level of the Malabar Coast be greatly beneath that of the Coast of Coromandel, from this
also a similar retiring of waters must have taken place at the same time.^s
According to the Keralpt-patti, a Malayalam treatise on the early history of KSrala, the coun-
try is also known by the name of Karmabh-CLmi, or the country where salvation depended entirely
and exclusively on good actions. The ground in Malabar is in itself not consecrated ground. There
salvation has to be worked out by the performance of good actions. It is even said that the souls of
those dying in Malabar would be transmigrated into the bodies of asses and only good actions can
save them from this dire calamity. So the Brahmans to whom the land was given as gift by Parasu-
Rama were ordered strictly to observe the various ceremonies prescribed by him for the salvation of
the souls of those who inhabit the country. These take vicariously the benefit of the good work
enjoined on the Brahmans. Thus the salvation of the souls of the other classes depends wholly on
the strict performance of their spiritual functions by the Brahmans of Malabar. The Kiralotpatti
expressly says that the whole of K^ralam was given to the Brahmans by Parasu-Rtoa to be kept
mainly for the support of temples and religious ceremonies. The trust was a sacred one ; and, unless
they conform strictly to the terras of the original endowment, the beneficiaries have a legal right to
enforce the trust. The pretensions of the Malabar Brahman janmis (landlords) to absolute ownership
in land cannot therefore be maintained for a moment.
The name by which the Malaydjis love to designate their country is Kdrala, a Sanskrit word,
though they themselves are Draviclians and their language, Malayalam, but a dialect of Tamil. The
land was certainly known to the Aryans at a very early period. KSrala was known to Katyayana
(1st- half of the 4 th century B. C.) and Patanjali (150- B. C.), though Panini (beginning of the
7 th century B. C., if not earlier still) does not mention it. The“ MaMbMrata,!® the RamayaigLa,^^
History of India, Vol. 11. p. 67.
32 Ancient India, Yol. I. p. 212. (See also Hunter’s Indian Empire, p. 104.)
3**' Op. cit Vol. I. p. 153. Translation of Historical Manuscripts, Yol, I p. 153.
Op’ cit. Vol. II. p. 65. IS IV. 41, 16685. Ill— 1991. Farm, Chap .31.
17 41 ^ to the dates of these Epics the Rdmd^a'^ia is later than the MahdhMrata. While Pilnini refers to
the ktter, he is altogether silent about the former.
342
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[ATOT7ST, 1902.
the Vayu-Pxir§,ija,^® the Matsya-Purfi^a,!® and the Marka^dSya-Purdija®® make mention of
Kerala and GdkarijLam. The latter also occurs in the BMgavata, Padma and Skanda Purd-
^aa. The MaMbharata, the Eamayana and the HarivamSa refer to the KSraias as a class of
despicable people in the south, such as the Hunas, Pulindas, Chandalas, Svapachas, etc. They attribute
the degeneration of the times to the existence of such nations of the lowest origin. 21 To them were
also ascribed the atrocities of warfare.®^
The 2nd and the 13th Edicts of the'great king A^6ka (B. 0. 257) refer to the ruler of Kdralam
as KSraJaputra and classes his country as one of the Pratyantas or border lands.
In the 1st century A. D. Pliny refers to the ruler of Kerala as Calobothras, and mentions
Muziris, the first emporium in India, as his capital, Muziris has been satisfactorily identified by
Dr. Burnell with the modern Cranganore or Kddungallftr. Prom Pliny we may gather that the
country ruled by Calobothras extended southwards to Neaoyndon, STilkanda or Kallada
near Quilon, where the sway of the Pandyan king began.
The Ferijolus bitten probably in the first century A, D., also refers to Eeprobothras and
tke land he ruled, which it calls Limxirike^ It extended from Nouro and Tyndis in the-north to
Nilkanda in the South,
Ptolemy (2nd century A. D.) mentions Karoura as the capital of Limurike where Kerobothrag
lived. The description given by Pliny, Arrian and Ptolemy, of Limurike, or, as the Peutingerian
Tables call it, Damurike, enables us to fix approximately the extent of the sway of Calobothras,
Keprobothras or Kerobothras. Limurike or Damurike has been shown by the learned Bishop
Caldwell to represent the Drftvida or the Tamil -Malay ajam country. Prom Pliny it is
somewhat difficult to gather its northern limit; but after making mention of the important port
of Muziris, he goes southwards and names Neacyndon, which, according to him, belonged to th"
Hndyans, In this the Periplns agrees with him. Ptolemy calls the place Melkynda and locatet
it in the country of the Aioi, identified by Caldwell with South Travancore. Ptolemy and the
author of the Periplus are at one in making Tyndis the most northern port in Limurike. The
periplns gives its distance at 700 stadia or nearly 12° of latitude, if we reckon 600 stadia to the
degree. Notwithstanding this authoritative statement which makes Limurike begin somewhere
near Calicut (11° 15' N. Lat.), its frontier has generally been placed nearly 3° further north,
Tyndis having been located at Barcelore, This error has been rectified by Sir Henry Yule whose
adherence to the data of the Periplus has been completely justified by the satisfactory identification
of Muziris with Cranganore instead of with Mangalore, as previously accepted. It is, perhaps
necessary to point out here that Tyndis, too, has been satisfactorily identified by Dr. Burnell with
Eadalundi near Beypore, the former south-western terminus of the Madras Railway near
Calicut,®* ^
The Kerabothras of Ptolemy, Keprobothras of the Periplus and Calobothras of Pliny has
been identified by Bishop Caldwell with the Tamil KSralaputra. The insertion of the letter “ p ”
in one of the above names is pointed out to be an error, perhaps of the transcriber. “ The name
inSans^t and in full,” says the learned Bishop, “isKdraJaputra, but the Kdra and Kdia are
Dravidian abbreviations of Kdraja, They are MalayMam, however, not TamiJ abbreviations and
the District over which the Tamil KSra Japutra ruled is that in which the MalaySlam Lanffuaa-e is
now spoken.”®* s »»
Chap, ^5, V, 124, Ed. i9 nv--, i-|o « aq t'a-l , ^
» Chap. 57, y. 45, Bd. Bi6. lad. Prof. Bhandarkar olasses the
the later Purdijos. Of these the oldest appears to him to be the TS/gn, and next to it tte Matsya and the
he latest. See Borfy History of the Dehhm, 28. ^
a See Dr. Oppert “On the Weapons, Army Organisation and PoUHcal Marims of theAnoienf » 00
: Mad. Jour, of Lit. and Sdenrn for 1881. »» See
“ ComparoMve Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, Introduction, p. 95. ^ Ptolemy.
AuausT, 1902,] NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
843
The Rev. Mr. Foulkes contends that Ch^ra and Kerala denote the same country, the term
Kerala being but the Canarese dialectical form of the word Clxdra. He points to a general con-
currence of the authorities that Chera and Kerala are synonymous names notwithstanding the
difficulty caused by the supposed identity of Kohgu and ChSra.ss Dr. Bottler’s Tamil BiGtionary
has under the word ‘Keralaii’ “ The king Cheran who reigned on the Malabar Coast.” “I have no
doubt,” says Dr. Caldwell, “that the name Chffi'a and Kerala were originally one aud the same, and
it is certain that they are always regarded as synonymous in Native Tamil and Malayalam lists.”
Dr. Gundert has, in his Malayiila7n Dictionary, under the word K^ram “ Chera = Malabar, Canarese
pronunciation of ChSram,” and under the word KSralam “ Cherain — the country between Gokar-
nam and Kumari”j the word Kerala was known under various forms, such as S§ram, Oh§ram, etc.
The Ch§ra or K§rala kingdom at one time loomed large on the map of Southern India.
According to Dr, Burnell, from the* 3rd to the 7th century appears to have been the most flourishing
period in the modern history of the kingdom. It then extended over the present Mysore, Coim-
batore, Tondinad, South Malabar and Cochin. It formed one of the great triarchy of ancient
Hindu kingdoms in the extreme south of India and had already acquired a name before the 3rd
century B, C. Professor Dowson describes it at a later period as extending to the Mysore frontier
in the north, the District of Salem in the east, and the Travancore Coast up to Calicut in the
north-west. Its capital was at Kartir. Dr. Caldwell is disposed to identify Kartir with the
Karoura of Ptolemy, which he says occupies the same site as the present important town of the same
name in the Coimbatore District, situated on the left bank of the Amaravati, a tributary of the
Kav^ri. The authority of the learned Bishop is high indeed. But there are some noteworthy
considerations which induce us to shift the locality of Ptolemy’s Karoura, the capital of OhSra or
K8ra|a, to an altogether different place. Early Tamil records point to Vaffji, as the capital of the
OhSra Kingdom, aud according to the Tamil Meb'ical Diotionartj, Tivdkaram, the modern name of
Yahji is Karur. Ancient Tamil works describe Yaiiji as being situated west of the Western Ghto.
Ill iheFeriya Purdnam Yauji is mentioned as the capital of the Ch^ra King, aud it is indeed significant
that it was also known as Mak6tai (or K6du.ngalltlr). In the Syrian Copper-plate of Bhaskara
Ravi Yarma (about the 8th century A, D.) Kddungalltir is called Makdtaipattanam, and this is
generally accepted to have been the capital of the Cheramai Perumals. The Rev. William Taylor,
in the preface to his Translation of Tamil Historical Manuscripts, assures us that the Sera Metropolis
was no other than Tim Yanji, the capital of the Oheraddsara. Thus early records, known traditions
and old inscriptions all point to Tiruvaftchi or Tiruvafichikujam {rendered into Sri Vaifiji
Kdvilakam or abode or palace of the prosperous Yanji King) lying adjacent to Cranganore, as
the capital of the early rulers of Ohffi'a or K4rala,
I have already shown that Cranganore has been identified with the Muziris of Pliny,
Arrian and Ptolemy. Pliny, who died in A, D. 79, and who seems to have written bis work
two years before his death, says that “Oalobothras was reigning there (Muziris) when I committed
this to writing,” But by the middle of the 2nd century A. D., when Ptolemy wrote, Chera
must have either changed its capital, or constituted one more seat of Government. For Ptolemy,
as we have observed, names Karoura as the capital of Limurike. It may indeed be that there
were two capitals, the Northern and the Southern : the capital .for the interior aud the capital for the
coast ; or Oalobothras or Kerabothras must have removed his capital from Muziris on the coast to
Karoura in the interior, for it will be found that Ptolemy names the latter as one of the interior
cities of Limurike. Still it need not be that Kerabothras removed his capital so far into the interior
as Karur in the Coimbatore District. If Tirnvancbikulam is not itself Karur, the capital of Chgra,
as being situated on the coast, a more likely site than the Karfir of the Coimbatore District is
TirukkSbrtir in North Travancore, now a deserted village situated at the foot of the Ghats,
25 District Manual of Salem, Vok I.
844
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY*
[AtjOtjst, 1902.
3 miles from Hodamangalam and 28 miles east by north of Cochin. The remains of an old temple
and the walls of some old buildings are still to be found there. The people there- still point to a
plot of ground, as the place, from which Parasu-Rama is said to have taken his final farewell of the
Nambfiris. It is further significant that, in the K6ral6tpatti, Karur or Tirukkarur (the prefix
Tiru simply means prosperous) is mentioned as the capital of one of the Cheraman Perumals and
the tradition is still remembered by the people of the place.
The author of the Feriplus of the Erythrean Sea, as well as Ptolemy, mentions a district called
Paralia on the West Coast of India, and Professor Wilson is of opinion that it is possible that it
may be a wrong reading for K^raja or Keralia. This, however, is doubtful ; for, after noticing
the territory of the Pandyans, Ptolemy mentions the country of the Batoi, which Professor
McCrindle identifies with the district extending from the neighbourhood of Point Kalimere
to the Southern mouth of the Kavgri, corresponding roughly with the present District of Tanjore,
within which are placed Nikama, Thelkheir and Kouroula, identified by Yule with Negapatara,
ISIagto and Karikal. After this comes Paralia, specially so called, “ The country of the
Toringoi.” Bishop Caldwell has identified the Toringoi with the northern portion of the Tamilian
natiou, “This name,” he says, “isChd^ain Sanskrit, Ch61a in Telugu, but in Tamil Sdya or
Ohdra. The accuracy with regard to the people is remarkable, for in Tamil they appear not only as
S6ras, but also as Soragas anl S6yiyas, and even as Seringas. Their country also is called
Sdragam. The ‘ r ’ of the Tamil word S6?a is a peculiar sound not contained in Telugu, in
which it is generally represented by ‘ d ’ or ‘ 1 The transliteration of this letter ‘ r ’ seems to show
that then, as now, the use of this peculiar was a dialectical peculiarity of Tamil. Paralia, the
learned Bishop points out, is the Greek word for coast. Professor McCrindle thinks that, as a
Greek word, Paralia designated generally any maritime district. It could not, therefore, have been
the Greek mode of writing a native name ; for Ptolemy mentions several Paralias. The coast indi-
cated by this name included Ptolemy’s country of the Aioi, i. e., South Travancore and that of
Karai, South Tinnevelly. In th(j Feriplus, Paralia commenced at what was called the Pyrrahos or
“ the Red Clifis,” South of Quilon, and included not only Cape Comorin but also Kolkhoi, It
belonged to the King Pandyan, Dr. Vincent conjectures that the king of Madura had extended his
power from the eastern to the western side of the Peninsula and was master of Malabar, when the
Greco-Egyptian fleets first visited the Coast. He also thinks it likely that the power of Pandyan
had been superseded in Malabar between the age of the Feriplus and Ptolemy, for the latter makes
the Aioi next to Limurike on the south and takes no no-tice of Pandyan till he has passed Cape
Comorin,
With regard to the word Paralia, it is interesting to note that both Burnell and Yule agree in
identifying it with Puraji, which is an old name for Travancore. Yule says that “this
Paralia is, no doubt, Purali, an old name for Travancore, from which the Raja has a title “ Pura-
i'isan,” lord of Purali. Dr. Gundert also points this out in his Malaydlmn Dictionary, under the
word Purajisan. That the title was used to denote the Rajas of Travancore is also evident from the
well-known metrical translation of the Ydhmki Bdmayana into Malaya lam by Raja KSrala Varma,
as also from the equally well-known philosophical poem Vaz’rdgyachandrodaya by the same author.
For about two centuries after Ptolemy we have no authentic record of the mention of Kerala.
But towards the latter end of the 4th century A. D. we see it referred to in the famous Gupta
Inscription on the Allahabad Lat of Asoka. It is there recorded that Samudra Gupta captured and
then liberated, among other Rajas, Mantar^ja of Kerala in the region of the South. Whether this is
the product of the imagination of an Oriental Court panegyrist, or whether Samudra Gupta found
it feasible to advance so far south as Malabar or not, it is significant that one of the ChSramdn
Perumals, who ruled over Malabar subsequently, went by the name of Sthanu Ravi Gupta.
Mr. Venkiah, however, questions the correctness of the reading of the term Gupta” occurring in
the second of the Syrian Copper-plates.
Atotjst, 1902.j NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
345
A little later on we have Varaha Mihira, the great Hindu Astronomer (about A, D. 550),
noticing in his Brihatsamhitd both the country and the people by the names Kerala and Kairalakas
He locates the country in the Southern Division and names Bdladevapattanam and Marichi-
pattanam as important towns therein. Kern, Varaha Mihira’s Translator, identifies these places
with the B&liapattana and the Muzeris of Ptolemy and other Greek Geographers.27
Inscriptions and copper-plate documents of the Western ChS^lukya Dynasty show that almost
for 500 years after this, the Ghalukyan kings made temporary conquests of Kdraja. In an inscrip-
tion of the Western Chdlukyan king, PulakSsi I, (5th century A. D.), Kerala is mentioned as
possessing a chief who was conquered by that sovereign.^s In the MahakuU inscription of Maii-
gal^sa (567 to 610 A. D.) we are told that the victories of his brother and predecessor Kirtivarma I,
(489 to 567 A. D.) included the kings of Kerala, Mhshaka, Pandya, Ohdliya, and Aluka.29
Professor Monier Williams identifies Mhshaka with that part of the Malabar Coast lying
between Quilon and Cape Comorin. It may be remembered that Dr. Burnell stops a long way north
of Qnilon in giving the Southern boundary of the Gh^ra or Kerala Kingdom. Of Pulakisi II. (610
to 634 A. D.) it is said that, after the conquest of Kahchipura, he crossed the Kaveri and
invaded the conntry of the Cholas, the Pjindyas, and the K^ralas.^o But these preferred
to submit rather than to fight. They, however, soon revolted, and Pulakesi’s son, Vikrama-
ditya I. (652-3 to 680 A. D.),3i a man of abilities and daring adventure, had to march against
them and break their combined power.32 In tbe epithets applied to Vikram^ditya I., father
of Vinayaditya Satyasraya, a clear allusion is made to a confederacy that was formed against
him by the three kings of Ch61a, Pandya and Kerala. He is said “ to have rent open
with the thunderbolt that was his prowess the proud summits of the haughtiness of the three
mountains which were the kings of Ch81a, PS^dya, and K^raja.^^ Vikramaditya’s son, Vinayaditya,
seems to have assisted his father in conquering the southern kingdoms. Between the 11th and
14th years of his own reign (692 to 695 A. D.) the king completely subjugated, among others, the
KSralas in the south.^^ Vinayaditya made tributaries of the kings of Kav8ra or Kerala, as it
is read in some of the grants and of the Parasikas, who, as Professor Bhandarkar says,
were probably the Syrians settled on the coast of Malabar.36 Vinayaditya’s grandson Vikramaditya
11.36 also claims to have fought with the Cholas, the Papdyas, the Keralas, the Kalabhras and reduced
them. In a grant dated A. D. 758 by Kirtivarma II., son of Vikramaditya, we are introduced to
him in a seaside residence at a place called Jayamambha, situated on the shore of the southern ocean,
of which a graphic description is given, where he dwelt in peace after “ withering up Pandya, Chola,
KSrala, Kalabhra, and other kings.”37
About this time the Bashtrakfltas overthrew the Chalukyas. The fourth prince of the Rath6r
family, Dantidurga, son of Indra I., was a great niler. His own grant attributes to him an easy victory
over the army of KarmUa. He is said to have defeated the lords of K^nchi and Kerala, the Chola,
Sriharsha and Vaijayanti.38 The RsishtrakuU king Govinda VI. claims to have conquered the
K8ralas, He reigned about A, D. 803 to 814-15.3® For 200 years and more after this the
26 Chap 14, V. 12. Also Chap. 16, v, 11, The word Kairalaka appears in that form in the Allahabad Inscription
of Samndra Gupta. See Qupia Inscriptions, page 8, line 13.
27 See Kern’s BnhatsatiihM. Sewell’s Archaeological Survey "Report, Vol. II.
29 fleet’s BansTcrii and Old Canarese t^iscripiions, No. 185 — Ind, Ant, Vol. XIX. p. 7.
30 Bhandartar’s History of the Bekhan, p. 39. Burnell’s South Indian Palaeography, 2ad Ed., p. 18.
32 Ibid, p. 43. Fleet’s San, and Old Can. Inscriptions, No. XLVIII. — Ind, Ant, Yoh Yll. p. 303.
S3 Fleet’s Sans, and Old Can, Inscriptions, No, XXIX. ---Ind, Ant, Vol. VI. p. 87.
3* Fleet, No. XLIV. — Ind, Ant, Vol. VII. p. 209. ss Bistory of the Bekhan, p. 43.
36 Began to reigfn A D. 733. Burnell, p. 18.
87 The Chdiuhyas and the Pallavas, by Lewis Eice — Ind. Ant, Vol. VII. p. 23 (see 26 and 27).
38 Ind, Ant,. Vol. VI. p, 61. Bantidurga’s date has been fixed by means of grants as A, D. 725-55— Logan’s
MMar, Vol. I. p, 2S5.
346
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1902,
Chalukyas were completely thrown into the shade by the BashtrakuUs till, about 978 A. D., Tailapa
the Chalukyan rose and restored the decaying glory of the dynasty, Tailapa's grandson, Vikramaditya
or TribhuTanamalla, was a great conqueror. Bilhana, in his ViJcramakdvya^ speaking of Vikrama’s
prowess, says, “the wives of the king of Kerala wept when they thought of Vikrama’s former
deeds.” In the 4th sarga, Bilhana expressly says that Vikrama first marched against the
K^ralas and conquered them. Vikrama reigned between 1008 and 1018 A, After this it
is not often that we see Kerala mentioned in any authentic records.
In considering the extent of we have to note that the Kdrajdtpatti alludes
to a division of the country on two occasions. Once by the Brahmans during their direct sway
and at another time by one of the Perumals, whom the Brahmans had elected as their ruler.
Of the first division the K^raJ.6tpatti says, that the Maland>(p. or Malab&r or hill-country was
divided into four parts, vtz > : — -
(1) The Ti4u-kingdom extending from G6karnam to Perumpula (the large river),
2 . e., the Canaras (north and south), very nearly as at present constituted.
(2) The Khpa-kingdom extending from Perumpula to Putupafctanam the seat of the
Thekkenkur (Southern Regent) of the North Kdlatiri dynasty situated on the
Kotta river — i. North Malabar as at present defined, less the Southern half
of the Kurambarnad TMuk.
(3) The Kdraja-kingdom extending from Putupat^nam to Kannetti, i, e., South
Malabar, including the South half of the Kurambarnad Taluk, the Cochin State
and North Travancore.
(4) The Mtishika-kingdom extending from Kannetti to Cape Comorin, t. e., South
Travancore.
The other division was made by Arya Perumft}* He, it is said, inspected the whole
country and arranged it into four divisions or provinces : —
(1) The Ti4u country from Gokarnam to Perumpula.
(2) The K§ra|.a country from Perumpula to Putupafc^j^m.
(3) The Mhshika country from PutupatUnam to Kannetti.
(4) The Kuvala country from Kannetti to Cape Comorin.
Though these divisons were made for administrative purposes, it is significant that, in
naming them, the term Kerala came to he applied only to a fourth part of the whole country,
notwithstanding that the Malayalis still consider Gokarnam and Kanyakumm-i (Cape Comorin)
as the Dan and Beersheha of KSralam.
Various theories have been started locally as to why the country was called Kdraja.
We may refer here to two of the more popular ones. It is said that the country came to b«
denominated Kerala in honour of one of its illustrious Perumals, But chronology belies this
theory. For, the country was known as K§rala long before the Perumal period. According to
the K^raldipatiy when the Brahmans found that the system of appointing ralcshd'-purushas, or
protectors, failed to work properly, they (the 64 villagers) assembled at Tirunav^iy, determined
to elect a king, and empowered the four selected grdmams (villages) to choose one-
Their choice fell on K6ya Perumal of Keyapuram in the country east of the Ghats. He was
brought, it is said, to K^-raJam and installed as the first of the Perumals iu the year of the
Kaliyuga expressed by the cryptogram “ BhtLman B]itLp6yam Pr^pya/* corresponding to A. D.
2I6>^ But we have already pointed out that the country was known as Kerala as early as the
3rd century B. 0., not to speak of its being so called even in pre-historic times.
Riaiory of the Rekhaut p. 62. Logan's Malahar, Vol. I. p. 223,
Atoust, 1902.] NOTES ON MALABAB AND ITS PLAOB-NIMES.
347
The other theory is that the word is derived from herarrif which is an abbreviation of the
Sanskrit word ndUMram^ meaning cocoanut, and that the name Keralam was applied to the
coast on account of its producing the cocoanut in abundance.^2 Abundant as the cocoanut
palms have been in Malabar from early days, it may be noted that the inventory of articles
contained in the Periplus (1st century A. D.), as forming the staple of commerce between the
East and the West, does not make the remotest mention of the tree or of its produce. It has
been described as the ‘‘ great nut of India,*’ and more than one author^^ has remarked that it
is sufficient to build, rig, and freight a vessel with bread, wine, water, oil, vinegar, sugar and
other commodities. A mediaeval couplet referring to the cocoanut palm says that it
Yields clothing, meat trencher, drink and can,
Boat sail, oar, mast, needle, all in one.”
If the tree had existed in Malabar at the time of the Periplus, it is difficult to believe
that its noteworthy products would have escaped the attention of the shrewd early Greek
merchants. In Photio’s abridgment of the Indika of Ktesias (about B. 0. 400), reference
is made to ‘‘palm trees and their dates,” which were said to be thrice the size of those
in Babylon, and in another abridgment of the same author by a different editor the palm
fruits are referred to as the “ largest of nuts.” It is conjectured that these refer to the
cocoanut tree and its fruit. We have, however, an accurate description of the tree given by
Kosmas Indikopleustes (525 to 647 A. D.) under the name argellia, in his Topograhia Chris-
tiana. The word argellia is evidently an erroneous transliteration of the Sanskrit word
narikdlam or naiikdram denoting *the cocoanut.^^ It would not be far wrong to say that
the tree must have been introduced into Malabar between the dates of the Periplus and of
Kosmas. Mr. Logan considers that the cocoanut tree was introduced into Malabar by the
Tiars or Dvipars, or Islanders, who came from Ceylon, L e., Simhalam, i. e., llam, and are
therefore called Ijavars. In their migration into Malabar they are traditionally stated to
have brought with them the ten-kdy-maram, i. e., “the Southern fruit tree.”^® The Tiers are
recognised as an organised civic guild in the Syrian Christian Copper-plate Grant of the 9th
century A. D. So that we may take it, that the tree was cultivated to a large extent on the
coast at the date of the deed. If the views above set forth are correct, we can hardly believe
that the country came to be called KSrala so early as the 3rd century B. C., because of the
luxuriant growth of the cocoanut palm, which seem to have been introduced, at the earliest,
between the dates of the Periplus and of Kosmas, i* e , , between 1st and 6th centuries A, D.
We now come to the terms Malabar and Malaya].am. A1 Biruni (970 to 1039 A. D.)
appears to have been the first to call the country Malabar. No doubt, before him Kosmas
Indikopleustes, the Egyptian merchant, who, in the course of traffic, made some voyages to
India, mentions a port named Male, where the pepper grows on the West Coast, which he says
was most frequented on account of its extensive trade in that spice. Dr. Robertson, the
great historian, is disposed to derive the word Malabar from Male. He says that Malabar
means the country of pepper.^® On the other hand, Padre Paolino da San Bartolomeo, the
learned Carmelite, who was for long a resident in Malabar, more specially in Tiavancore,
|)Omts out that the country was known as Malan&cLu and Malahkara, and from the latter has
been formed by various contortions the word Malabar. He further assures us that the opinion
of Er. Raulin, who contends that Malabar is of Arabic extraction, being compounded of Male
and Barr, has no foundation,^^ Both A1 Idrisi, the Muhammadan Geographer at the Court
of Roger II. of Sicily (1153-54 A. D.), and Abulfeda (1278 to 1331 A. D.) have al-Manibd,r.
*2 Day^s Land of the Fermidls, ** Dr. Day, Fra Bartolomeo, and others.
** See Cathay and the Wcuy Thither ^ Yol. I. p. 176. See also Yule and BurnelPs Boheon-Johson,
Logan’s Maldbar Manual, Yol. I. p. 143-. ** Historical IHsgvisitian concerning Ancient India,
^ Voyage to the East Indies, p, 102.
348
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[AuGirsT, 1902.
while A1 Kazwini (1263 to 1275 A. D.) and Ibn Batuta (1342 to 1347 A. D.) write it
al-Malib^r. Like variations occur among the old European travellers also.
The following eshibits in one view the varying forms in which the word was written by
the old Geographers and travellers : —
Muhammadan.
A1 Biruni (970 — 1039), Melibar.
A1 Idris! (1153), Manibar.
Rashidu’ddin (1247— 1381), Manibar,
A1 Kazvini (T263 — 1275), Malibar.
Abulfeda (1273 — 1331), Manibar.
Ibn Batuta (1342 — 3347), Malibar,
Baku! (date not ascertained), Malibar.
A Turkish work translated by Yon Hammer for the Bengal A$iatic Society's Journal
calls it Moueber [Mn‘abar] (date not ascertained),
European.
Marco- Polo (1271 — 1294), Melibar,
Friar Odoric (1286 — 1380), Minibar.
Marignolli (1290 — 1355), Mynibar.
John of Monte Corvino (1291), Minabar,
Friar Jordanus (1320), Molebar.
Nicolo Conti (1419), Melibaria.
Fra Mouro (1440), Melibar.
According to Abulfeda, the country of Al-Manibar extended from Hon^war to Kumahri.
Rashidfi’ddln, however, includes Sindabur also, i. e., Goa. A1 Birfini says that it extended from
Kar&ha, whose identity with its modern site it is difficult to make out, to Kaulam or Quilon
300 parasangs in length. A1 Idrisi’s Manibar extended from Honor^ to Kw^lam, while Ibn
Batuta says that its length is a journey of two months along the shore from Sindabur (Goa)
to Kolam or Quilon, At a later date a point between Mt. D’Ely and Mangalore on the North
and Kaulam (Quilon) on the South were the usual limits assigned to Malabar. It may be
noticed that the country between Quilon and Comorin, known once as Mushaka, is left out as
not forming part of Malabar during the mediseval period.
General Cunningham, in his Geography of Ancient India^ identifies Malabar with the
Mo-lo-kiu-cha (Malaktita) or MalayakHta of the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsiang (A, D. 629
to 645). The first half of the nameMo-lo-kiu-cha is,’' says Dr. Hultzsch, “ no doubt the well-
known Dravidian word mala^ a hill (mala in Malayalam), and the second may be connected
with Mrram, which means a division, or more probably with loitam, which means a district
in Tamil inscriptions. Thus Mo-lo-kiu-cha or Malak6fcta would be a synonym of Malanidu
or Malai-nadu, the hill-country. But as Hiuen Tsiang places Malakotfca to the south of
Dravi^a and attributes to it a circuit of 5000 General Cunningham is, doubtless
right in supposing that it must have included, besides Malabar, the whole Southern part of the
Madras Presidency beyond the Kaveri.’’^^ The Chinese traveller has noticed the fact that
sandalwood and a camphor-bearing tree (cinnamon) grew on the mountains of Malaya. In
Sanskrit and in Malayalam the term Malaya is applied to the Western Ghafcs, and the sandal
is called malayaja ^ ». e,, the produce of Malaya.
Hiuen Tsiang places the Capital of Malakdtta 3000 U to the south of Kanchipura.
Though General Cunningham has pointed out that the distance would tak e us out to see beyond
The li may be reckoned at the full value of 1079 *12 feet.
*9 Bee Ind. Ant Vol. Till, p, 239.
Atjotst, 1902.] NOTES ON MALABAR AND ITS PLACE-NAMES.
349
Cape Comorm, yet Mr. Beal identifies Ohimola (wliicli the Chinese editor of Hiuen Tsiano'
remarks in a note is another name for Malakot^) with the Tamil Kumari, i. e., Cape Comorin.^^
But we have to keep in mind that the coast line had extended at one time to a long distance
further south of the present Cape. In the Chino-Japanese Map of India the alternative name
for Malayaku^ is Hai-an-men, which suggests a connection with Ptolemy’s country of the
Aioi. Professor Wilson thinks that the Aioi may stand for the Sanskrit ahiy a serpent, the
reference embodying no doubt the local tradition mentioned in the Keralotpatti, of the serpents
driving the Brahmans out of Kerala,
Mr. C. P. Brown, in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, says that the Arabs and
Africans, who first visited the West Coast of India, came to ‘^Muabbar from beyond
the sea.” He conjectures that the name Malabar might be the product of a slight change
or variation, perhaps unconsciously made in transcribing the original name in the Syrian
character. He proceeds to observe that the eastern shore of India was also visited by men
^‘from beyond the sea,” and the name Malabar has been wrongly applied to the Coromandel
Coast also, Orme, the historian of India, calls the Tamil people inhabiting the Coromandel
Coast the Malabars, and styles the Tamil language Malabarese.®^ This mistake of using the
name Malabar to mean part of the Coromandel Coast has led some to believe that the West Coast
fell a prey to the irruption of the Muhammadans from the North under Malik Kafur (A. D. 1310) ,
The name applied to the East Coast by Marco Polo and by Ibn Batuta about this time was
Malabar, meaning literally “ the passage,” and it is not unlikely that this gave occasion to the
belief of the Muhammadan conquest of Malabar under Malik Kdfur. According to RashJdu’ddin,
Al-Birfini and Others, Malabar extended from Quilon on the Western Coast to Nellore on the
Eastern Coast, including both the Oh&la and-Pandya kingdoms.^^ Ritter places Ma‘abar on the
West Coast, and Lassen says that the name with Ibn Batuta. signifies the southernmost part of
the Malabar Coast. But Col. Yule has noted the error into which both these learned scholars
have fallen. Professor Kuntsman of Munich thinks that the name applies neither specially
to the South-west Coast, nor to the South-east, but the whole southern apex of the peninsula.
This again is erroneous. There is no evidence whatever to show that the term Malabar has
ever been used to denote the whole southern apex of the peninsula. “ All use of it that
I have seen,” Says Col. Yule, “is clear for its being the South-eastern Coast, as Abulfeda
precisely says, commencing from Cape Comorin.”^^
To return to Mr. C. P, Brown and his theory regarding the derivation of the word
Malabar. After referring to the supposed error in transcription, Mr. Brown continues that “the
Tamils in those lands could not pronounce the ain or the letter B, and Muabar was softened into
Mapilla, the name borne by the descendants of Africans, who ai*e now called Mapillas,” This
derivation, to say the least, is curious ! How the word underwent the last change it is difficult
to understand. No slight change either by way of mispronunciation or verbal transforma-
tion can possibly distort Malabar into MSpilla,
The term M^pUla bas an independent derivation of its own, quite unconnected with the
word Malabar. It is indiSerently used to denote both Christians and Muhammadans, though
its signification is more strictly limited to Muhammadans in the Northern parts of Malabar.
Some think that the word Mfipilla is a contracted form of maM (great) and pilja (child),
an honorary title as among Nairs in Travancore# That the term pilja or pillay as an honorary
title is not confined to Nairs only is evident from the Canadian Copper-plate wherein a
Ancient Geography of India, Yol. I. p. 559, ef seq» See also p. 552. Tol, III.
62 [By “Malabars’’* early European travellers always meant iheloaUng population along both the Malabar
and Coromandel Coasts. It was a sailors’ error, and almost universal.— Ed,]
58 Cathay, p. 219. ' 5* Md, Vol. I. p. 81, note. See Gildmeister, pp. 56 and 185. ^ ^
850
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[August, 1902.
Brahman is styled Pillay — “ Naruyana Pilky, son of Gopala Pillay, Bralimaa of Srivatsa*
gotra (line), professing the Yajur-Yeda and residing in the old village or Brahman hamlet
hnilt by Cheraman-Pemmal-Raja.’’^^ Mr. Logan surmises that it {maJid-pilJa) was probably a
title of honour conferred on the early Muhammadans, or possibly on the still earlier Christian
immigrants, who are also down to the present day called Mapillas. The Muhammadans generally
go by the name of Jdnaka Mapillas, whereas the Christians are called Nasrdni Mapillas.
Jonaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka, i. e., Greek! It is indeed remarkable that in the
Fayyanorejpdt, perhaps the earliest Malayalam poem extant, some of the sailors mentioned in it
are called Ch6navars. The Mapillas, Muhammadans of the Coast, are said to be the descend-
ants of the early Arab traders, who formed temporary alliances with low-class women. On the
Eastern Coast this class is known by the name of Lubbays. Bishop Caldwell says that the
Tamil people style them Tulukkar (Turks) or Jdnagar (Yavanas),
Dr. Day derives the word Mapilla from = mother and jp/Z/a = child, showing to whose
care the offspring fell.^® Muhammadan purists of the coast, however, disown altogether the
application of the term to those who belong to the religion of the Qordiu Duncan says that
a Qazi derived the name from md = mother and pi/Za = a “ piipP7>’’ as a term of reproach 1
Maclean, in the Asiatic Eesearches^^'^ considered that the word came from Makd or Mohaif
“Mocha/’ and pi7Za, “a child,” and therefore translated it into children or natives (perhaps
out-castes) of Mohai or Mocha. A more likely and perhaps a more correct derivation of the
word is given by Mr. Percy Badger in a note to his edition of Varthema.58 “ I am inclined to
think,” says Mr. Badger, ‘Hhat the name is either a corruption of the Arabic Muflih (from the
root/a’Za/?, to till the soil), meaning prosperous or victorious — in which sense it would apply
to the successful establishments of those foreign Mussalmans on the Western Coast of India ;
or, that it is a similar corruption of Maflib (the active participial form of the same verb), an
agriculturist — a still more appropriate designation of the Moplas, who, according to Buchanan,
are both traders and farmers. In the latter sense the term, though not usually so applied
among the Arabs, would be identical with Fella’b, which is also a derivative from the triliteral
root falalia^
The indigenous word used hy the people in Malabar to denote the country is Malay^Jam,
w^hich some divide into mala = hill and ala = wave, meaning the country of the hills and waves ;
while others derive it from malai = rain.59 Mr. Logan®o thinks that “ Malabar is probably,
in part, at least, of foreign origin. The first two syllables are almost certainly the ordinary
Dravidian words mala (hill, mountain) and bar is probably the Arabic harr (continent) or
Persian bav (country).” The native name of the country is suggestive enough. It is
onala + dlam - Malayalam ; mala meaning mountain, and cilam, depth : land at the foot,
declivity or valley, the whole signifying the land at the foot of the mountains, Malabar being
precisely the Piedmont of the Italians. Malavarara is another term signifying the same
thing, and the transition from. Malavdir (the am being but the terminal half letter pecnliar to
the Malayalam Language) to Malabar is more easy and less open to objection than the transi-
tion from Malabar or Monibar or Melibar, or Malangara to Malabar.^i Under the well-known
rule of grammar ^^bavayor^abhedali^^^ the letters ba and va or b and v are interchangeable.
Grimm’s Law also points in the same direction. The natives themselves might have used
the words Malabar and Malay ar indifferently, and foreigners, coming into the country, may
reasonably be expected to call it by the name by which the natives themselves called it, if not
exactly in its original form, still with some modification or verbal variation.
65 of TramncoTe, p. 36. Be of the Pertmdh, p. 368
!! ^2:X. p. 501 f., for a disoussion on ^ En.l
69 Sewell, Vol. II. p. 110. oo Malabar, Yol. I. p. 1.
6^ ICf, Nicobar f tom Nakkav^ram. E d.]
Atotjst, 1902 .]
THE BAM AT AN. A CRITICISM.
851
THE EAMAYAK A CRITICISM.
BT AKSHAY KUMAE MOJUMDAE.
Note by tbe Editor.
The title of this paper is the author’s own. I have already published an article (ante,
Yol. XXIX, p. 8 iff.) exhibiting the South Indian Natives’ ideas of criticism, and I publish this
article from North India with the same object ; — to prove by their ipsissima verba how
hopelessly the Natives’ attitude towards the ‘‘criticism” of their literature diverges from that
of the West, and how far an ‘^English” education has influenced those most completely
subjected to it. The forms of English expression have been caught by the pupils j but the
mental attitude behind the forms has been missed altogether.
Text.
I. — The Author.
Vaimiki is the renowned author of the still more renowned Hindu Lyrical Epic — the
BAmayajjL, But he has totally left us in the dark as to his own personality. From his own
writings, we simply know that he was a very good sage — pious, learned, travelled and well
read ; and that he got his poetical inspiration spontaneously.
The great sage Vasishta, however, has thrown much light on this point. The following
is his account of the poet: — “Early in life, Valmiki was a great dasyu or dacoit, Ratnakara by
name, and used to plunder wayfarers for the maintenance of his family. In reality he was a
jewel under ashes. One day, Siva and Narada, in disguise of two human beings, came that way
in a highly tempting fashion. Valmiki also sprang forward from behind a tree to rob them.
But the travellers succeeded in inducing him to hear their say, and thereon a short dialogue
followed : — (Siva and Narada) — Well, you know that robbery is a great sin. (Robber) — Yes,
I do. (S. and N.) — Then why do you commit it? (R.) — To maintain my family. (S. and N.)
— You seem to believe that the inmates of your family share your guilt, do they? (R.) — Why
not ? (S. and N.) — If yon ask them, you will get the opposite answer. (R.) — Oh no, never.
(S. and N.) — Go home and ask. Then Ratnakara, tying them tightly to a neighbouring tree,
went home and returned shortly, frustrated and pale ; for all answered in the negative^
(R.) — Sirs, you are quite right. Now tell me how I may be good. (S. and N.) — Go to the
forest and train your mind by constantly repeating the word ‘ R^ma.’ Thus, after a long
time, he became siddha or enlightened. So persistently did he practise this austerity that
white-ants are said to have built their hills on his stirless body. From ‘ valmiha ’ (white-ant
hill) his name became Valmiki.
II, — History of its Composition,
One fine morning V almiki went to the river Tamasft (destroyer of sins) to bathe. After
having had his dip, he stood in navel-deep water to perform ablutions. For a time he lost
himself in communion. Then plaintive wailings of a she-crane suddenly bi’oke his pious
impassiveness and made him look round, to behold a crane pierced with an arrow by a fowler !
Immediately a couplet came out of his lips ex tempore, the purport of which is this : — “ Cursed
be thy name, 0 fowler, for ever; for thou hadst killed the crane while enjoying conjugal bliss.”
This spontaneous poetical outburst surprised him. He came back to his hermitage, musing on
the matter. At this time, Brahm^., the first Poet, came to him and gave him the power for
making measured language. Narada helped him a step further by suggesting that the divine
vu'tues of R^ma — an ideal king — should be set to the lyre. Valmiki followed him and
commenced his epic.
Ill, — Its publication.
Vdlmiki made the twin-sons of Sita, then banished to his hermitage, learn his epic by
heart. In those days a^grand annual fair used to be held at AyfidhyA Valmiki sent the
S52
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Atjotst, 1902 .
two young brothers to sing bis Bdmrlyan before all in tbe fair. Tbeir tunes, tender gestures,
and sweet recital attracted and softened every heart. Thus rousing public sympathy for Sita,
Valmiki proposed to the leading sages and persons to make Rama accept Sita publicly. All
agreed, Valmiki ushered her in tbe Royal Court before the assembled people. The sudden
appearance of poor Sit^ filled the hearts of all with a mixed sentiment of joy, grief, compas..
sion, and surprise. For the people believed that Sita had either committed suicide or had been
dead or devoured by wild beasts. Thousand blended notes rose from the people with “accept
her, accept her ! She is pure, she is pure !1 ” and so forth. Everything fared well, when a sad
thing changed the tide of the popular joyous sentiment. In a corner of the meeting stood a few
men, who had been expressing their approval with reluctance. Rama noticed it and refused to
accept Sita. * This final rejection came to her heart as a terrible shock and she dropped
down dead !
IV. — Its style, etc.
The style of VSlmiki is more ornate than classical. Of course, here and there the
austere naturalism of his diction cannot hut strike us ; but, on the whole, his style is highly
decorated. The Rdmdyan may be rightly called the " Intellectual Taj ” of ancient times.
The cruel act of the fowler strikes the key-note of the whole story. All throughout
the epic the idea of Light and Darkness, Hope and Despair, is prevalent. The opening
chapters of the Edmdyan give us the happiness of the realm of Ayodhy^j but the failure of
king Dasaratha’s male issue immediately brings to us the idea of Darkness. We are, however,
relieved when the princes are born. For sometime everything fares well, and Dasaratha is
exceedingly happy. Next we find Visvamitra asking the king for Rama and Lakshmana to
kill his foe — the demon TilrakS. Here Darkness reappears. We are, however, relieVed when
the young princes killed the demon. Next we come to the marriage proposal at Janaka’s Court
(Light), but the king’s vow — the breaking of Siva’s adamantine bow — appals Sitd and us alike
(Darkness). However, Rama succeeds. As the same phenomena will occur at every step,
we need not proceed further.
Valmiki’s work is a curious blending of Poetry, History, Philosophy, Sociology, and Ethics.
Jts theme is not an imagined wonder, but a faithful illustration of embodied virtue in all its
phases.
V. — Its moral effect.
The Rdmdyan h a world-epic in a peculiar sense. Its aim is to better the world — to solve
the question “ How to Live ? ’’ It speaks of' human interests, human duties, to satisfactorily
discharge which we are to go to it and patiently see how its principal figures lived, moved, and
had their being. It teaches us moral obligations with delight, — not by precept but by examples
— vivid representations;
VI. — The followers of Vaimlki.
EougUy-speaMng, Vaimlki is the Spenser of India, Both set forth Virtues— one practically,
the other allegorically. VSlmiki’s RSma is Spenser’s Magnanimity, the prince of Aristotle’s
twelve virtues. ValmlM’s SitS is Spenser’s Chastity, and so on. Both nse archaic forms
occasionally. Both are allegorists and good descriptive poets. In language, style, cadence,
both are ornate and melodious. Like Spenser, Valmiki has his followers. Vaiishta, Vyasa, the
monkey-god HanumSn, TulsidHs, Krittivas, Oliddsa, Bhavahhfiti, have taken np the same subject
and dealt it in imitation of V^mlki. The following is a brief summary of the different,
Etoiaya^s : — -
(1) Vaindki’s Rdmdyana : (The original Sanskrit epic.)
(2) The Toga-Vasishte Bamdyana'. (In Sanskrit. It explains the on through
. the Y6ga philosophy.) • - -
August, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
353
(3) The Adhyatma Bdmdyam : (In Sanskrit, It explains the Bdmdyan spiritually.
Narayana, i. e., Virtue, divides himself into four parts and become the sons
of Dasaratha. Lakshmi appears as Sita. The elements take the shapes of the
monkeys. Havana is evil. Virtue finally triumphs over evil.
(4) The Bctmdyana in the MahabMrata : (In Sanskrit. VMa-Vyasa gives the same story,
but disagrees with him in some points.)
(5) The Mdhd-Ndtaka : (In Sanskrit. Its authorship is ascribed to the monkey-general
Hanuman. Deification and worship of Sita-Rama and the fidelity of a servant
for his master are faithfully described.)
(6) The BevtBdmdyam : (In Sanskrit. Here prominence is given to Sita, who is held
as divine.)
(7) The Padma-Furdna : (In Sanskrit. The Pdtdla Khanda of it gives us many curious
digressions.)
(8) Kalidasa’s RagJiu-Vamsa : (In Sanskrit. A masterpiece of Creativeness, Con-
structiveness, the Beautiful and the Sublime and Music. Nature-painting,
character-sketches, descriptions of courts and camps are delightful to the
extreme 1 )
(9) Bhavabhfiti’s U ttara-charitra e^ndi Fira-cTiaritra: (In Sanskrit drama. We cannot
call these two plays historical. The writer has, inter alia, touched upon the
main points of the Epic. Pure taste, learned accents, partiality for 'Vedic rites,
graphic delineations of sentiments, etc., characterise the writer of these two
songs of Sita-Rama.)
(10) TnlsidSs’s Rdmdyan : (In Hindi. It approaches the original in n^ny respects.
Its language is pure and simple ; rhythmical flow melodious. It is a favourite
work of the Hindi-speaking people of India.)
(11) Erittivas’s Rdmdyan’. (In Bengali. A popular work. Language chaste. It
departs from the original in many points.)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON OR
GLOSSARY OP ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
BY CHAELES PAETEIDGB, M-A,
(Continued from p. 826.)
Choldra Morbus ; aun. 1832 : s. v. Cholera, 159, i.
Cholerau ; ann. 20 : s. ». Cholera, 159, i.
Chdleres ; ann. 100 : s. v. Cholera, 159, i, twice.
Choliar ; ann. 1782 : s. ». Choolia, 159, ii.
Cholias ; anu. 1836 ; s. u. Choolia, 159, ii, .. J’.
Lubbye, 899, ii.
Chohok ; ann. 1716 : i.u. Mort-de-chien, 450,ii.
Oholmender; s. v. Coromandel, 199, ii; ann.
1516 : s. V. Ohetty, 145, i.
Cholmendel; «. v. Coromandel, 199, ii; ann,
1516 ; s. ». Junk, 361, i, s. »• Qnilon, 570, ii.
Chomandarla ; 108, ii, footnote, s. v. Coroman-
del, 199, ii.
Chomay ; ann. 1543 : «. t». Cochin-China, 174, h.
Chondawat ; s, v. A Muck, 13, i, twice,
Ohoneh ; ann. 1712: s. v. Otto, 494, i.
Chonk ; ann. 1727 : s. v. Chank, 141, i.
Chookerau ; s. v. Moors, The, 447, ii.
Chookeree ; s. v. Moors, The 447 , ii.
Choola ; s. v, 159, i ; aun. 1814 : s. v. 159, i.
Choolia ; s. ®. 159, i, s. ®. Cheling, 144, i ; ann.
1343 : s. V. Quilon, 570, i ; ann. 1783 : s. v.
Achar, 3, i.
Chop; s. V. 159, ii, 160, i (4 times) and ii
(4 times), 161, i, and ii (twice), 778, ii, s. v.
Typhoon, 722, i ; ann. 1614, 1618 and 1673 :
s. V. 160, ii; ann. 1678: 8. v. Coco-de-Mei,
178, i ; ann. 1689, 1711 and 1715 : s. v.
S54
THE INDIAN ANTIQUART.
[Atjgust, 1902.
161, i; ann, 1720: 5. v, 778, ii; anii. 1785,
1817, 1876 and 1882 (twice) : 5 . i?. 161, i-
Chop-boat ; s. Chop, 160, ii.
Chopchin ; ann. 1711 : s, v. Datchin, 231, i.
Chop-chop ; 5. V. 161, ii, s. v. Chopsticks, 162, i*
Chop-dollar ; s, v. Chop, 160, ii.
Chope ; ann. 1615 : s, v. Chop, 160, ii.
Chop-houses ; 5 . -y. Chop, 160, ii.
Choppah ; ann. 1875 : 5 . -y. Bandanna, 43, ii.
Chopped ; 5. v. Chop, 160, ii.
Chopper; s, -y. 161,ii; ann. 1780 and 1817:
s. -y. 161, ii.
Chopper-cot ; s. y. 161, ii ; ann. 1817 : s. v,
162, i.
Chopra ; ann. 1584 : s. y. Coprah, 196, i.
Chopsticks; s. y. 162, i; ann. 1711 and 1876:
s. y. 162, i.
Chopt ; ann. 1682 : s. y. Chop, 778, ii.
Choqna ; ann, 1516 : 5 . y. Chicane, 777, ii.
Chora ; s. y. Coromandel, 199, i.
Choramandala ; s. y. Coromandel, 199, i.
Choramandel ; 5 . y. Coromandel, 200, i.
Chor§,o ; ann. 1554 : 5 . y. Bargany, 761, ii.
Chorasan; ann. 1638 ; s. y, Parsee, 516, ii.
Chorase ; ann. 1075 : a. y. Tibet, 699, i.
Chormandel ; s. y. Coromandel, 199, ii.
Chormondel ; §, y. Coromandel, 200, i ; ann.
1727 : s. y. Nabdb (a), 467, ii.
Chore Badel ; a* y. Coromandel, 198, ii.
Choromadel; s. y. Coromandel, 198, ii.
Choromandel ; s, y. Coromandel, 199, i (and foot-
note) and ii, 200, i, twice, s, v, Godaveiy, 291,
i ; ann. 1519 : s. y. Lac, 381, ii, 5 . y. Pulicat,
557, ii, 3 times ; ann. 1533 : s. y. Pulicat,
557, ii ; ann. 1535 : s. y, Satigam, 854, i and
ii ; ann. 1540 : 5 . y. Xerafine, 867, ii, twice;
ann. 1552 : s, y. Singalese, 635, ii ; ann.
1554: s. y, Sunda, 659, ii; ann. 1611 : s. y,
Snttee, 669, i ; ann. 1618 : s, y. Cheling,
144, i, twice, s. y. Godown, 292, i; ann. 1691 :
s. V, Winter, 740, ii ; ana. 1727 : s. y. Palem-
pore, 836, ii ; ann. 1759: s, y. Persaim, 530,
ii ; ann. 1769 : 5 , y. Mahratta, 410, i.
Choromandell ; 5 . y. Scavenger, 606, ii, s. y.
Coromandel, 784, i ; ann, 1611 : s, y, Narsinga,
174, ii.
Chota ; s, y. Achanock, 2, ii.
Chota-ha^iri ; aun. 1866 ; s. y. Ohota-hazry,
162, i.
Ohota-hazry ; s. y. 162 , 1
Chota bazry ; s. y, Haza^ee, 314, i.
Chota Sahib; s. y. Doray, 251, i.
Chota Lat; s, y. Lat, 389, ii.
Chotl Td ; 5 . y. Eed, 259, i.
Chouckies ; ann. 1727 : s. y. Dawk, 232, i.
Choughan; ann. 1837 : s. y. Chicane, 147, ii.
Choiikeednop ; ann. 1837 : s. y. Chokidar, 158, i.
Choul ; s. y. 162, i and ii (3 times), 779, i, y.
Babul, 224, ii ; ann. 545 : s, y. SOrath, 665,^
ii ; ann. 1020 : s. y. Lar (a), 886, i ; ann.
1030 : s. y. Malabar, 412, i ; ann. 1521 : s. y.
Nizamaluco, 830, ii ; ann. 1546 and 1630:
s. y. 168, ii ; ann, 1782 : 5 . y. 779, i.
Choultry ; s. y. 163, i, twice, 779, i, s, y. Chowry
(a), 165, i, s. y. Bhurmsalla, 244, i : ann,
1673 : s. y, 163, i, twice, s. y. Havildar, 313,
ii, s. y. Jogee, 352, ii, s, y. Madras, 407, ii,
s, y. Sittringy, 639, ii ; ann. 1678 : 5 . y.
Gaffer, 770, i ; ann. 1683 and 1689 : s, y. 163,
ii ; ann. 1693: s, y. Tom-tom, 708, i; ann.
1696 : s, y. Boy (a), 88, ii, s. y. Godown, 292,
i; ann. 1711 : 5 . v, 163, ii ; aun, 1714 : s. y^
779, i ; ann. 1727 : s. y. 163, ii ; ann. 1780:
$, y. Choultry Plain, 163, ii ; ann. 1784 : s. y.
Tattoo, 686, ii, s. y. Tyre, 724, ii ; ann. 1807:
s. y. Chuttrum, 170, ii, twice; ann. 1809„
1817 and 1886 : s. y. 163, ii.
Choultry Plain ; 5. y. 163, ii, twice ; ann. 1780 :
s, y. 163, ii.
Chouri ; ann. 1879; s. y. Choultry, 163, ii.
Chouringhee ; ann. 1803: s. y, Chowringhee,
779, ii.
Chouringy; ami. 1792: s. y. Chowrmghee„
779, ii.
Chous; ann. 1686 : s, v. Mnssaulchee, 460y i.
Chouse; s. y. 163, ii, 779, i ; ann. 1638: s. y.
164, i.
Choused ; ann. 1663 : s. y. Chouse, 164, i.
Chout ; s. y. Chowt, 165, ii ; ann. 1674 : s, y.
Chowt, 166, i, twice ; ann. 1686 : 5 . y. Mus-
saulchee, 460, i ; ann. 1763-78 and 1858 :
s,y, Chowt, 166, i.
Choutar ; ann, 1727 : s. v. Palempore, 836^ ;i.
Choute ; ann, 1803 : s, y. Chowt, 166, i,
Chouto ; ann. 1644 : 5 . y, Chowt, 166, i,
Chouxrave ; s. y. ,Nol-kole, 881, i.
Chow ; s, y. Chow-chow, 164, ii.
Chow-chow; 5 . y. 164, ii, 779, i; ann, 1858:
5 . y, 164, ii, twice; ann. 1880: y. Chin-
chin, 154, ii, twice ; ann. 1882: y. 164, ii^
5 times.
Chowdree; y, Chowdry^ 779, L
AU3- TTST, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSOX-JOBSON.
355
Ohowdry ; s, v. 164, ii, 779, i, s. v. Dawk, To
lay a, 282, ii, s. z;. Mocuddum, 434, ii, s. z?.
Palankeen, 508, i, s. z;, Chucklah, 779, ii ;
ann. 1590 : s, v. Coolcurnee, 191 ii ; aim.
1788 : s. -y. 165, i,
Chowk ; s. v, 165, i.
Cliowkee ; ann. 1682 : s. v. Choky, 158, ii ;
aim. 1866 : s. v. Pucka, 556, i.
Chowkey ; ann. 1751 : s. v, Muxadabad, 463, ii,
s. V. Sayer, 854, ii.
Cliowkeydar ; ann. 1888 : s. y. Eamoosy, 578, ii.
Clio wide ; ann. 1673 : s. v. Choky, 158, ii.
Chowky ; ann. 1612 : s. v. Dawk, 232, i.
Chowlies; ann. 1754 : s. y. Choolia, 159, ii.
Chownee; s. y. 779, ii.
Chow-patties; aim, 1810: s. y. Chupatty,
168, ii.
Chowra-burdar ; ann. 1774 ; s, v, Chowryburdar,
165, ii.
Chowree; s. -y. Choultry, 163, i ; ann. 1810:
$. V. Ohowry, 165, ii ; ann. 1820 : s. v. Choul-
try, 168, ii.
Ciiowringee ; ann. 1789 ; s.v. Chowringhoe, 165, i.
Chowringhee ; s. v, 165, i, 779, ii; ann, 1810
and 1848 : s,v, 779, ii.
Chowringhy j ann, 1791 : s. v, Chowringhee,
165, i.
Chowry; s. v, 165, i, 779, ii, s. z?. Choultry, 163,
i, 5 . V, Chowryburdar, 165, ii, s, v. Cowtails,
210, ii, s. V, Yak, 744, i ; ann. 1783 : s. z?.
Yak, 744, ii ; ann. 1809 : s. v. 165, ii ; ann.
1827 ; 5. V. 779, ii.
Chowry Bearer ; ann. 1764: s. v. Farash, 798, ii.
Chowryburdar ; s. v» 165, ii.
Chows’d; ann. 1674 : s. v. Chouse, 164, ii, twice.
Chowt ; s. V, 165, ii.
Cliowtar; y. Piece-goods, 536, i; ann. 1516
and 1598 : d. v. Chudder, 167, ii.
Choya ; s. v, 166, i, 779, ii-
Choya-root; ann. I860: s. v. Choya, 166, i.
Christicolam ; ann. 840 : s, v. Buddha, 90, ii-
Christmas ; s. v. Kissmiss, 370, ii.
Chrocho; ann. 1459 : s. y. Junk, 361, i.
Chrongalor ; ann. 1510 i s, v. Shinkali, 627, ii.
Chrusdmela ; s, v. Apricot, 24, i.
Okryse ; ann. 80-90 : s. Jangar, 843, i.
Chryse; 5 . y. Java, 346, ii, s. z;, Sonaparanta,
647, i ; ann. 80-89 ; s. v. China, 151, i.
Chrysolites ; ann. 1516 : s. Cat’s-eye, 184. i.
Chrysophanic acid; 5. v. Goa Powder, 290, ii.
Chrysostoma ; 92, i, footnote.
Chu ] s,v. Prickly-pear, 554, i.
Chubdar ; ann. 1751 : s. v. Muxadabad, 463, ii ;
ann, 1798 : s. y. Chobdar, 157, ii.
Chubdar ; ann. 1788 : s. z?. Chobdar, 157, ii.
Chuca ; s. Chicane, 147, i ; ann. 1466 : v.
Chicane, 147, ii.
Chnckaroo ; s. z?. 166, ii, 5. z?. Chokra, 158, i.
Chucker ; s. y. 166, ii, 779, ii, s. z?. Chuckruni,
167, i, s. V, Akalee, 755, i.
Chuckerbutty ; s. v, 166, ii, s. v. Cospetir, 201, ii,
s. V, Quilon, 569, i.
Chiickerey ; ann. 1630 : s. v. Chucker (a), 166, ii.
Chuckering ; ann. 1829 : s, v, Chucker (b)
166, ii.
Chuckla ‘j s. V, Adawlut, 752, ii.
Chucklaes ; s. -y. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Chucklah ; s. i\ 779, ii.
Chuckleh ; ann. 1763 : s. v. Chnnam, 168, i.
Chuckler ; s, z?. 167, i, 3 times, 780, i; ann.
1627 : s. z?. Cbmaty, 183, ii ; ann. 1869 :
s. y. 167, i.
Chuckmuck ; s. z?. 780, i.
Chuckoor ; ann. 1815 : b, v, Chickore, 149, i.
Chuckrum; s, v» 167, i ; ann. 1711 and 1818 :
s. V. 167, i.
Ohucla ; ann. 1762 : s. y. Cowry, 210, i.
Chucram ; ann, 1800 : s, y. Canteroy, 772, i.
Chud ; aim. 1879: s. v. Khndd, 367, ii.
Chudder ; s, v. 167, ii, 780, i.
Chuddur ; ann. 1882 : 5. v, Chudder, 167, ii.
Chudrer ; ann. 1674 : 8, v. Soodra, 647, ii-
Chnghi ; ann. 1298 : s. v, Jogee, 852, i.
Chn-hu ; 8. V. Chobwa, 778, ii.
Chukan ; ann. 940 : s,v. Chicane, 147, i.
Chukan; ann. 820 : s, v. Chicane, 147, i, twice.
Chukey; ann. 1608: s. v. Choky, 158, ii.
Chukore ; ann. 1850 : s. v. Chickore, 149, i.
Chul ; 5. V, Chicane, 146, i.
Chula ; s. 'y. Choola, 159, i.
Chulam ; ann. Ilb6 : s. v, Quilon, 569, ii.
Chulgan ; s. v. Chicane, 146, i and footnote.
Chulha ; s. y. Choola, 159, i.
ChnM ] 8. V, Choola, 159, i.
Chuli ; s. y. Cheling, 144, i,
Chulia ; s. v. Choolia, 159, ii ; ann. 1783 : s, v,
Achar, 8, i, s. v, Bankshall (a), 47, i, b. y.
Choolia, 159, ii, twice.
Chulia; ann. 1345 : s. y. Choolia, 159, ii.
Chulia ; s- v, Choolia,^ 159, i.
Chuliah ; ann. 1879 : s. v, Choolia, 159, ii.
ChuUi ; V. Choola, 159, ii.
356
' THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Atotjst, 1902.
Chullo, s, V. 780, i.
Chnma ; 5. v. Grass-clotli, 301, i,
Chumar; s, v, Cliuckler, 167, i.
Ohumpak ; ann. 1819 and 1821 : s. v. Chumpuk,
168, i.
Chumpuk ; s»v, 167, ii, 780, i.
Ck’un ; s. Toon, 710, i.
Chuna ; ann. 1563 : s. v. Cliunam, 168, i.
Chuna ; s. v, Oliunam, 168, i,
Cliunah ; ann. 1614 : s. Chunam, 168, i.
Chnnam ; s. a;. Betel, 67, ii ; ann. 1750-60; s,t\
Chunam, 168, i; ann. 1760 : s. v. Catechu,
133, ii ; ann. 1763 : Chunam, 168, i,
twice ; ann, 1809: 5. Chunam, 168, ii; ann.
1834 : s, V, Cabook, 106, i.
Chunam ; s. v. 168, i.
Chunam, To ; s, v, 168, ii,
Chunammed; ann. 1809; s, v> Chunam, To,
168, ii.
Chunan ; ann. 1610 ; s. 2 ^. Chunam, 168, i.
Chunargurh ; s. v, 780, i.
Chunchos; s. v. Bamboo, 42, i.
Chundana ; ann. 1563 : s, v. Sandal, 597, ii.
Chunderbannies ; s» v. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Chunderbund; ann. 1786: s, v, Sunderbunds,
661, i.
Chundraconaes ; s. zj. Piece-goods, 536, i.
Chungakaran ; s, v. Junkameer, 361, ii.
Chungathum ; ann. 1672 : s, v. Jancada, 810, ii.
Chunk ; ann, 1343 : s. v. Junk, 361, i,
Chunnamba ; s, v, Chunam, 168, i.
Chunuk ; ann, 1343 : 5, v. Junk, 361, i.
Chupatty ; s, v» 168, ii, twice, s, v. Hopper, 324,
i, s. V, Mussalla, 459, ii, s. v, Ap, 758, ii ;
ann. 1857 : 5. z?. 168, ii,
Chup-dar ; ann, 1810 : s. v. Chobdar, 157, ii.
Chupkun ; s, v. 168, ii ; ann. 1883 ; s. v, 169, i.
Chupper ; ann, 1810 : s. v. Chopper, 161, ii.
Chupra ; s. z?. 169, i, 780, i; ann, 1726 : s. v.
169, i,
Chuprasees; «. z?. Mussalla, 459, ii ; ann. 1815 :
s, Z7. Bish, 73, i.
Chuprassee ; ann. 1865 and 1866 : s, Ohu-
prassy, 169, i.
Chuprassie ; ann, 1880 : s. v. Chuprassy, 169, i.
Chuprassy ; s. z?. 169, i, s. v, Chupatty, 168, ii,
s. z?. Peon, 528, i, a. v. Puttywalla, 565, i ;
ann. 1877: a. zj, 169, i.
Chur ; ann. 1878 : $. z;. Churr, 169, ii.
Churee fuoj ; ann. 1809 : s. -o. Cherry fouj, 777, i.
Churle ; ann. 1583;- s, z?, Anile, 22, i^iTyice,
Chiirna ; 5. z?. Chunam, 168, i.
Churr ; s. v, 169, i.
Churruck ; s. z?. 169, ii, 780, i.
Churruck Poojah ; s. z?. 169, ii ; ann. 1824 :
s. z;. 169, ii.
Churrus ; s. z;. 169, ii.
Chusan ; s. z?. Factory, 264, ii, s. z;. Presidency,
553, i, 5 , z?. Calash, 771, i ; ann. 1701 : s. v.
Liampo, 819, i.
Chutanutte ; ann. 1698 : s. z;. Zemindar, 748, i.
Chutia Nagpur ; 5 . z?. Jungle-Mahals, 359, ii.
Chutia Nagpur ; s. z?. Dangur, 788, i.
Chutkarry ; 5 . z;. 169, ii.
Chutny ; 5 . z;. 169, ii, 170, i.
Chutt ; 5 . z;. 170, i, 5. v, Toddy-Cat, 707, i.
Chutta ; 5 . z;. Ach4nock ( 1 ), 752, i.
Chuttanutte ; s. z?. • Ohuttanutty, 170, i; ann,
1690 : 5 . z?. Dewaun, 240, i, b, z?. Urz, 733, i.
Chuttanuttee ; s. z;. Factory, 264, ii, s, v. Achanock
(1), 752, i.
Chuttanutty ; $. v. 170, i, 780, ii, s. v, Hoogly,
321, ii, $, V, Kidderpore, 814, ii ; ann. 1711 :
8. V. Kidderpore, 814, ii.
Chuttrum ; s, v. 170, i, $,v» Dhurmsalla, 244, i ;
ann. 1879 : s. z?. Choultry, 163, ii,
Chwan-chau ; s. v. Satin, 602, i.
Chwan-chau-fu ; s. v, Chinchew, 153, ii, twice,
Chwen ; s. z;. Hong-boat, 321, i, s. v. Junk, 360, li.
Cia ; ann. 1677 ; s. v. Tea, 690, i (twice) and ii,
Ciali; ann. 1672 ; s. v, Chalia, 139, ii.
Ciama ; ann. 1522 : s. v, Siam, 632, i, twice,
Ciampa ; s. Chumpuk, 167, ii.
Ciani ; ann. 1796 ; s. -y. Mort-de-chien, 451, i.
Ciausc; ann. 1619 : s. z;. Chouse, 779, i,
Cicca disticha ; b. v. Country, 206, ii.
Cicer arietinum ; s. v. Calavance, 110, ii, s, z;.
Gram, 300, ii,
Cichery ; ann, 1610 : s. v, Cutcherry, 223, i,
Ciclas ; s. v, Suclat, 653, i.
Ciconia leuoocephala ; 5 . v. Mannickjore, 427, i,
Cid ; s. V. Seedy," 610, i.
Cide ; ann. 1563 : s, v. Seedy, 610, i.
Cidi ; ann. 1548 : s, z?. Naik (a), 470, i.
Cidras ; ann. 1404 : s. v. Lime, 394, i.
Cifa ; ann. 1642: s. v, Venetian, 866, i,
Cifardam : ann. 1563 : s. v, Nizamaluco, 830, ii,
twice.
Cigar-divan ; s, z?. Dewaun, 239, ii.
Cillam ; ann. 1498 : s. v, Ceylon, 139, i,
Cim ; ann. 1440: 5 , z;. Porcelain, 549, i,
Oimde ; ann. 1598 ; v, Sind, §34, ii.
ATOirsT, 1902.]
INDEX TO TITLE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
357
Cimex ; s, v, Chints, 155, i.
Cimiterre ; s, v, Scymitar, 608, ii,
Cimmerian ; ann. 1860 : s, v. Mull, 456, ii.
Cinacotta ; ann. 1672 : s. v, Chalia, 139, ii.
Ciucapura ; ann. 1512 : s. Singapore, 636, ii.
Cinderella’s Slipper ; s, v, 170, ii.
Cindy ; ann. 1548 : s. v, Sind, 634, ii.
Cinesi ; ann. 1606 ; s, v. Abada, 1, ii.
Cingala ; ann. 1598 ; s. v, Singalese, 636, i.
Cingalees ; ann. 1726 : s. v. Candy, 119, ii.
Cingalese ; ann. 1777 : s, v, Oalamander Wood,
770, ii.
Cingaleze ; ann, 1675 : s. v. Bo Tree, 81, ii.
Cingalle ; ann. 1610 : s, v. Singalese, 636, i.
Cingapiir ; ann. 1572 : s. v, Singapore, 637, i.
Cingapura ; ann. 1553 : s. v, Singapore, 636, ii,
twice, s. V, Tiger, 702, ii, s, v, Zirbad, 750, i ;
ann. 1572 : 5. v, Singapore, 637, i.
Cinglialese ; s. v, Singalese, 635, ii; ann. 1675 :
s, V, Trincomalee, 715, ii.
CinguiQar ; ann. 1516: s. v. Sanguicer, 853, ii.
Cini ; ann. 1440 : s. v, Maclieen, 406, i.
Cinnabar ; s, v. Jargon, 345, i ; ann. 250 : s, t?.
Lac, 381, i.
Oinnamoma ; s. v, Malabathrum, 415, i.
Cinnamomi ; ann. 540 : s. v. Zedoary, 747, ii.
Cinnamomo crassiore ; ann. 1430 : s, v. Calicut,
113, ii.
Cinnamomum; s. v. Malabathrum, 414, ii,
twice.
Cinnamomum Oamphora ; s, v» Camphor, 116, i.
Cinnamomum Zeylanicum ; s. v, Malabathrum,
415, i.
Cinnamon ; 113, ii, footnote, 3 times, s. v* Mace
(a), 404, i, twice, s. v, Malabathrum, 414, ii,
twice, s, V* Moors, The, 447, ii, see 466, ii,
footnote, 5 . V, Negombo, 476, ii, s, v, Picota,
534, ii, s. iy. Punch, 558, ii, a. v, Darcheenee,
788, i ; ann. 1150 : s, u. Malay, 416, ii ; ann.
1166 : 8. V. Quilon, 569, ii ; ann. 1275 : s.v.
Ceylon, 138, ii ; ann. 1390 : s. v. Cubeb, 215,
i ; ann. 1420-30 : s. v. Malabar, 412, ii : ann.
1475 : s, V, Calicut, 113, ii ; ann. 1498 : s. v.
Bahar, 36, i, s. v. Ceylon, 139, i ; ann. 1506 :
s. V, Tenasserim, 696, i ; ann. 1516 : s. v.
Java, 348, i, s. v. Zedoary, 747, ii ; ann.
1521 : s. V. Borneo, 766, ii ; ann. 1553 : s. v,
Colombo, 183, i; ann. 1610: s. v. Calay,
111, i ; ann. 1621 : s. v. Darcheenee, 788, i;
ann. 170*5 : s. v, Mace (a), 404, ii.
Oinuamon-tree ; ann. 1833 : s, v. Tejpat, 694, i.
Cinnamonum albiflorum ; ann. 1837 : s, v, Mala-
bathrum, 415, ii.
Cinnamonum Tamala; ann. 1837 : s, v, Mala-
bathrum, 415, ii.
Cintabor; ann. 1350 : s. v, Sindabur, 635, ii,
Cintra ;s. v. Orange, 490, ii, twice, s, -y. Sungtara,
661, i, twice ; ann, 1835 : s. v. Sungtara,
661, ii.
Cintra orange ; s, v. Orange, 490, ii.
Cintra Oranges ; s, 170, ii.
Ciocolata ; aim. 1677 : s. v. Tea, 690, i.
Cioki; ann. 1774: v. Choky, 158, ii, twice.
Ciola mandalam ; s, v, Coromandel, 198, ii.
Cionama; ann. 1510: s. v, Chunam, 168, iii
Ciormandel ; s, v* Coromandel, 199, ii.
Cipai; s^v. Sepoy, 614, i.
Cipanglin ; ann. 1521 : s. v. Japan, 344, i, twice.
Cipaye ; s, v. Sepoy, 614, i; ann. 1759 and
1835-8 : 5. V. Sepoy, 614, i.
Circar ; s, v. Sircar (c), 638, i ; ann. 1789 :
s. V. Oircars, 171, i ; ann. 1800 : s. v. Sircar
(a), 638, i.
Circars ; s. v. 170, ii, 4 times, 780, ii, s. v
Jungle-fowl, 359, ii; ann. 1767 : s. v» 780, ii ;
ann. 1789 : s. v, 171, i ; ann. 1807 : s. v.
Gentoo, 281, ii ; ann. 1836 and 1878 : s. v.
171, i.
Circassia; ann. 1514 : s. v. Room, 581, i.
Circassian; ann. 1563 s s. v. Madremaluco, 821,
i, twice ; ann. 1813 : s. v, Cossack, 784, ii.
Cirifole; ann. 1563 : s, v, Bael, 35, i, twice.
Cirion; ann. 1587 : s, v. Deling, 235, i, 5. t?.
Macao (b), 402, ii, s. v. Syriam, 673, ii.
Cirote ; ann. 1552 : 8. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii.
Oirquez Indigo ; 22, ii, footnote.
Cisampelo ; ann. 1608-10 i v. Datura, 231, ii.
Cithara ; aim. 1812 : s. v. Dancing-girl, 229, i.
Citium ; s, v, Deva-dasI, 237, ii.
Citria; ann. 1580 : s. v. Adam’s Apple, 3, ii.
Citrine ; s. v. Myrobalan, 466, i.
Citrine Myrobalan ; s. v. Myrobalan, 465, ii.
Citron ; s. 'o, Adam’s Apple, 3, ii, s. e?. Ananas,
19, ii, s, y. Orange, 490, i ; ann. 930 and
1290 : s. V, Orange, 491, ii ; ann. 1333 : s. v.
Lemon, 392, i ; ann. 1350 : s. v. Martaban,
428, ii ; ann. 1404 : 5. v. Lime, 394, i ; ann.
1526: s. 2?. Sungtara, 661, i; ann, 1548:
s. V. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1654 : a. v. Brinjaul,
87, i ; ann, 1563 : s* z?. Lime, 394, i, twice ;
ann. 1585 : s. z?. Plantain, 541, ii ; ann. 1674 :
8. -v. Punch, 559, i ; ann, 1712 : s. v. Adam’s
358
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Atjgtjst, 1902.
Apple, 3, ii ; aan. 1791; s, v. Punch, 659,
ii ; ann. 1875 : s. 2?. Wood-apple, 741, i.
Citrouille ; ann. 1575: s. v. Ananas, 19, i; ann.
1610 : 8, V. Pateca, 519, ii.
Citrul ; s, v, Pateca, 519, i.
Citrullus vulgaris ; s, v, Pateca, 518, ii.
Citrus ; s, v. Orange, 490, ii and footnote.
Citrus aurantium dulcej s. v. Orange, 490, ii.
Citrus Bataviana ; s, Pommelo, 545, ii.
Citrus decumana \ s,v, Pommelo, 545, ii*
Citrus japonica ; 5 . v, Cumquot, 216, ii.
Citrus medicaj 8, z?. Lemon, 391, ii, s, z?. Lime,
394, i, twice.
Civet ; ann. 1590 : 8. v. Acheen, 3, ii, s. z?.
Sumatra, 658, ii.
Civilian ; s. v. 171, i, 780, ii, 5 , z;. Covenanted
Servants, 207, ii; ann. 1827 : s. v. Pawl, 842,
ii ; ann. 1848 : s. v, 780, ii ; ann. 1872 : s. v»
171, ii.
Clang ; ann, 1688 : s. v, Pra, 551, ii.
Clashees; ann. 1824:5. v. Classy, 171, ii.
ClasMes ; ann. 1785 ; s, v. Classy, 171, ii.
Clashy ; 5 . v. Classy, 171, ii; ann. 1801 : s. v.
Classy, 780, ii.
Glassy ; s. v, 171, ii, 780, ii, s. v. Lascar, 388,
ii; ann. 1590 : s. z;. Tindal, 708, ii.
Clearing Nut ; s. v. 171, ii.
Clerigo ; ann, 1498 ; s. v, Shereef, 626, i.
Cling ; ann, 1522 i s.v, Sumatra, 658, ii ; ann.
1605 : 5. V. Kling, 374, i.
Clothes of Tartarye; ann, 1375: s. v. Kincob,
369, i.
Cloth of herbes; ann. 1567 : s. v, Grasscloth,
801, i.
Clothrash ; ann. 1711 ; s. v. Perpetnano, 843, i.
Clone ; ann. 1606 : s. v, Bahar, 86, i ; ann.
1613 : s. z?, Orankay, 492, i.
Clous de girofles ; s. z;. Clove, 171, ii.
Clouts ; s, V, Piece-goods, 586, i.
Clove ; s. v, 171, ii, s. v. Mace (a), 404, i, twice,
s, V. Picota, 584, ii ; ann. 645 : s. v. Aloes,
10, ii. s. V. Malabar, 411, ii, s. v. Sandal, 597,
ii ; ann. 943 : s. t\ Cubeb,214, ii ; ann. 1150 :
5. y. Mace (a), 404, i, s. z?. Malay, 416, ii ; ann.
1200 ; 5 . V. Malabar, 412, i ; ann. 1224 : 5 . v.
Java, 348, i ; ann. 1275 : s. y. Ceylon, 138, ii ;
ann. 1298 : 5. v. Cubeb, 215, i, 5 . y. Java, 847,
ii ; ann. 1828 : s. v. Java, 848, ii ; ann. 1340 :
s. 2?. Cubeb, 215, i ; ann. 1347 ; s, v. Mace
(a), 404, i; ann. 1890: s. z;. Cubeb, 215, i;
ann. 1475 : s. z;. Calicut, 118, ii ; ann. 1498;
s. Z7. Babar, 36, i, s. v. Malacca, 415, ii; ann,
1505: 5 . V. Pegu, 525, i; ann. 1506; 5 .
Tenasserim, 696, i ; ann. 1510, 1514 and
1515; 5. y. Moluccas, 440, ii ; ann. 1516:
s, V, Moluccas, 441, i, twice; ann. 1518 : i\
Moluccas, 824, i and ii ; ann. 1552: s.
Godown, 292, i; ann. 1553: s. y. Moluccas,
441, i; ann. 1554 : s. y, Frazala, 274, i; ann.
1590: s.v. Ghee, 282, ii; ann. 1610: s. v,
Calay, 111, ii ; ann. 1612 : s. v. Muster, 463,
i ; ann. 1613 : 5. z?. Dungaree, 255, i,3 times ;
ann. 1682 : s, v. Beriberi, 764, ii ; ann. 1705 ;
s, V, Mace (a), 404, ii ; ann. 1769 : s, v,
Seycbelle Islands, 618, i.
Clove Islands ; a. z;. Moluccas, 440, i ; ann.
1220 : $, V. Sofala, 645, ii ; ann. 1515 : 5 . z?.
Moluccas, 440, ii.
Cloves of Garlick ; ann. 1727 : s.v. Mangosteen,
426, i.
Clove-stalks ; ann. 1340 : s. v. Cubeb, 215, i.
C love- tree ; ann. 1515: 8, y. Moluccas, 440, ii ;
ann. 1682 : s, v. Upas, 780, i.
Clowegylofres; ann. 1370: s. v, Mace (a), 404, ii,
Clupea ilisba ; s. y. Hilsa, 814, ii.
Clyn; ann. 1602 : s, v, KHng, 873, ii ; ann.
1604 : s. V. Kling, 374, i.
Coach; ann. 1590: s» v. Burrampooter, 101, ii;
ann. 1596; s, v. Coocb Bebar, 191, i.
Coapaty; ann, 1553: 5 . v, Cospetir, 202, i.
Coarges ; ann. 1810 : s. v. Gorge, 197, ii.
Coast; s. V, 780, ii ; ann. 1726 : s. v, Oboya,
166, i; ann. 1781: 5 , y. 780, ii.
Coast Army ; s. v. Coast, The, 172, i, twice ;
ann. 1879; s. v. Coast, The, 172, i.
Coast, The ; s. v. 171, ii; ann. 1793, 1800 and
1802 : s. V. 172, i.
Coast, the ; s, v. Rupee, 586, ii.
Coban ; aim. 1616 : s. t?. Kobang, 874, i, 3
times.
Cobang ; s. v. 172, i.
Cobido ; ann. 1726: s. y. Loonghee, 396, ii;
ann. 1768-71 : s. v. Gudge, 803, ii.
Cobily Mash ; s. v, 172, i.
Cobolly Masse ; ann. 1610 : s. z?, Cobily Mash,
172, i.
Cobra; s. v. Cobra de Oapello, 172, ii, twice,
s. V. Cobra Lily, 173, i, s, v, Biscobra, 765,
i ; ann. 1672 : s. z;. Cobra de Capello, 173, i ;
ann. 1676 : s. v. Snake-stone, 644, i ; ann
1883 : 5 . V. Cobra de Capello, 173, i, s, v,
Biscobra, 765, ii.
AuGTJST, 1902.]
CORRESPONDENCE.
859
Cobra-Capel ; ann. 1713 : s, v. Cobra de Oapello,
781, i.
Cobra de Oapello ; s, v. 172, ii, twice, 780, ii;
ann. 1539 : s. z?. Nigger, 479, i ; ann. 1568 and
1711 : s, V, 173, i ; ann. 1796 : s, v. Snake-
stone, 644, i.
Cobra de capello ; ann. 1523 and 1539 : 5 . v.
Cobra de Capello, 172, ii ; ann. 1563 : s. v.
Jogee, 352, ii ; ann. 1825 : s. z?. Polonga,
545, i.
Cobra de Oapelo; ann. 1710 : s, v. Cobra de
Capello, 780, ii.
Cobra-guana ; ann. 1681 : s. v. Guana, 304, ii.
Cobra Lily ; s, t?. 173, i,
Cobra-manilla ; s, v. Manilla-man, 427, i.
Cobra Manilla; 5, v. 173, i; ann. 1711 and
1810 : s» V, 173, ii.
Cobra Minelle ; ann. 1813: a, v. Cobra Manilla,
173, ii.
Cobra Monil ; $, v. Cobra Manilla, 173, i.
(To he continued,)
CORRESPONDENCE.
OHAUKHANDIT.
SiR,^K!indly permit me to make tbe following
correction in the Notes and Queries contained in
Yol. XXIX., p. 392, under the title “A Form of
Legitimacy in the Kangra Yalley.’’ The note
should have run thus : —
ChaukhandtX is the name of the following
notable custom prevalent among the Gaddis
(shepherds) of the northern hills in the Xdngr4
iahsil. If a widow gives birth to a child within the
four walls of her husband’s house, such child is
legitimate. Chaukhandd is, lity four walls, and
custom is the usual one, whereby a widow who
continues to reside in her husband’s house
retains his" land and her issue succeeds.
I am indebted to Mr. Wakefield, Dharmsala,
for this correction.
H. A. Rose.
“ FAN JIN” AND FRANGI.”
Sir, — In my Introduction to the “ Letters
from Portuguese Captives in Canton” I quoted
Fr. Caspar da Cruz as saying that after the
disturbances between tbe Portuguese and Chinese
at Canton in 1521-22 the former were refused
admission to China, and were called by the latter
“ facui, that is to say, ‘ men of the devil,’ ” hut
that at the time when the Father wrote (1569)
the Portuguese were described as “ fagim,
that is to say, * people of another coast ’ ” (Ind,
Ant, Yol. XXX. p. 438). In a footnote io jkgim
I identified this word with frangi (= Frank,
flringi); but this is incorrect. Fagim (fan-
gim) represents Chinese fan jin = foreigner {lit,
“foreign person”); fan being “a low word,”
according to Morrison (Ghin.-Eng . Diet, p. 151),
who also implies [id. p. 383) that fan jin is not
a very respectful term. In Christovao Yieyra’s
letter (see 104v., 105, 105v., 109v., 110) we have
the forms fanges, frangos, franges, from which
it would appear as if fan jin and frangi had
become confounded.
Donald Ferguson.
5, Bedford Place, Croydon,
31st Jan. 1902.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
THE LlL BEGI SECT OF THE ,
PANJAB SCAVENGERS. I
In VoL I., pp. 529-546, of my Legends of the
1884, I published the “Genealogies of
Lai Beg,” being the text of the hagiological
stories of the principal division of the Scavenger
Caste of the Panjab. I explained that the re-
ligion of the scavengers was “ hagiolatry pure
and simple, as it consists merely of a confused
veneration for anything and everything its
followers, or rather their teachers, may have found
to be considered sacred by their neighbours,
whatever he its origin.” My chief informant
in those days was my own “ sweeper,” who hap-
pened to he a priest of the Ldlb6gi Bhangis of
Ambdli,, where I was then living, and now I
have received a curious confirmation of my theory
from the same man in a letter written to me
I under date 8th October, 1901. He had it written
to me in English and I here reproduce it full
“ I most respectfully beg to state that in the
year 1882, when you were Magistrate of Umballa,
a book of Lai Begi Muzbub was by your order
prepared by Ghana Mull, Darogha Choongi, and
was sent to England for approval. Some time
after the Darogha told me that the book was
approved and my name was famissed (sic). As
I am now made “ Peer Padri ” of the Muzhub by
I all tbe peoples of the Muzhub, I solicit the
I favour of your kindly writing, in reply to this,
360
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[August, 1902.
tiiat the hook was sent by your order to
England and approved, on which I will be
able to circulate the book among my peoples.
My father was also ' Peer Padri,’ hence the same
title has been given to me. Hope that this will
meet to your kind approval, for which mercy I
shall ever pray for your long life and prosperity
for ever. — Shunkurnath Peer Padri, son of
Dyanath.*’
It will be observed that this scavenger bears a
Hindu name of religious origin, and is the son of
a man similarly named, but nevertheless he bears
a title as a priest, which is a mixture of
Muhammadan and Christian titles, and he
evidently hopes that his teachings have in some
way received the imprimatur of a Christian
Government to give them force. It is hard to
imagine anything more eclectic than this.
It is interesting to note that even amongst the
scavengers the inveterate tendency of the natives
of India to heredity in all titular distinctions
is in full force.
E. C. Temple.
THE DEBIVATION OF THE BITBMESB WOBB
“PINTHAGUGTI.”
At page 20^ of Eajendralala Mitra’s Buddha
Gaya is published a translation of a Burmese
Inscription by Mr. M. Hla-Oung, who appends
the following footnote to his translation:—
Gyee [lit,, great) is applied to a person who
is worthy of veneration.
‘ Penthagoo ’ is a common name for a pious
layman who is zealous in the propagation of reli-
gion.”
On this interpretation, Sir Alexander Cun-
ningham, in his Mahdbodhi (p. 21), has based
the following theory, and has identified the
Burmese word “Penthagoogyee” or **Penthagu-
gyi’’ With the Pali word “ MahA-TTpAsika —
** As these three evidences of the antiquity of
the Temple all agree in pointing to the reign of
the Indo-Scythian Eong Huvishka as the period
when the great Temple was erected, I am inclined
to think that he may have furnished the funds,
while the actual builder was the Brahman
mentioned by Hwen Thsang, who must also be
identified with the Penthagu-gyi of the Burmese
inscription.
“ The Burmese term ‘ Penthagu’ is said by Hla-
Oung to be a common term for a pious layman
who is zealous in propagating his religion. It
is therefore the exact equivalent of the Sanskrit
IJpdsika, which was the title of ‘ a pious Buddhist
not in orders,’ It seems also very probable that,
as the Burmese pronounce the letter s as a soft
th, the term ‘ Penthagu ’ may be only a corrupt
form of Upasika by dropping the initial letter U.
“ In Eatna Pala’s translation of the Burmese
inscription, which gives a brief history of the
Temple, it is said that it was rebuilt by a priest
named Naikmahanta, but both Colonel Burney
and Hla-Oung call him ‘ Penthagu-gyi.*
“As Naik Mahant means simply the Chief
Priest or Great Abbot, and as gyi means * great ’
in Burmese, the term ‘ Penthagugyi ’ may, per-
haps, be referred to Maha-Upiisika.”
The Burmese word “ Piuthagu ” or “ Pantha-
gu” is derived from the Pdli word “ Pamsu-
ktilam.” Theadjectivalformof the word “ Paihsu-*
kfiliko” is given at page 325 of Childers’ Pdli
Dictionary, the English rendering being: “One
who wears clothes made of i*ags taken from a
dust-heap.”
The terms “ Paihsukdlam ” and “ Pamsukfiliko”
are thas explained in Buddhaghosha’s Visuddhi-
magga : —
“ Eathika - susana - sankdrakutAdinani yattha
katthaoi pamsfinani upari thitatfcA abbhuggatat-
thena tesu tesu kfilamivati * PamBukfllam.®
“Atha vd pamsu viya kucchitabhdvam ulatiti
‘ PamsukHlam’ :
“ kucchitabhAvam gacchatiti vuttam hoti.
“Evam laddhanibbacanassa paiiisukfilassa
dharanam pamsukulam : tarn silam’ assAti ‘ Pam -
sukClliko, * ”
Translation,
‘PamsuktHam.* means anything resting on a
dust-heap, such as a heap of sweepings found on
a public road or cemetery. In other words, the
.term indicates any substance that has become
detestable or abominable like sweepings or dirt.
A * PamsukfLliko ’ means a person who is in
the habit of wearing a ‘PamsuJktila’ robe.
The above evidence shows that the Burmese
word “Pinthagugyi” should be identified with
the Pali word “ Pamsukfiliko ” and not with
“MahA-Upasako.” Amongst Buddhist monks, the
habit of wearing a robe made of small odd pieces
of rags picked up from dust-heaps in cemeteries
or on public roads is still accounted to be a
marked sign of austerity ; but the practice has
died out in Burma.
Taw Sehst-Ko.
Bangoon, 5th May 1902,
September, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY,
361
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. P. FLEET, I.O.S. (Eetd.), Ps.D., C.I.E.
The places mentioned in the Nausari plates of A. D. 706,
T his record has been edited by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji in Vol. XIII. above, p. 70 fi., with
a facsimile lithograph. And, from the information given by him, we know that the original
plates were found in excavating some foundations at Nansari, the head-quarters of the Nausart
division of the Baroda State in Gujarat, Bombay Presidency.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Magha of the (Kalachnri. or Ch 6 di year)
456 (expired), falling in February, A. D. 706, the Gurjara prince JayabhaU III., who was then
halted at a place named K^y^vat§;ra, granted to a Brahman, whose father had come from
Girinagara and was a resident of an agrdhdra named Sraddhikd. and a member of the
community of Chaturvedins at the SraddhiM agrdhdra,^ a field on the north-east boundary of a village
(grama) named Samipadraka in a territorial division called the K6rill§. pathaka. And, in
specifying the boundaries of that field, it places, on the east, the junction of the boundary of a village
(grama) named GOlikft ; on the south, a tank (taddka) named Yamalakhallara, and a field
belonging to the Mahattara Mahesvara, and an irrigated field belonging to the barber DSvaka ; on
the west, a road going from Samipadraka to a village (grama) the name of which is to be read as
Dhahattha, instead of Dhahaddha as given in the published text j 2 and, on the north, a tank
named BaruUkhallara, and a field belonging to the Brahman Narma, a resident of Kdrilia.
Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji was inclined to identify K^yavatara with Kavi, in the Jambfisar
taluka of the Broach district. Dr. Buhler, however, pointed out^ that, according to the phonetic
laws of the Prakrit dialects, the name Kayavatara cannot become Kavi, and also that KAvi is
mentioned as Kdpika in a local record of A, D. 827. He subsequently gave reasons^ for saying that
K^yavatka is probably the modern KarvO-n or Ka.rva.rL,® a large village, in the Dabhoi subdivision
of the Baroda territory, which is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 28, N. E. (1894), in lat. 22° 5',
long. 73° 18 ^ Later on,® he identified Karvan with a place mentioned as Kar 6 hai 3 La, by an
“ attempt at finding a Sanskrit equivalent for the Gujarati word,’’ iii the Cintra prasasti, of the period
A. D. 1274 to 1296, which locates K^r5hana in the Lata country, and says that it is the place
to which there came the great Saiva teacher Lakulisa or Nakulisa,^ who took up bis abode there
“ in order to favour the offspring of Uluka who were long deprived of sons in consequence of a curse
<< of their father.” And, as he has told us,® among other points, that the Karvan MdMtmya asserts
that Karvan was formerly called Kayavir 6 hana or “ Kayarahun (Kdydrdhana ?),” and that Karvan
** was according to tradition the place where MahM^va, who had been born as NakulSsvara in the
“family of a BrS.hman.of Ulkapuri, or Avakhal,® re-assumed his divine shape,” we need not hesitate
about accepting bis identification of Kayavatara with Karvan.
1 See page 336 above, No. 10.
a An inspection of tbe lithograph will shew, at once, that, as we might expect from the ending of the modern
form of the name, ‘Dhawat,’ the third syllable is unquestionably iiTia, not ddha. We may, however, compare the
first component of the ahshara with the t of dgMtand^ni, line 23, and the second component with the th of irSsJitha,
line 40 ; and we may contrast the whole ahhara with the ddh of dbhivriddhay^ and ^raddhUc-dgrdMra, line 19, and
of suddlittf line 30.
s Yol.' XYII. above, p. 193, note 36. * Yol. XYIII. above, p. 176.
5 In Yol. XVIII. above, p. 176, he wrote the name with the dental n, whereas, in the place referred to in the
next note below, he wrote it with the lingual ri. In the official compilation entitled Bombay Places mvd Common
Official Words (18784> the name is presented with the dental n. The lingual i} is more likely to be correct.
6 See Pp, Jnd. Yol. I. p. 274, and note 8.
’ Regarding this person, see Bp. Ind. Vol. V. p. 226 ff. * Ej£). Ind, Vol. I. p. 274.
9 This is the * Awakhal ’ of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), six and a half miles on the south-east
of * Karvan,’
S62
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Septembes, 190*2o
Girinagara, whence the grantee’s father had come, was an ancient city the site of which seems
to be that now occupied by the town of Junaga^h, in the Sorath division of Kathidwar, which is to
be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 18, N. E. (1898), in lat. 21° 31^ long. 70° 8U. An early
epigraphic mention of the city, by the name Girinagara, is contained in the Junagadh rock inscription
of the Mahdkshatraim Riidradaman, dated in A. D. And it is also mentioned, by the same
i\ame, in the BrihoJsamliitd, written in the sixth century A. D., which places it in the southern
division ” according to the arrangement followed by Yarahamihira in that work.^^ The name of the
city, in the modern form Girnar, has now passed over either to the great mountain itself, w^hich is
immediately on the east of Junagadh, or else to some particular peak of it, which may perhaps be the
Ambamata peak (so called after a goddess of that name who seems to be also known as ‘‘ the Girnari
goddess^’), j)ut is more likely to be the highest of the five principal peaks, the so-called Gorakhnath,
8666 feet high, about four miles on the east of Jnnagadh. That peak seems to be the one which
i^ mentioned as tlrjayat in the record of A. D. 150, and again in the Junagadh Gupta inscription
bearing dates in A. D. 455 and the following two years.^^ And the Raivataka of the Gupta record
seems to be the Dattatreya or Datar peak, 2779 feet high, about three miles on the south-east
of Junagadh
K6rilia, — the town from which was named the territorial division, the Kdrillfi, pathaka, in
which lay the village Samipadraha, — is, as was suggested by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji, the
modern Kdral, or perhaps K6ral,i6 in the Choranda subdivision of the Baroda territory, Koral is
shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), in lat. 21° 50^ long. 73° 16', on the north
bank of the Narbada, about sixteen miles north-east-by-east from Broach. And, as remarked by
Dr. Biihler in endorsing the Pandit’s identification, Koral was still, in the beginning of the nineteenth
century, the head*quarters of a parganA^^
As regards DMhattlia, — the Pandit, who read the name as DhShaddha, proposed to identify
the place with the modern Dohad, the head-quarters of the Dohad taluka of the Panch-Mahals.
Dr. Biihler, however, pointed out two objections to this in the first place, that the distance of
D6had from Koral, — nearly a hundred miles, — is too great for that town to have been in the Korilla
imtlialcd ; and secondly, that the ancient name of Dohad, “ or more correctly Dehwad,’’ is given as
Dadhipadra in an inscription of A. D. 1146 at D6had itself. And, while accepting the name a®
Dhahadda or Dhahadclha, he quite correctly identified the place with the ‘Dhawat ’ of the Atlas sheet
No. 28, N. E., fourteen miles north-half-west from Koral.^^ He further identified the Sraddhik^
agr&hara with the ‘ Sadhli ’ of the map, eleven and a half miles towards the north-north-east from
Koral. And he lu'oposed to identify Samipadraka either with the ‘ Samra ’ of the map, 20 fire
and a half miles on the north of Koral, or with * Samri,’2i a mile and a half further on to the north.
^0 ArchcBol Surv. West Jnd. Vol. II. p. 129. n See Vol. XXII. above, p. 178.
^2 See Qa%. Bo, Fres. Vol. VIII., KathiAwSr, p. 441. I find it impossible to locate this peak, either from
information given in the Gazetteer, or from the map. The Gazetteer, it may be mentioned, would place the town of
JunAgadh quite wrongly, in lat. 21° 1', long. 70° 13' ; see imge 487. It appears {'ihid. p. 487) that the of
^ipnS,r would give Junagadh the name of Kainakubia ; but that, no doubt, is quite as apocryphal as is the statement
that the place was called originally Manipura, then Chandraketupura, then Eaivata, and then, in the Kali age^
Pauratanapura. The last name is, of course, a translation of JunAgadh, “ the old or ancient fort.*’
Loc. cit,, note 10 above. 1 * Qu^ta Inscri;ptionS) p. 64.
From the Gaz. Bo. Pres, Vol, VIII. p. 441, it appears that the Jains apply the name BevatAchala to the whole
mountain, but that this name really belongs, now, to a hill immediately’ over a tirtha known as the Revatakunda.
But, where, exactly, the BOvatakupda and Edvatachala are, is not made clear.
See the next note.
See Vol. XVII. above, p. 193, and Gaz. Bo. Pres. Vol. VII., Baroda, pp. 194, 195. — The *®fficial compilation
Bombay Places certifies the final letter of the name as the lingual I j but that seems rather dubious. The same
compilation mentions (Koral or) Koral as the head-quarters of the Choranda subdivision; but, in the Gaz. Bo.
Pres. Vol. VII, p. 535, we are told that * Karjan * is the head-quarters of the subdivision.
Vol. XVir. above, p. 193, note 38. w Vol. XVII. above, p, 193. 20 21 yol. XVUI. abo e, p. 176„.
September, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
368
In respect of this point, however, Dr. Biihler’s proposals were not correct. And it remained for
Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar to establish, as will be shewn in my next note, the correct identification of
Samipadraka with a village now known as * Sondarna.’
The places mentioned in the Nansari plates of A. D. 817.
This record was first brought to notice, from notes put together by Pandit Bhagwanlal Indraji,
In the Oaseiieer of tlie Bombay Presidency, Vol. I. Part I. p, 125. It has been edited by Mr. D. R,
Bhandarkar in the Jour, Bo, Br, B, As* Soc* Vol, XX. p. 131 fi. And, from his opening remarks
about it, it appears that the original plates are in the Library of the Bombay Branch of the Royal
Asiatic Society. They seem to have been obtained from Naus&ri.
The record recites that, on a specified day in the month Magha, Saka-Samvat 738 (expired),
falling in January or February, A. D. 817, the Rashtrakuta prince Suvaimavarsha-Karkaraja, of the
Gujarat branch of the MalkhSd family, when he was in residence at Khdtaka, which is the modern
Kaira (Kh^da.), the chief town of the Kaira district in Gujarat, granted to a Brahman, whose
father was a resident of two villages (grdmadvaya) named Samipadraka and Sambandhi,
These two villages are both described as MaM-'Narmmad-dniardla-desa-vartin, “ situated in the
country between the Mahi and the Narmada.^^s And Sambandhi is further placed in a
territorial division called the Mahkaiiika bhukti.
In specifying the boundaries of Samipadraka, the record places, on the east, a village (grdma)
named Gdlikft; on the south, a village named Chdrundaka; on the west, (a village named)
Bharthftpaka ; and, on the north, a village the name of which is, I feel sure, really presented in the
original as Dh^hattha, as in the Naus^ri plates of A. D. 706,2^ instead of Dh^hadva as given
In the published text. As has been remarked by Mr. Bhandarkar, the Samipadraka, GolikS, and
Dhahatfcha of this record are unquestionably the three villages, bearing the same names, which are
mentioned in the record of A. D. 706, treated in my preceding note. And the mention of the two
other villages of Choruiidaka and Bharthanaka has enabled Mr. Bhandarkar to determine the identi-
fication of Samipadraka, in respect of which Dr. Biihler was only able to make suggestions which
were not correct. As pointed out by Mr. Bhandarkar, Samipadraka is undoubtedly represented by
a village, in the Ohoranda subdivision of the Baroda territory, the name of which is given in the
Indian Atlas sheet No, 23, N. E, (1894), and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 30 (1878) of
Gujarat, as * Sondarna ; ’ in the Atlas sheet, it may be found in lat. 22° O', long. 73° 13', twelve miles
north-by-west from K6ral, the town from which there was derived the appellation of the territorial
division, the KoriM pathaha, in which, as the record of A, D. 706 tells us, the village of Samipadraka
lay. It is true, indeed, that the maps do not shew any name answering to the G61ika of the twa
records, which must have been situated just about where they shew ‘Kasampur ’ or ‘K4sampur’ and
‘ Kurali ’ or ^ Kur£i,’ on the north-east of ‘ Sondarna.’ But the maps shew * Ohoranda,’ answering
to Chdrundaka, about a mile and a half on the south of * Sondarna,’ and ‘ Bharthana,’
* Bharthdna,’ answering to Bharthanaka, two miles and a half on the west of ‘ Sondarna,’
and ‘Dhawat,’ ‘ Dhawat,’ answering to Dhahattiha, — as was first pointed out by Dr. Biihler,
though he, also, did not recognise the exactly correct ancient form of the name,^^ — two miles
north-north-east from ‘ Sondarna.’ The identification of Samipadraka with ‘ Sondarna’ is, thus,
unquestionable. As regards the transition between the two forms of the name, — Mr. Bhandarkar has
expressed the opinion that “Samipadraka must have ordinarily been first corrupted into Sa-iih-udra
22 See page 336 above, No. 11.
2 S i^fter the word ending in variti in line Gl, the original presents a mark of punctuation which the editor has
treated as superfllnons, with the effect of making the word qualify only the village of Samipadraka. But, though
there are marks of punctuation which are certainly superfluous, both in these passages and in other parts of the
record, this particular mark of punctuation was plainly intentional and correct, in order to make the word qualify
4iad~gr&ma’dvayoLiU in line 64.
^ See page 361 above, and note 2.
25 See page 302 above.
864
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SeI'TEMber, 1902.
“ and then 'into Sa-un-dar,” As regards the n in the last syllable of ‘ Sondarna,’ which, as
remarked by Mr, Bhandarkar, cannot be properly accounted for, — it is quite possible that it may
be due to nothing but a mistake by the person who transliterated the yernacular name of the village
for insertion in the English maps. But, in view of the fact that Ya^padraka can become * Wardala’
and ‘Wardla/se we need not be surprised if Samipadraka has actually become ‘ Sondariia.’ It is
to be added that Samipadraka-^ Sondarna * is, as required, in the country between the Mahi
and the Narmada ; it is about twenty miles from the south bank of the Mahi, and seven miles
from the north bank of the Narbadd.
In specifying the boundaries of Sambandhi in the Mankaiiika bhukti, the record places,
on the east of Sambandhi, a village (grdma) named Sajjddaka ; on the south, (a small village or
hamlet named) Brd[hma]napallika ; on the west, (a 'place named) Karahjavasahik^ ; and, on the
north, (a milage named) KS.shthtoandapa. Mr. Bhandarkar has said that Sajjodaka is a village
now called Sajod” in the Ahkleshwar taluka of the Broach district, and has suggested that ‘‘the
“name Mandwa of a modern village may be the present contracted form of Kaslibhamandapa."'
The village thus proposed for Sajjodaka is the ‘ Sajod ’ of the Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E.
(1894), and of the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 13 (1873) of Gujarat, about five miles on the
west of Ahkleshwar. And the other village is the ‘ Mandwa Matierd ’ and ‘ Mandwa Matierd ’ of
the maps, three and a half miles west-hy-iiorth from ‘ Sajod : ’ the prefix attached to its name is
evidently used to distinguish it from another ‘Matierd,’ ‘Matierd,’ about two miles on the west of
‘ Sajod j’ and it figures again in the name, given in the Trigonometrical map only, of ‘ Mandwa Bet/
a small island in the Narbada, just on the north of * Mandwa Matierd.’ Now, the ‘ Sajod ’ of the maps
very likely does represent an ancient Sajjodaka. But there are no traces, in this locality, of any of the
other names mentioned in the record. And, more to the point still, ‘ Sajod ’ is on the south of the
NarbadlL, instead of being between that river and the Mahi, I find that Manka^ika, the town from
which the Mankaijika bhukti took its appellation, is a large village, in the SankheiJ^ subdivision of
the Baroda territory, which is shewn as *Makm ^ in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 86, S. W. (1897),
in lat. 22° 13^, long. 73° 43', about a mile and a half on the south of the river ‘ Orsang,’ and as
‘ Mdkni’ in the Bombay Survey sheet No. 184 (1886). And SambandM is the ‘ Samdhi^ of the
Atlas sheet and of the Bombay Survey sheet No. 183 (1894), also in the Sankheda subdivision, two
miles on the north of the ‘ Orsang,’ and three and a half miles due north of ‘Makni,’ ‘ Makni.’ The
maps, indeed, do not shew any names answering to the Zarafijavasahika and the Sajjddaka of the
record.27 But the Survey sheet No. 183 shews, on the north bank of the ‘ Orsang,’ about one mile and
three quarters south-east-by-soutli from ‘ Samdhi,’ a small village named ‘Bamroli^ which very
probably is the Bra[hma]^apallika of the record. And Zasthama^idapa is, unquestionably, the
‘Hath Mandva’ of the Atlas sheet, and the *Kath Mandva^ of the Survey sheet No. 183, about
one mile towards the north-by-west from ‘ Samdbi,’ and in, apparently, the Kalol taluka of the Panch-
Mah^ls, Sambandhi-‘ Samdbi ’ is about thirty-six miles towards the north-east-by-east from Sami-
padraka-* Sondarna.’ And it, also, is in. the country between the Mahi and the Narmada ;
it is about twenty-two miles from the north bank of the latter river, at its nearest point, and some
forty miles to the south-east of the Mahi.
As regards BSLdd»vi, which is mentioned as the place of residence of the grantee’s father, — there
are the unquestionable facts, established by me a long time ago, 28 that Baddvi occurs, as far back as
A. D. 699, as an earlier form of the name of Badami, the head-quarters of the B^dami taluka of the
Bijapur district and in former times the capital of the Western Ohalukya kings, and that this town^
26 See page 256 above, and note 14.
^ The latter name, however, survives in that part of the country, in the case of the ‘ Sajod’ of the maps, on
the south bank of the ‘Sukhi’ river, fourteen and a half miles north-east-by-east from ‘ Samdbi.’
» See Vol. T. above, p. 68, Tol. VI. pp. 72, 74, ToL Vni. pp. 238, 239, and Vol. X. p. 60. The instances in
Vol. T. p. 20 and Vol. X. p. 63, referred to by Ur. Bhandarkar for B4d8vi as an older form of the name of
B4d4mi, are only of A. D. 1532 and 1340 or thereabouts.
Septjembee, 1902.] THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
365
is also mentioned as Vatapi and Vatapi in Sanskrit records dating back to A. D. 612. Pandit
Bhagwanlal Indraji took the BadAvi of the present record to be BadAmi.^s And Mr. Bbandarkar
has said that “ in all likelihood ” it is BadAmi. But there is no reason to entertain any doubt on
this point ; any more than there is for thinking, as Mr. Bhandai-kar has presented himself as think-
ing, that the identification of VAtdpi with Bfidiimi has not been a matter of absolute certainty for the
last quarter of a century. The grant of a couple of villages in Gujarat would, indeed, be of no prac-
tical use whatsoever to a person actually himself resident at BadSmi, some four hundred and seventy
miles away to the south. The place, however, is simply mentioned as the place of abode of the
grantee’s father. And it is plain that the grantee himself had left his father’s home, and was settled
either in one or other of the two villages granted to him by this record, or in some neighbouring town
convenient for the management of them, or else that he emigrated when the grant was made to him
and in consequence of its being made.
Another mention of BAdAmi, contained in a record belonging like this one to a very distant
locality, and indicating a similar emigration from BS,dami and settlement elsewhere, is to be found in
the Uijain plates of A. D. 1021, which register a grant made by the Paramira king Bhojadeva
of DhM, — vrahmana-Dhanapatibhattaya Agasti-gotrAya
Vell[n]valla-prativaddha-sri-VadAvi-nirggata-Vasurasamga(gha)-KarnnaUya, — “to the Brdhmap
Dhanapatibhatta, who is of the Agasti g6tra, and who is a
man of the KarnaU (country), belonging to the Basura smhgha, who has come from the famous
BAdAvi which is attached to Belluvalla.” This passage was not understood by the editor, who,
with a different reading in certain details,^! translated the last part of it as meaning “who, being an
“inhabitant of RAdbA Sprasanga KarnAta, has come from Srivaija, situate in Vellu Valla.’’ But the
real meaning of it is quite certain. The name Belluvalla refers to the Belvola three -hundred
district, which is mentioned as the Beluvala three-hundred in line 53 of another record in Nagari
characters, the Behatti plates of A. D. 1183,33 and as the Velvalla (Belvalla) visliaya, in the version
in NAgari characters of the Pattadakal inscription of A. D. 754,33 and which lay close on the west
and south-west of Badami. And the Basura smhgha is mentioned, with a slight difference in the
final syllable, in the spurious Kurtakobi plates, purporting to be dated in A. D. 608 or 610, 3i which
claim the village of Kurutakfinte (Kurtakfiti itself), in the Belvola vishaga, for a BrAhmau belonging
to the Basuri saihgha and the Agasthi (Agasti) gdtra.
THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
BY THE LATE PBOE. C. P. TIELE.
(Translated into English by G. K, Nariman.)
( Continued from p. 804.)
2. The Aveata and its Components.
Of the one and twenty Nashs on which we dwelt in the preceding section of this chapter, we
possess, as is reckoned, still two complete : Staota Tesnyai? and the Vendidad ; one well-nigh
entire, the Bakan Vast, comprising the Yasts ; the greater part of three more, among them the
Hadokhta ITask ; and more or less extensive fragments of nine others. They are composed in an
te. Bo. Pm. Yol. I. Part I. p. 125. 3o Tol. VI. above, p. 54, plate ii. line 1 ff.
31 He read ‘Sf^v^^&’ViniTggata-rO.dhatuTosamga. The marks which he took as meaning rd, are only marks
which were put in by the writer, iu acoordance with a frequent practice, to fill up a vacant space at the end of
line 2 ■ or perhaps the first of them is such a mark, and the other is attributable to the raised edge of the plate.
The next Mara is certainly va, not dha ; it stands for bo, which is represented throughout the record by the same
sign wa va. ^ p. 5, line 20 , note 20. “ Vol. VII. above, p. 220, line 26.
16 Darmesteter, Be Zend Avesta, III., xvi. suiv., and West. PaUavi Te^s, Part IV., Sacred Boobs o/ ihc Bast,
XXXVII., passim.
w In Tasim, I4rl7, 22-54, and 58.
356
THJ0 INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[SEf»TEMFES, 2902,
ancient Iranian language, a sister-tongue to the old Persian wliicli the Achfemenides employed ii®
their inscriptions, though in two somewhat divergent dialects. Formerly this language was mostly
known as the Zend, which is indubitably a preposterous designation, inasmuch as no tongue was
ever understood by the term Zend, Now, as a rule, it is denominated Avesta, However, the name
Baktrian already used by Benfy and Spieg*el seems to me to be still the most appropriate, Baktria
being one of the most important lands where this speech was current. The Avesta or the Sacred
Iiaw was brought to Europe by Aqiietel du Perron in the year 1761, after a voyage testifying to an
uncommon devotion to science and an iron perseverance, and w'as tentatively translated by him.
Subsequently a few new fragments have come to light.i^ Probably only these remnants are preserved
to us, because they were employed in the liturgy and bad to be chanted in the old language, though
they were unintelligible without the auxiliary of a vulgar rendering. The scanty compass of the Avesta
and the corrupt condition of the texts are no trivial obstacles to its correct interpretation. Tlie first
pioneer to pave the way to a scientific exegesis was Eugene Biirnouf. Since his days, amid no doubt
many an aberration, as often as a sound philological method is resorted to, constant advance has been
made in the study of Zarathushtrian literature. And so it has become possible to unravel the evolu-
tions of the religion, the pristine documents of which the Avesta contains in its main features, and to
draw to a certain measure an accurate outline of it. It would not be relevant at this place to sketch
the history of the Avesta exegesis or to examine the right method for it — an inquiry which cannot
be attempted without entering into a discussion of all manner of technical minutiae. I expect sub-
stantial results from none but a critical philological treatment,, which takes into account all wnitings,
whether dating from early or late periods, and in which an intelligent regard for traditional inter-
pretation ensures material assistance. To slavishly follow the latter is an impudent repudiation of all
science.
The Avesta is made up of five principal constituents. The Yasna is exclusively a ritualistic book,
in which the texts are arranged in order of the sacrificial operations at which it is recited or sung.
The Vispered, Vis^eratavo, All Lords i, the invoked holy ones, is so-called in that it was used
in sacrificial ceremonies involving the invocation of all the Lords. The Vendidad, the Vidaeva data,
or what is enacted against the Daevas, the anti-demoniac ordinance, is a law book in twenty -two
Fargards or Chapters, containing prescriptions, which the pk>us must observe in order to preserve or
recover religious purity ; for without this purity they would fall into the power of the fiends. The
Yashts represent sacrificial hymns composed, for the most part, ad majorem gloriam of the Yazatas, of
whom twenty- seven are sacred to the thirty days of the month; the first, fifteenth, and twenty-fifth
days of the month had no angels proper to themselves, but served as preludes to the great festivals
immediately following, namely, those of Atar, Mithra, and Daena, On these preparatory days were
invoked Ahura Mazda and the Ameslia Spentas. The fifth and the last division of the Avesta
embraces a few minor writings, prayers, calendars, and maxims, which conjointly with, or even without^
the Yashts is comprehensively denominated the Lesser or Khorda Avesta^ and is appointed, not for public
or priestly, but the private, service of every believer. The solitary book of all these, answ^ering in its
totality to a Naslc of the Sassanide Avesta, is the Vendidad, Tlie Yasna includes the Stot Yasht Nash
— Staota Yesnya, — but, in combination with three chapters from the Baho Nash^ three olde*r
some litanies and reiterations, it has been artificially distended to ‘seventy-two or Sections.
Finally, the body of 1 ashts includes the Bahan or Baghan Nash, which consisted of sixteen such
hymns, increased by several more that are posterior, borrowed from: other Nashs of a dissimilar
category.
It is not possible to affirm that any one of these books is per se more ancient than the rest.
Each has assimilated older and younger elements. Perhaps as a book the Vendidad is the most
Collected, edited, and, bo far as possible, translated by Darmesteter in. Part III. of his Zend Avesta,
Ha 19 to 21.
These are: the Ma 9-11; the Srosli^ Fasht, Ha 57; the so-called Kaga^Yasht, Ha 65, and in a
oertain sense also Ha 62, the main contents of which coincide with the Atash Yasht,
SUPTEMBEE, 1902J THE HELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
367
primitiye ; tlie Yashts are somewhat a later collection, and at least in their existing form are a com-
position subsequent to the Vendidad and the Yasna, If it is not feasible off-hand to point to original
passages and latter-day excrescences, we are enabled to pronounce something at least with definitiye-
ness, and we need not despair of more abundant light commensurate to the progress of research.
Thus, in the first place, it has to be remarked that a number of the texts are drawn up in a
dialect different from that of the majority. This diversity of language is of the essence and cannot
be derived from a different mode of writing, as some have sought to show on a baseless theory .21
Both belong to one and the same language, biit either as two dialects, which were spoken in two
separate regions, or as in an anterior and a posterior stage of development. The first alternative is well
nigh generally accepted, though on inadequate grounds ; the second seems to me to be the most
probable one. That the cast of language in which the Gdthas are written, and which accordingly is
termed the Gathic, is more archaic than the other is admitted on all hands. Moreover, the metre of
tlie Gdtha is much more ancient and primitive than that of the Yashts, If we are not hound, from
these reasons alone, to consider not only that the old hymns, as I have already stated, from remote
ages have built the basis of the entire Avesta, but also to look upon most of these pieces as the product
of an anterior date, — this is demonstrated primarily by their tenor as compared with that of the
other writings.
The texts in tlie G&tha dialect comprise the Gdthas^ the Yasna Haptanghaiti (four prayers
held in profound veneration), and sundry minor bits, such as the profession of faith, <fcc. We shall
discuss them in the sequel. It will then be seen that they likewise are not of equal age, but bear
witness to a gradual evolution of religious ideas and concepts. But all in all they are the exponents
of an older stage of religious development than that of the literature embodied in a younger form
pf language. The G^lthas, properly five collections of songs, which are arranged not in order of their
contents or themes, but in accordance with the metre, contain the original Zarathushtrian dogma of
redemption, often proclaimed with fervid enthusiasm.23 We might describe this as that species of
hymns, which speaks nothing of the all kinds of institutions and rites that play an important part
in the other sections of the Avesta^ such as the divisions of the year and day, and the Baresman
twigs, which are employed at offerings and are used in the ritual. It may be an accident that even
the Yasna of the Seven Chapters is silent as to them. But a deeper difference obtains, which our
history will indicate further on. Here, however, we must notice a few salient points, The Zarathush-
tra of the Gdthas, apart fi*om the question of the prophet’s being a historic or legendary personage,
is a glorified prophet, supreme over all, favoured with the full revelation of Ahura Mazda, and by
consequence the head of all earthly beings. The Zaratliushtra of the remaining Avesta is a mythical
creature to whom the homage due to a god is done. The seven Amesha Speiitas, that are not once so
named in the Gdthas, are still far removed from the Spirits of the later lore ; they figure hardly even
as personifications of abstract ideas. As for the Dualism, it is not less decisively taught in the oldest
enunciations than in the rest of the literature. It is a question of two inteliigences, a good, and an
evil one, who combat each other, and between whom the faithful has to make his choice ; but, properly
speaking, Mazda stands the most exhalted. The Gdthas are cognisant of neither the conception nor
the appellation of a hostile creator, the Angramainusli of the later system, Mazda’s equal in rank,
pitted against him and with w'hom he has to maintain a contest. It may be, however, incidentally
remarked that the germ of this future Dualism lies in Yasna 45, 2,33 ^^q^jch alludes to the two primeval
21 Compare my article in the Revuo de VEwioire des Religions, 1894, I., p. 78 suiv.
22 The five Gdthas are s -(1) AhunavaiU, &even hymns, to which is added the Saptanghaiti or the Yasna
of the Seven Chapters, a prose work of younger origin ; (2) Ushtavaiti, four hymns; (3) Bpenfa^Maimjn, four hymns ;
(4) YohU'^khshaihra, ouehymn, with a prose addendum ; and (5) Vahishioishtt, one hymn, to which the holy prayer
Airyema Jshyo is appended,
23 ‘‘ Thus forth I announce to you life’s first two spirits.
Of whom the more bounteous the evil accosted :
Never our thoughts, nor creeds, nor understandings,
Never our beliefs, nor words, nor yet our actions,
Nor can our souls or faiths, ever be one,^’ — Mill’s Metrical FerjioH. [Ts,]
S68
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Septbmbbb, 1902.
genii of the world, the holy Spanyao (comparatiye degree) and the wicked Angro. But the passage
viewed in its context, what has gone before and what follows, discloses that by Spanyao is not meant
Mazda himself. Lastly, and this is of paramount import., the most amiable of the Yazatas, the most
revered, the most puissant antagonist of the realm of the wicked, he who constitutes not less than
the sacrosanct fire, the focus of the cult throughout the posterior Avesta^ Haoma, is nowhere
mentioned in the Gathic writings.^^
This pervading divergence is explicable only on the assumption that the Gdthas with their acces-
sories are the oldest records of the creed, and that the texts written in the other dialect mark a degree
in their subsequent evolution. It were not impossible in itself that the two tendencies had sprung up
synchronously in diverse regions, let us say in East and North-West Iran, and had continued to
develop independently, till they were fused one with the other under the Arsacides or the Sassanides.
It is likewise possible, at all events in ahsti'acto^ that the far purer, more philosophic, idealistic doctrine
of the Gdthas was the outcome of a reformation of the flagrant dualistic mythological scheme repre-
sented in the other books, with all their train of Y^azatas and many a factor of the old Aryan faith, so
that the latter books would be in reality the older of the two sets. But both the above possibilities
are precluded, first by what we stated with reference to the languages, and next by the indisputable
circumstance that the last-named later doctrine is built upon that of the Gdthas, which it has
modified, popularized, and deteriorated. The later religious phase is to be understood in
the light of the Gdthas, just as the Christian dogma is to be interpreted in the light of the New
Testament and not vice versa. The more antique elements, myths, fables, and ritual, which are in
point of fact found in the other chapters of the Yasna, in several parts of the Vendidad and in the
Yasht, do not predicate a higher antiquity of these writings. They are the resuscitated vestiges of
an antecedent epoch, which have been reduced so far as possible to an unison with the Zarathushtrian
gospel.
The Gathic texts make up the principal components of the Staota Yesnya, of the Slot Yasht
Naslc, which, as we saw, is the core of the Yasna. But they are not the only ones of their kind. We
light on the Gathic texts, likewise in the so-called younger Yasna, in the chapters, that is, which stand
in the commencement and at the close of this Nash •p in the Mazdayasnian confession of faith, intro-
duced by a concise eulogium and terminating in a more exhaustive one ;26 fn the lesser Srosh Yasht
erroneously so dubbed, though it is an invocation addressed to the water and the Fravashis and
finally in a benediction over the cattle and the pious houseliold.28 The last-mentioned piece in all
likelihood originally belonged to the HodJiahhta Nash. I would hazard a surmise that the whole
Stot Yasht Nash or Staota Yesnya at first embraced exclusively Gathic texts, and that subsequently
a few other similar texts of a different extraction were joined on to them, so as in the ceremonial not
to dispense with any of the holiest vouchers of the most ancient revelation, which men still possessed,
and that the extant Yasna is a latter-day growth issuing from this complex, called forth to meet the
requirements of the Hoama ceremony and the rituals of the funeral services, of fire adoration, and the
reverencing of the element of water.
2* lama 42, an appendix to the Tama Ma^tangkaiti, speaks indeed of three Haomas, hut it is universally
known that this chapter is of a very late date, an after-addition written in had Gathic. Even if we assume, as will
be clear later on m Chapter II., that the Haoma worship was no East-Iranian heritage, this argument retains its
full force, for at the time the old Gdiha texts arose it was yet unknown to the Zarathushtrian, and it occupies a
conspicuous place in the other books of the Avesta.
2S Ba M3 and 55-72.
^ Frastw^, Ha 11, 17-18.^ FravaranS or Fmoreitish, Ba 12, 1-8. Astuy$ or Asiaothivanem, Ba 12, 9-13 7.
T begins with the constantly recurring formula : Seraosko idha astu, Let there be hearing’.
. erroneously discovered the genius sraosha and confused the old text with the much latev
hrcs/i Yashi which follows in Ba 57. . , ,
Ti • “ introduotioD, and verse 6 the close of the thus completed Staota Somia
Jt IS all m almost pure Gathic dialect. Verse 9 is a still later addition in the younger idiom.
SbJ^tember, 1^02.] THE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
869
In the rest of the Avesta books, setting aside sporadic quotations, no G&tha texts are forthcoming.
They are indited entirely in the later Baktrian, They all, however, do not date back to the same age;
and if in the present state of our knowledge it is beyond our reach to differentiate with precision the
anterior from the subsequent portion, still critical inquiry has yielded here and there incontestible
results, and has facilitated an analysis of their textual composition.
Thus there is no question but that the Vendidad, which now numbers twenty-two chapters,
originally closed with the sixteenth. The seventeenth was tagged on later, and hence the repetition
of the formula which ends the sixteenth as well as the seventeenth. (The passage in question is not
devoid of interest. It runs (S. B. E. IV., p. 189 or 192) : All wicked embodiments of the Drug are
scorners of the Judge : all scorners of the Judge are rebels against the Sovereign ; aU rebels against
the Sovereign are ungodly men ; and all ungodly men are worthy of death. [Tr.] ) All the ensuing
chapters are so many supplements made up of texts, which in a measure bear on the main theme.
This principal theme is appropriately treated of in Fargards 5 to 16. For the thirteenth, fourteenth,
and the fifteenth, which are taken up with the dog, the favourite domestic animal of the Persians, who
almost put it on the same level with humanity, are not out of place here ; dogs as well as the beaver
and hedge-hog, which were classed with them, being the destroyers of evil genii. Still citations and
excerpts from metrical and mythological fragments, to which the prose texts furnish a gloss and the
mutual contradiction of many an injunction, and the recurrence of the same prescriptions over and
over again in a more or less modified guise, argue that even those Fargards are a conglomeration of
heterogeneous texts .2® The seventh chapter bears on the face of it evidence of a later construction
than the fifth, from which it rehearses passages word for word, and at the same time attempers the
commandments therein inculcated. The seventh is in point of time even preceded by the sixth, which
mentions as little as the eighth, the Dakhmas, the towers for the disposal of corpses.^o It is not
settled whether the first four chapters must be held as an introduction by the same hand or as the
amplifications of a posterior editor. But this much is positive, that a text of considerable anti^
quity underlies the first Fargards which is supplemented at places to accord with latter-day ideas.
It is a catalogue of the countries which Ahura Mazda created, beautiful and comfortable for his
worshippers, but which are marred by the counter-creations of Anghro Mainyush. Perchance
already the older portion deviates from its original configuration. At all events a discrepancy
obtains between what is related of Airyanam Vaejo, the aboriginal Aryan land, in the beginning
and what is said of it in Sections 2 and 3. In the former it is a paradise so charming that, but for the
production on the Creator’s part of more regions habitable and beautiful, all organized beings would
have repaired thither. In the latter it is a real country, which has been unfit to live in because of
its prolonged inclement winter ; a country where is located the heart, the very centre of winter, and
on which impetuous cold bears down from all quarters. This second delineation is assuredly the
earlier one. The lands catalogued make up only a part of Iran, and the editor was alive to it^ that
tliis defective list m^st elicit astonishment in his age. He therefore subjoins the note that there*
were other regions too, in several respects of superior excellence, which he has not enumerated.
Again, the second Fargard is a Zarathushtrian version of the Aryan hero Yinaa (Yama), the
king of primeval humanity, who reigned 900 years, and during which period, owing to the
multiplying of his subjects, the earth had twice to be enlarged. But since he apprehended the ruin of
everything terrestrial in a severe winter, at the behest of Ahura Mazda, he prepared an enclosed
space (vara) to which he migrated with the seeds of cattle, men, dogs, birds, and with blazing fire,
29 Comp, the archaic pastoral songs in 3, 24-33, the mythic presentment of Mazda and the waters in .5 ; 17, 20,
21. Repetitions constantly ocpur.
30 Fargard 7, 16 has a quotation from the very late Yasna 65, 5 5 and 7, 52 accords with Farg. 19, SI, and TasM
22 16 — both well known as of a very younger age. The strange reference to the Dakhmas in 7, ^ indicates that
they were held at once to be impure and necessary : 0 Maker of the material world, thou Holy One ! How long
after the corpse of a dead man has been laid down on a Dakhma is the ground whereon the Dakhma stands
clean again ? —S. B. E., lY. 88 [Tr.] What is enjoined in Farg, 5 in respect of the purihoation of a womm
delivered of a still-born child is modified by 7, 76-72,
S70
THE INDIAN ANTlQDAEY.
[September, 1902.
We shall revert to this myth further on. But now it is patent to the believing Mazdayasiiian how
this old tradition, which he was not disposed to surrender, can be brought to harmonize with the
orthodox tenet that Zarathushtra had enunciated the law since the inception of creation and that he
was himself the chief of the mundane economy. In a somewhat clumsy fashion the author makes
Zarathushtra propound the question to Mazda, who replies, that Yima, while willing to extend the good
tracts of land, declined to proclaim the law. On Zarathushtra, by consequence, it devolved to be the
first prophet of the true dogma. Another interrogative seeks to ascertain if this dogma was
unknown in Yima^s mra. The reply is to the effect that a mythical bird carried it thither and that
Zarathushtra was the Batu or spiritual pontiff, and Urvatat-naro, the Anghu or temporal lord. si
To illustrate further that the nineteenth Fargard consists of passages of a very promiscuous
character, and that they stand in little internal co-relation. Sections 1 to 10 and 43 to 47 cohere,
while between them are shoved in three other texts dealing with totally different matter. The main
text is the narrative of Zarathushtra’s temptation, to all appearances later than most Fargards of
the Vendidad,'^^ but it is superposed on a myth of bygone ages, touched up in the spirit of the
Mazdayasnian precepts. The interpolated fragments are referable to a still younger descent.33
The Yashts with the Gdthas represent the poetical factor of the Avesta, and are an ample mine
for a knowledge of old Iranian poesy and mythology. However, they are of very unequal merit and
date from varying ages. Thus, we have three (one dedicated to an Amesha Spenta, another to Asha
Vahishta, the third to Haurvatat), which were not admitted into the Bagkan I^ash and which should
not be held to be much more than valueless trivialities. Their hopelessly corrupt text is attributable
not to the inadvertence of the transcribers, but to the ignorance of the authors, — we cannot call
them poets.3^ They are manifestly composed to fill up a gap. Laudatory songs in honor of the
supreme intelligences of the Zarathushtrian cosmology, addressed collectively or individually, are
here promiscuously thrown together. Even the Onnazd-Yasht, the Hymn to the High God
himself, is out and out prosaic. It is a theological speculation on the divine potency of Ahura
Mazda’s names, twice interrupted by insipid strings of appellations, of which the second is
younger than the first, and which are perhaps both interpolations, not the only ones in this
perfunctory piece of uncouth makeshift. But it is just this that bespeaks the relative higher
antiquity of others, chiefly those which celebrate the old Aryan divinities metamorphosed into
Zarathushtrian Yazatas, They do not appear to have been composed for the individual festivals, but
to have later been employed on those occasions. One of the prettiest in point of poetry and religious
fervour is the Homa Yasht ; so also is the Srosh YasJit ; then the Ardvisur Banu or Ahan Yaslit
addressed to the celestial waters and their deity, Ardvi Sura Anahita, Next Tishtar^ Mihir^ and in
part Farverdin Yasht are of equal beauty. W e shall in the sequel touch on their import ; we notice
only in passing their structure of style and relative age. In respect of the first, their structure, they
evince strong marks of interpolations. Amid ardent and vivid descriptions w^e meet with bald, prosaic
comments of a ritualistic purport, which unmistakably betrays the hand of the priest. Besides, at the
end, they have monotonous litanies appended. In most cases the epentheses reflect the fact that no
pains, were taken to reduce them to metrical euphony. Eespecting the second point, namely, the age ;
at the root of most of them lie, without question, popular non-Zarathushtrian ditties. Ever and anon
SI In the posterior legends Urvatat-naro is the son of Zarathushtra and the chief of the class of husbandmen ;
originally it was perhaps a cognomen of Tima ; “ friend of humanity,’^ or, better, one " united to men.” From § 39
begins a sort of commentary.
SS Oomp. 19, 5 (the Pairiha-WinathaiU) with TasTii 19. For the Sea of Kasn, see TasM 13. The future
Saoshyant spoken of there occurs in the later Fosna, Fispered, and the TashU.
» This is prored not only hy the invocations 19, 13, hut also before all by the genitive Ahuro-Mazdao, which
occurs only in Tasna 71, 10, where Justi, Darmesteter, and others unjustifiably assume a vocative. Oomp. further
Tasna 7, 24 and 13, 5 in the citations from the Tama Baptanghaiti,
3* One Yasht seems to have been dedicated to Vohumanao alsoj for the Bahman Yasht, dating from the 12th
Christian century, comprises this old Pehlevi translation with the commentary of an Avestio original. Oomp.
Weal;, Fahlwoi Texts (S. B. E.) I„ Intro, pp. 4 seq^ He surmises that the rendition, of which the Bahman Yasht is
an epitome, was prepared in the time of Khusro Nosirvan (531-579 A. D.),
September, 1902.] THE RBLIGIOI^* OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES,
S71
one recognizes, if not the fundamental text whicli the Mazdayasnian editor has manipulated after hi^
own heart, at least scanty relics of the same. We cannot enter here into details and demonstrate
this. But I instance the Ardvisur Banu and Tishtar Task is as a couple of telling illustrations.
Yarious Yashts dealing with Yazatas, whose veneration it was intended to commend, before all
such Yazatas as were borrowed from the anterior religion and originally did not appertain to
the Zarathushtrian system, contained an enumeration of legendary heroes and even of divine existences,
who whilom sacrificed to them. Two such lists are illicitly inserted into the Ardvisur Yasht,
According to Darmesteter, in the first list^s are mentioned the devotees of Anahita before Zarathushtra ;
in the second the contemporaries and followers of the Prophet.^e That is incorrect. For in the
first roll are named Jamaspa, Ashavazda, Vistauru and Yoishta, who one and all belong to the
entourage of Zarathushtra. The first five strophes are the same as the opening five of the 65th
Yasna, Several other strophes (7, 11, 13, 15) are a colourless copy of the glowing description at the
close of the Yasht, A few more (88 to 96) are completely out of keeping with the general
tone disclosing theological speculations in an orthodox Mazdayasnian spirit. Setting these aside,
and, with the exception of the prelusive and other expatiations, fragments of one or more hymns
celebrating Ardvisur Anahita remain in which there is nothing pronouncedly Zarathushtrian.
A supplication to the goddess to descend from her astral station down on our globe, an enumeration of
the blessings which her worshippers, warriors and priests, — (they are here put in the second place) —
young maidens and women crave of her, a narrative of her descent in the plenitude of her beauteousness
and glory — all this is wound up with a prayer on the part of the warrior to succour him in the
battle. (Strophe 132 is an addition by the priest, who makes a sacrificial song of it and to this end
repeats over again and enlarges upon the commencement of 85, the request to come down on earth,
which is altogether irrelevant since the prayer has long since been granted. Occasionally the editor
throws in some features to his own taste, but which ill accord with the general delineation.)
The Tir Yasht is occasionally beautiful indeed ; beautiful and poetical. But obviously it is a
Zarathushtrian Mazdayasnian recast of a genuine mythological chant. The bliss-difiusing god is
portrayed in his diverse transfigurations of a handsome youth, a steer, a white steed with yellow
ears. In the last shape is celebrated his combat with the demon of sterility and barrenness, Apaosha,
conceived as incarnated in a black stallion. It were an idle effort here or elsewhere, for example
in the far-famed Mihir Yasht, to seek to reconstruct the primitive non-Zarathushtrian canticle from
the text as it stands. The compilers have too far made free with the texts, in order to accommodate
them to their theological views, for us to recognise or to recover them in their completeness. But it
is easy to make out what has issued solely from the pen of the editors; whatever they have
prefixed of their own accord, have interpolated or appended on their own initiative.^^
These researches are in their incipient stage, and the results they have so far yielded have to be
more closely tested. We need not accordingly pause longer, as we have yet to answer the inquiry
in wBat sense tlie Avesta literature is to be considered a source for the history of
Zarathushtrian religion. Scholars have long delayed setting the problem to themselves and render-
ing themselves an account of the different characters of the original sources of our information.
Consequently they have encountered difficulties that could be surmounted, but which they were not in
a position to solve. They found that an antithesis subsisted between the dogma of the Avesta and
the presentment (in the Achsemenide inscriptions or in Herodotus) of the religion of the^ Persians
and Medes and deduced no end of inconsequent conclusions. There is no denying the existence of
the contrast ; but it is easily explained by the uniform character of the aforesaid authentic writings.
VfisTii 5 16"83 ITcLsht 5, 97 ’“118.
M Thus, e-g., ia the Mihir Tasht (YasM 10), §§ M6, is a theological pioem -which originaUy did aot belong to
the Ya^ht, and (as has been already noticed by Darmesteter) 118-139, a purely lituigioal portion; 140-144 forming an
enooniiastic finale. But 115-117 appertain to the next Yaiht, if it represents no independent fra^ent _ Burther,
63-59 and 63 certainly, and 9, 18-21, 23-24, 28-34, 37-43, 4S, 83-94, 98-101. 105-111 prohably, are Zarathushtrian inter-
polatione. These eliminated, we are left almost exclusively a good coherent mythological panegyric.
372
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Septembee, 1902,
Herodotus relates that which he or his authority had ascertained or experienced of the actual state of
religion among the Iranians, and of an analogous description are the reports of the ancients,
particularly Strabo. The inscriptions of the Achsemenides inform us of the Mazdayasnian creed so far
as it prevailed as the State religion of the empire ; in other words, as it was officially acknowledged.
The Avesta presents a picture of the development of Zarathushtrianism, as it was never perhaps
instituted prior to Alexander in Media and Persia (at best only in a solitary spot, say the ecclesiastical
Ragha), but an outline of it as it lived in the schools of divines and theologians by whom, it is possible,
it was introduced into North-West and Eastern Iran,
3. The Age of the Avesta.
We have examined the sacred Scripture of the Zarathushtrians, and are now confronted with the
problem to what period does it belong, and how far can we rely on it with success ? Do the texts of
our Avesta and the lost books on which the Sassanian Zend-Avesta was based, along with fragments
recently put together, emanate mainly from the times of the Achsemenides, possibly from still
earlier centuries ; or were they composed after the fall of that dynasty ? Formerly the first was the
generally accepted view. And there were scholars who assigned the compilation of the Avestic
writings to an epoch preceding the Median Empire. Till very recently eminent authorities concurred
in this opinion. But now distinguished savants oppose this theory, championing with more or less
vehemence the last-mentioned hypothesis. We are consequently compelled to make a choice between
the two confiicting pronouncements.
The first to strenuously defend the comparatively later origin of the Avesta — a view to which
Spiegel, Justi, and de Harlez were more and more inclined with a brilliant array of arguments
was the late erudite Frenchman, James Darmesteter, whose death is, with justice, deeply mourned.
Damesfeeter brought to bear on his researches a profound study of the original sources, rich knowledge,
rare critical acumen, and at the same time he could command a consummate diction. We cannot
enter upon a refutation of all the ingenious but uncurbed conjectures of the author — conjuctures
which show that his penetration not unfrequently got the better of his historical sense and his
sane judgment.ss Most of what he has propounded, to give only a single instance, relative to the
Keresdni of the Avesta (who is assuredly neither more nor less than the Krishna of the Yeda^ and
therefore an unmistakably mythological personage) as being identical with Alexander the Great, wifi
not, indeed, live longer than the scintillation of a splendid firework. But Darmesteter takes his
stand on another and apparently more solid ground ; hence our obligation to inquire into its validity.
To begin with, then, he appeals to tradition. According to, at least, two divergent, if in
Darmesteter’s eyes, essentially concordant traditions, the official text of the complete body of the
Zarathushtrian Holy Writ, which was for reasons of State preserved in two separate transcripts, was
destroyed with Alexander’s co-operation, or at least in consequence of the confusion occasioned by
his invasion, Valkash, the Arsacide, who was either Volgoses (51-55 A. D.), the contemporary of
Nero, or another king of the same name, and of a posterior age, is reported to have commenced the
collecting of the ancient documents, the fragments committed to writing as well as the oral sections
which survived among the sacerdotal order. The first prince of the bouse of Sasan, Ardeshir
(Artaxexxes) I., 226-240 A. D., we are told, continued the pious undertaking with the assistance of
Tansar or Tosar. His successor, Shahpuhr I., 241-372 A. D., is credited with causing to be rendered
again into the vernacular the Iranian texts, which had been translated into the Greek and Indian
languages. Finally, the great hierarch Atarpad, son of Maharespand under Shahpuhr II. (309-379),
definitively concluded the last redaction of the Sassanide Zend-Avesta,
In his latest translation of the Zend AmeU^ especially in the Introduction to the third Part. In the Revue
de VEietmre des Uehgions, 1£94, Vol. XXIX. p. 68 seq,, I have discussed and given a statement of the contents oi
this work; UmmmellehyvotkSse surVantiquiUde V Avesta; and I have spoken on the age of the Avesta in
K.Alcademie van TTetenschapjgen te Amsterdam, Verslagen en Mededelengen, % Reeks. I must ref er the reader to
f Bsays for the details which cannot be gone into in the text.
September, 1902.T THE RELTG-ION OF THE 1RANIA.N PEOPLES.
873
These traditional accounts may not be incorrect in general, and one is warranted thus to
concatenate the two versions ; yet they must not be looked upon as more than a reminiscence of the
manner and way in which the Avesta Scripture was once more brought together, after both the
authentic copies of it had perished, either in the conflagration of Persepolis or otherwise. And at
the same time, however, still to pursue the tradition, the texts were translated from the obsolete
Baktrian into the Pehlevi, the court language of the Sassanides, and were furnished with commentaries
more in a theological than in an exegetical vein.
But, according to Darmesteter, we have here to deal not merely with a compilation, nor even a
redaction, and the working up of extant texts, but with the actual composition of new writings. Not
one of the ancient Zarathushtriau texts had survived, and the entire Amsba sprang up posteriorly to
Alexander the Great, says Dannesteter. In view, however, of the testimony of the archaic Persian
inscriptions and the narratives of the Greeks, he can scarcely dispute that, the basis of dogma
promulgated in the Avesta is primitive — a point to which we shall presently return.
But the books themselves are a latter-day production j and the old doctrines have been indepen-
dently worked up into them to harmonize with the spirit of the age, or rather, and this is one of his
chief contentions, under the influence of alien creeds and foreign philosophical systems. He detects
ill the Avesta undoubted traces of Indian (t, e-, Brahmanic and Buddhistic), Hellenic, chiefly Hellen-
istic, and Jewish concepts and figures. Let us examine how far the assertion is true,
No one denies the unison betw^eeii the Indian and the Iranian religions. A number of myths,
legends, rituals, concepts, and names of existences to whom prayers are offered up, they have in
common.
The supreme deities of the Iranian, the Ahuras, are the formidable antagonists of the Indians’
'divinities, and, conversely, the Devas have become the abominated evil genii of the Iranian. But
Mithra, Aryanian, Vayii, and diverse other gods claim equal adoration from both. Yama or Yima
is among both nations the sovereign of the primordial human beings and of the kingdom of the dead.
The service of Soma — Haoma — occupies the premier place in the cult at once of the Indian and
the Iranian, particularly in later times. Dannesteter must concede that all these phenomena can be
most simply accounted for as the relics of an anterior period, when the two peoples still constituted
one nation. There is certainly no borrowing either on the part of the Indian or the Iranian. Even
the circumstance that the Indian paramount god India, Sarva, who probably stands for Siva, and
the Nasatsyas aro mentioned as idols in the Avesta does not tell against the antiquity of the latter,
inasmuch as the Indians were not only the next-door -neighbours of the ancient Persians, but Hapta-
Hindu, or the river -valley of the Indus, is accounted as Iranian territory in the VencUdad, and is
reckoned among the provinces of the monarchy in the inscriptioiis- of the Persian sovereigns of
bygone ages.
As regards what is alleged to have been borrowed from Buddhism, it is 'confined to this.
A certain demon Buiti is sought to be identified with the Buddha, another called Butasp with the
Bodhisattva, and Gaotema again with the Buddha under his appellative of Gautama.^^ That is all,
and, strictly speaking, that is nought. If Buiti must needs have an Indian parallel, it can only be
Bhuta, a goblin or sprite. Butasp does not occur in the Avesta, but only in a passage in the
Bundahesh (XXVIII., 35), which is forcefidly so read after great straining. And as for Gaotema, it
can by no possibility correspond to the Indian patronymic of Gautama. It answers to Gotama, the
name of the Vedic bard, who probably already belonged to the Aryan mythology.
The consonance between Israelite and Iranian' legends and ideas is of equal import pthat is, in
respect of the Avesta the sinhlarities are of no moment. We .meet with something of more sub-
stantial significance in the Bundahesh r in other words, in a volume dating from the later vSassanides;
And even if the resemblances belonged to the most ancient component part of the Bimdahesh, yiihkh
sa With ref erence-to Gautama, Martin Hang fell intp tjhe same error.
S74
THE IKDIA’E ANTIQUARY.
[Septkmber, 1902.
part lias a great deal in common with the Damdat Nmlc, they can be satisfactorily explained on
much more convincing grounds.
It remains, then, to consider the principal indictment, to wit, that the whole system of the
Gathic precepts, the fundamental tenets of the Zarathushtrian faith, is a feeble echo of Hellenistic
Xihilosophy, and mainly that of Philo Jud«eus. The Amesha Spentas do not belong to the ancient
Mazdayasnian religion, but are philosophic, neo-Platonic ideas ; in fact, Iranianized seons. And this
simply because Yoho-mano, the Amesha Speiita most intimately connected with Ahura Mazda,
displays a few points of contact with the Logos of Philo. I have on another occasion analyzed the
utter impossibility of this hypothesis and have shown that probably out of two of the Amesha Spentas,
positively one appears as a god on the coins of the Indo-Scytliian Kings Kanishka and Huvishka,
though behind names that have been corrupted almost out of recognition and that going so
far back as Plutarch we find him correctly acquainted with the denominations and the import of the
Amesha Spentas. Now Philo died about 25 A, D., Avhich well nigh coincides with the date of Plutarch’s
birth. And the first-mentioned king ascended the throne in the year 78 A. D. Within, therefore,
half a seculum the works of the Alexandrian philosophers must have been studied by the Persian
theologiaus ; the system which they created must have been worked out and written down and made
known to the Greeks. Moreover, the philosophic personifications, which they imitated from Philo,
must have been so thoroughly transformed into popular deities that their names became totally
deteriorated and it became possible for foreign potentates to assume them. This is simply incon-
ceivable, and hence the hypothesis itself is nothing but an ingenious delusion.
Harmesteter is prepared to allow antiquity to a few of the precepts incorporated in the Avesta ;
and of a truth he cannot but make the concession. Even Aristotle knew of Oromazdes and
Arimanios and the extravagance of the dualism as referring to the Supreme Being. Theopompus
speaks of the Zoroastriau Doctrine of palingenesis. Consequently both must have heard of these
Aveatan articles of faith prior to Alexander. The worship of Haoma cannot but have been in vogue
for a long time previously, despite the omission of its mention in Herodotus or other Greek
authors. It attests the Soma service of the tribally allied Indians. Finally, the tout ensemble of
the practical and utilitarian moral code of the Parsis, perhaps the dogma, too, of universal genesis
out of Boundless Time was not thought of so late as after the downfall of the Persian empire. But
the doctrine of the Amesha Spentas and the Yazatas was unknown anterior to this epoch, and Ahura
Mazda was a natare-god at the head of the entire pantheon of nature divinities^i Hence this, and
much besides which is peculiar to the Avesta, it is contended, dates from the Arsacides and the
Saasanides. Now, to say nothing of other objections, it is not competent to us thus ofi-hand to
brand some tenets as primitive because they happen to be mentioned here and there, and to hold as
of latter-day growth what is dissociably joined with the creed and what constitutes the proper soil
in which this article of belief has taken root, viz., the doctrine of Ahura Mazda being the sole real and
beneficent deity, the creator exalted above his creatures and with his saints around and under him
because, forsooth, Plutarch is the first to advert to it. At any rate, we cannot raise the undoubtedly
younger doctrine of Boundless Time, the origin of all creation, to the level of the well-founded tenet
which regards Mazda as the uncreate God. The remote antiquity of the Amesha Spentas is directly
proved by the mode in which Plutarch rehearses the doctrine. He knows and mentions the idea
which subsequently grew so prominent, that over against the seven highest good spirits are arrayed
seven evil genii, so that each of them has his antagonist in the realm of darkness — a conception
which IS alien to the Avesta proper.
The most important positive proof for the antiquity of the Avesta lies in the
language m which It 13 ■written. That the language tos no lon ger current in the beginning of
Comp, the essays referred to ante, ' ~
« Daimesteier oonoluaeB tHs from the -eroras vimiU ooeurring in the aaeSent Persian inaorin-
tious, words he altogether wrongly interpipts. Comp. in MeHe^Kngm ^ K. A. U Am^Urdam. ^
September, 1902.] TEE RELIGION OF THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
875
the Christian era any more than the Old Baktrian, no one denies. And yet we are asked to believe that
in and after the first century A. D. the mobeds composed the 21 Nashs of the Avesta in two dialects
of this language, one older than the other, albeit they no more understood it and were obliged at the
same time to immediately render them into the then vernacular of the empire, which was Peldevi,
To indite in a dead language is not only possible, but is very common centuries after it has ceased to
be a spoken idiom. But this is feasible only provided we possess a literature which to look upon as
our model, and not when the literature has perished, save for scanty minor fragments. The Pehlevi
version of the Avesta books is adduced as a proof that the antique tongue was very well understood,
at least in the initial period of the Sassanian domination. But it is one thing to hammer out the
sense of writings in an archaic idiom, specially when the knowledge reposes more on scholastic
tradition than on the language as such, and entirely another to write books in it — books poetic and
of a philosophical tenor. Furthermore, had the texts been forthwith translated into the vulgar
tongue, they would not have left so much to desire. The most zealous advocates of tradition
(although one at times marvels at the sheer rigmarole they are capable of digesting) are now and
again forced to deviate from it and strike out a path for themselves. It is not possible that the
Gdthas should have originated synchronously with Alexander. Their text is frequently past all
interpretation and much mutilated, which argues general ignorance on part of those who inherited
them from generation to generation. The offences against grammar and idiom on which we
repeatedly light are not the regular and recurring faults of unschooled authors. They are so
many illustrations of the supineness of illiterate guardians. The metre, exceedingly primitive in
many respects, harmonious with the Vedic, and being archaic, is often confused. We need,
however, but restore the correct forms, and it is again ^11 in order. What should this prove but
that it was posterity and not the poets who were not at home iu the prosody. It is perfectly within
the range of possibility that under the Parthian monarchy, and even in the second Persian empire,
people could draw up in Old Baktrian a few glosses, brief litanies, benedictions, formulae of adjuration,
calendars, &c. ; nay, they could turn out verses, half plagiarized from the primitive texts, half
imitated, and forming a farrago o£ unpoetic poems. But no one was able to compose a Gdtha, the
Ve 7 ididad, one of tbe longer Yashts, which we discussed in the foregoing section, in an ^ge which
heralded the period of the insane and imbecile scholasticism of the Pehlevi commentators.
The ancient Persian is most intimately allied to the Old Baktrian. Now we know that the
former had so far grown obsolete already under the later Achsemenides that their inscriptions are
veritable examples of eacography. It is not quite possible that the Baktrian at that date was still
in its bloom. We can, at all events, conceive of two-sister speeches, one of them with a more pro-
tracted lease of existence, and better-preserving obsolete word formations. But this can only be
when the natives employing this dialect have little or no intercommunion, and when each of the
two clans stand on a different plane of civilization. It is never the case whep they profess the self-
same faith, cherish one sacred lore, and, what is more, owe allegiance to a common political consti-
tution. That being so, it was inevitable that the East and the West Iranian, the language of the
Avesta and the language of the Achaemenides, should proceed at an uniform pace in their develop-
ment and their decay.
We cannot here enter into too much detail. Else we should bring forward evidence to show
that between tbe forms of the proper names as we find them in the Amta and the Pehlevi
version and on the coins of the Indo-Scythian rulers centuries must elapse. But we will not
pass over in silence one personal name, for therefrom can be deduced one of the most striking
proofs for the antiquity of the Avesta, viz,, the name of the Supreme Godhead. Let us consider
the vicissitudes which it has endured. The oldest form is, doubtless, Madza Aliura or
Ahura Mazda, looked upon and treated as two names, occasionally in the plural, placed in
juxtaposition. In the Gdthas the first-named sequence is the most usual, but the other, too,
pften occurs ; mostly both names are severed from each other by one or more words or at least by a
37a
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[September, 1902.
caasura, and they are always separately declined. So also in the remaining Gathic scripts. In the
later books the position Mazda Ahura appears only in citations from the Gathic literature and in
standing formulae like the fire of Mazda-AIiura, and Maiithra Spenta, the friend of Mazda- Ahura.
Moreover, here we but rarely find x4.hura or Mazda singly as names of the Divinity, which isolated
names are frequently presented by the poets of the Gdthas, With the exceptions indicated above,
Ahura-Mazda is the most common appellation in the posterior Avesta ; yet the consciousness that it
consists of two distinct words is not yet extinct. Leaving out of account a couplers of very young
passages, both the members are individually declined. In the inscriptions of the Achgemenides, how-
ever, Ahura Mazda has become one name, nor are the two substantives divided off by the sign which in
the old Persian denotes the terminations of words. Excepting once only, ^3 the second component
alone is declined. Lastly, the Greeks recognize the name not otherwise than as a unity, Oromazes,
and as such it remains among the Iranians of post-Alexandrian times, who abbreviate it into
Auharmazd, Hormazd or Ormazed.
We shall not have to go far to arrive at the result of this investigation, if we reflect upon the
exalted veneration in which the name of a god, and that the highest, was held in the past. The
periods in which the combined names could be put down at pleasure, that is, could be disjoined or
associated, or each member could singly be used, in which stages consequently there was still a
vivid consciousness of their significance, must precede that stage in which they are arrayed in one fixed
order, although they are uniformly considered as individual vocables and dealt with as such. And
this transitional stage, again, must be older than the one during which the two -fold name has
crystallized into one compound word, Ihe first component of which is never or only exceptionally
declined. The whole Avesia, therefore, re23resents a more archaic period of religious evolution than
that evidenced by the rock-cut writings of the Achgemenides. Not, however, that every text of the
later Avesta was drawn up in the pre -Persian times, for in the priestly schools the old tradition must
have survived longer ; but we contend that in respect of its main position it is assignable to an age
when the Ahura Mazda had not developed, nor stratified, into the Aura Mazda of the later Persians.
Briefly, the history of the Iranian equivalent of God corroborates what other facts teach us about the
age of the Avesta and the form of the religion as exhibited in the latter.^^
I shall cursorily touch on the other arguments, wliich have been brought forward for or against"
this antiquity ; but I cannot altogether pass them over unnoticed. Darmesteter opines that the
political conditions reflected in the Avesta harmonize but with those of the Parthian monarchy.
The Parthian sway was feudal. The large landholders ruled independently and were bound to
follow the king only in war. Now, to Darmesteter the Avesta is cognisant of no higher political
civic grade than that of the judiciary of a canton. Hence it cannot have been written during
the Median or Persian monarchy. But, in the first place, the political institution under the
Persian domination, prior to the introduction of a rigidly absolute monarchy by Darius Hystaspes,
was the same as the Parthian, and it can scarcely be distinguished from the Median constitution!
And, besides, it is not correct that the Avesta never speaks of a king or suzerainty. We need only
call to mind the struggles for the possession of the regal glory or majesty of the Aryan lands, which
so'repeatedly turu up."
Of fai gieater motnent are the pleas for the remote antiquity of the Avesta which are derired from
reference in it to th,6 political and economic relations of the countries. ITone of the tribes which
have played an important part in history subsequent to the 9th century B. 0., the Medians, Persians
or Parthians, are once mentioned. The Avesta is aware of only the Aryans, such as, according to
« These are 1 om f. 24 . 3 : AWa-Mazda. The last passage may contain a purely olerioal oversight, for
here we have a quotation from the Tasna The genitive Ahnro Mazdao, Fandidad 19, 15, and
mfeti! wrongly conjecture a vocative), is of another kind: simply a grammatioa.1
*8 In C (a and b) 10 and 17 (Series) we find the double genitive amahya mmiaha.
_ M Comp, the eihaustive demonstration in my oft-cited treatise ‘‘.Orer de Oadheid vm’t Awsfo.”
SeI^tember, 1902.] THE RELIGION OE THE IRANIAN PEOPLES.
377
Herodotus, the Medians named themselves. Nowhere are the distinguished capitals spoken of, the
Median Ekbatana or the residences of the Achgemenides, Susa, Persepolis or Pasargadas, which latter
was the city of the Magians, and a city of priesthood.^® xhe solitary considerable cities which are
alluded to, assuming that we accept the traditional interpretation of the passages, are Nineve, which
was devastated in the 7th century, and Babylon.^® But in case Babylon is actually mentioned here,
which is suspicious, and in the capacity of a seat of tyrants who dreamed of a world-sovereignty but
failed in their object, then that must be the memory or the legend of aboriginal times — times before
the founding of his metropolis by Cyrus and anterior even to the Median kings, the friendly
contemporaries of the Babylonians. In their days the time-honoured metropolis cannot figure as
the abode of an odious usurper in the imagination of the Iranians. Under no circumstances it is
open to us to take refuge in the assertion that the Median and Persian premier cities had already
forfeited their importance when the AveBta was revealed. For then the question arises, how it was
that the seats of later dynasts, the Seleucides, the Arsacides, and the Sassanides, are so totally
ignored ? That ITirdausi in his epics gives them the go-by is natural, in that he loves to adhere to
tradition and makes a bare mention of a few Achaemenides,
The economical circumstances of the people among whom the Avesta had its home are in the
last degree antique. All that has been stated in respect thereof is not conclusive. It is neither
proved nor probable that they were unacquainted with the use of iron, gold, and salt. But what is
proved beyond question, and will be shown in the sequel, amounts to this. The GdtTias are the original
documents not merely of a religious but likewise an economic reform — a reform from the nomadic
stage of life to settled husbandry. The gospel of such a reformation was not called for in the age
of the Arsacides, nor under the foregoing monarchs of Iran. Religion and tillage have long since
triumphed and permanently retain their close association. The whole body of the Avesta is a veritable
sacrosanct writing calculated to establish a class of cultivators, composed of cattle tenders and
peasants, with simple unsophisticated notions and usages ; while the divisions of time, as in the
religious prescriptions of the Vendidad and of the later Yasna^ throughout answer to their primitive
requirements. It is not till we come down to the Yashts that a different spirit reveals itself. It is the
talk about royal majesty, about battles, and conquests ; wherefor they must have, to hazard a surmise,
originated in the times of kings.'^^
On all these grounds we predicate a high antiquity of the Avesta. Should it be in reality com-
posed after the commencement of our era, it w'ould be one of the most mysterious and dexterous literary
forgeries which have ever been perpetrated. One of the most dexterous, because the transgressors
pitched upon a language, which was no more spoken and was no longer imderstood of the people
collectively, and of which all original documents had perished. They wrote down in a more antique
dialect the fragments they wished to be considered oldest. They set forth the religion of their creation
with such consummate art that they infused vividness and freshness into the hymns which were
to be looked upon as archaic, and austereness into what was to be reputed of a subsequent growth ;
and finally they adulterated their religion with foreign elements. In a word, not only they fabricated
religious texts, but also a whole course of religious unravelment, and were solicitous that the history
of the language they employed kept pace with it. With studied assiduity they avoided what could
Plutarch, 0. 3. Pliu. Hist, iVo-i. 6, 26.
*6 Kineve ; YasU 10, 104 and Yasna 5, 29 (which passage, however, the tradition translates differently).
Darmesteter is totally incorrect when he thinks of a river.
Babylon ; Ya$ht 5, 29 : Azhi Dahaka, the mythical snake that subsequently passed for a personification or
symbol of foreign domination, sacrifices for the attainment of the sovereignty of seven quarters of the work, which
Anahita had not conceded to him, hawroish !paiti danhoy^t in the land of Babylon. The elucidation, however, is
far from definite, « ^ r-n i j. -i-v
Comp before all W. Geiger, Aiteranische KuUur im AlUrtum, Erlangen, 1882 [English tr, by Pastur Darab
Saniana], aid Vaterland und Zeitalter des Avesta und Seiner Kultur, in Situ, Berder Kgh Bairesh Akad. 1884,
p. 340 <3teigev often proves too much, but what Spiegel {Vher Vaterland und Zeitalter des Avesta, Z, B. M Q.
1887, p. 280 seq,) adduces against it is quite as feeble as his previous essay on the subjeot-t?ide R. Roth,
Z. R. M. G. 1880, p. 098.
378
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[September, 1902.
be referred to their own generation, named no names beyond those of mythic antiquity, and in all this
did not betray themselves once. One of the most mysterious, because this product of imposition
became within a few years universally accepted. The fictitious figures of a counterfeit theosophy
were transmuted forthwith into popular deities, and were immediately thereafter acknowledged by
native and foreign princes. Nay, more, in those very schools whence these compositions emanated it
was possible for men simultaneously to produce a very defective rendering with elucidations which
not unfrequently succeeded in completely obscuring the sense of the original. Me thinks such a
forgery is impossible. Rather am I persuaded that the writings whose contents investigated with
critical exactitude so clearly helps a comprehension of the process of evolution of the Zoroastrian
religion are genuine and antique documents. The sketch of this development, which we are about to
draw, will prove the most conclusive arguments in its support.
To contract the period of the origin of this scripture within narrower limits we lack historical
data. Some scholars hold that the older part of it belongs to the 13th pre-Christian century, and
incline to a still dimmer past. Others conjecture that the date of the Avesta literature is to be
set down between 1000 and 600 B. i am convinced that we must place the earliest pieces
of the later Avesta (if not in the form of its present redaction) not much later than 800 B. C.
The Gathic writings are, as a matter of course, a couple of centuries older, albeit later than the rise
and the first promulgation of the faith. But on this point we may but make conjectures.
(To he continued.)
GLIMPSES OP SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE.
(1) Domestic Ceremonies.^
BY ARTHUR A. PERBBA.
The life of a Singhalese man consists from the day of his birth of minute domestic obser-
vances and ceremonies; although these slightly differ in the different parts of the island and
many details in them are forgotten or discontinued owing to the adoption of Western methods
and modes of thought, they are in the general outline quite the same.
When a mother is pregnant she avoids . looking at deformed persons, or ugly images
and pictures, fearing the impression she gets from them may influence the appearance of her
offspring; during this delicate period she generally pounds rice with a pestle, as the exertion
is supposed to assist delivery, and for the same purpose a few hours before the birth of the
child all the cupboards in the house are unlocked. For her to cling to, when the pains of
child-birth are unbearable, a rope tied to the roof hangs by the mat or bedside; and it is
popularly believed that at the birth of Buddha the trees of the garden of Lumbini bent them-
selves that their branches may render to Queen Maya a similar assistance.
The water that the child is washed in after birth is poured on to the foot of a young tree,
and the latter is remembered and pointed out to commemorate the events a little while after the
infant is ushered into the world a rite takes place, when a drop of human milk with a little gold
Barfcholomae, Handhuch der Alteranischefi Dialekie, p. 1 seq,
~r jPoT firther partiwlars on^his subject the reader is referred to
(1) Knox’s Historical Relation of Ceylon (16S1), pp. 93 and 113.
(2) PercivaVs Account of the Island of Ceylon (1803), p. 179.
(3) Davy’s Account of the Interior of Ceylon (1821), p. 277.
(4) Forbes’ Eleven Tears in Ceylon (1840), VoL I. p. 32A.
(5) The Ceylon Magazine (1841), Vol, I. p. 278.
(6) Young Ceylon (1852), Vol. HI. p. 55.
(7) The Friend (Second Series, 1870), Vol. I. p, 110.
(8) Asiatic Society’s Journal of Ceylon (1S81), Vol. VII. p, 40.
(9) The Orientalist (1884), Vol. I. p. 116 ; and (1SS7), Vol. III. p. 120.
(10) The Tayrolcmian {mi), Vol. II. p. 47.
(11) The Monthly Uterarj Register (New Series, 1893), Vol. I. p, 177.
September, 1902.] GLIMPSES OP SINGHALESE SOCIAL LIFE,
379
robbed in it is given to the babe (ranUri Jcaia gdnavd), — tliis is an invocation to Sarasvati,
tke goddess of speech, — and the little child’s ability to learn and pronounce vrell is assured.
When the sex of the child is known, if it be a boy a pestle is thrown from one side of the
house to the other ; if a girl, an ihle broom; those who are not in the room pretend to find out
whether it is a she or a he by its first cry, believing it is louder in the case of the former
than of the latter. The cries of the babe are drowned by those of the nurse, lest the spirits of
the forest become aware of its presence and indict injury on it.
The mother is never kept alone in the room, a light is kept burning in it night and day, and
the oil of the margosa is much used in the room for protection ; this tree is sacred to the Seven
Ammfts (or Mothers) left in charge of the earth by the goddess Fattini, who is probably Durga
in her beneficent aspect. Care is taken that the navel cord is not buried and a little of it is
given to the mother with betel if she falls severely ill. Visitors to the lying-in-room give
presents to the midwife when the child is handed to them, especially if it is the first-born one.
A month after birth, the babe, nicely dressed and with tiny garlands of Acorus
calamus (wadahaha) and Allium sativum (sudu Mnu) tied round its wrists and lamp-black applied
under the eye-brows, is for the first time brought out to see the light of day {dottamdanavd') ;
and it is made to look at a lamp placed in the centre of a mat or table, with cakes (hevum) made
of rice-flour, jaggery, and cocoanut oil, plantains, rice boiled with cocoanufc milk and
other eatables placed around it. The midwife then hands round the little child to the relatives
and gets some presents for herself.
A thank offering to the seven Amm^s is performed three months after childbirth, when
seven married women are invited to partake of hevum ^hiribat, and plantains. Before eating they
wash their months, faces and feet, and purify themselves with turmeric water ; a lamp with
seven wicks representing the seven Mothers is kept where they are served. After the repast
they severally blow out a wick, and take away wbat is left of the provisions with them. This
ceremony is also performed when a family recovers from Small -pox or a kindred disease.
The rite of eating rice (indul hatagdnavd or hat havanavd) is gone through when the child
is seven months old ; the same eatables are spread on a plantain-leaf with different kinds of
coins, and the child placed among them ; what it first touches is carefully observed, and if it be
hirihat it is considered very auspicious. The father or grandfather places a few grains of rice
in the child’s mouth, and the name that is used at home (bat nama) is given on that day.
The astrologer, who has already cast the infant’s horoscope and has informed the parents of its
future, is consulted for a lucky day and hour for the performance of the above observances.
The children are allowed to run in complete nudity till about five years and are com-
pletely shaved when young; a little of the hair first cut is carefully preserved. From an eai'ly
age a boy is sent every morning to the pansala, where the village priest keeps his little school,
till a certain course of reading is completed and he is old enough to assist the father in the
fields. The first day he is taught the alphabet a rite is celebrated (at pot tiyanava\
when a platform is erected, and on it are placed sandal-wood, a light, resin, hiribatf hevum^
and other forms of rice-cakes as an offering to GanSsa, the God of Wisdom, and the remover of
all obstacles and difficulties. At a lucky hour the pupil washes the feet of his future gurii^
offers him betel, worships him and receives the book, which he has to leaim, at his hands.
And, as the first letters of the alphabet are repeated by him after his master, a husked cocoanut
is cut in two as an invocation to GanSsa. A girl is less favoured and has to depend for her
literary education on her mother or an elder sister ; more attention, however, is paid to teach
her the domestic requirements of cooking, weaving, knitting, etc., which will make her a
good wife.
380
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Septjbmbee, 1902.
On the attainment of the years of puberty by a girl she is confined to a room, no male being
allowed to see her or be seen by her. After two weeks she is taken out with her face covered
and bathed at the back of the honse by the female inmates, except little girls and widows,
with the assistance of the family laundress, who takes all the jewellery on the maiden’s person.
Near the bathing-place are kept branches of any milk-bearing tree, usually of theyflf^-tree. On
her return from her purification, her head and face, still covered, she goes three times round a
mat having on it hiribai, plantains, seven kinds of curries, rice, cocoanuts, and, in the centre,
a lamp with seven lighted wicks ; and as she does she pounds with a pestle some paddy scattered
round the provisions. Next, she removes the covering, throws it on to the dhoM (washer-
woman), and, after making obeisance to the lamp and putting out its wicks by clapping her
hands, presents the laundress with money placed on a betel-leaf. She is then greeted by her
relatives, who are usually invited to a feast, and is presented by them with valuable trinkets.
Everything that was made use of for the ceremony is given to the washer-woman. In some
cases, till the period of purification is over, the maiden is kept in a separate hut which is
afterwards burnt down. Girls who have arrived at the age of puberty are not allowed to
remain alone, as devils may possess them and drive them mad ; and till three months have
elapsed no fried food of any sort is given to them.
The ‘ shaving of the beard ’ is the rite the young man has to go through ; it is performed
at a lucky hour and usually takes place a few days before marriage ; the barber here plays
the important part the laundress did in the other. The shavings are put into a cup, and the
person operated on, as well as his relatives who J^ave been invited, put money into it ; this is
taken by the barber, and the former are thrown on to a roof that they may not be trampled upon.
Marriages are arranged between two families by a relative or a trusted servant of one of
them, w'ho, if successful, is handsomely rewarded by both parties. The chances of success depend
on the state of the horoscopes of the two intended partners, their respectability which forms a
very important factor in the match, the dowry which used to consist of agricultural implements,
a few head of cattle, and domestic requisites, together with a small sum of money to set the
couple going, and, if connected, the distance of relationship. Two sisters’ or brothers’ children
are rarely allowed to marry, but the solicitation of a mother’s brother’s or a father’s sister’s
son is always preferred to that of any other.
A few days before the marriage, the two families, in tbeir respective hamlets, send a
messenger from house to house to ask, by presenting betel, the fellow-villagers of their own
caste for a breakfast; and the guests bring with them presents in money. Only few, however,
are invited to the wedding; and the party of the bridegroom, consisting of two groomsmen, an
attendant carrying a talipot shade over him, musicians, ;pingo~ bearers^ relatives and friends
arrives in the evening at the bride's village and halts at a distance from her house!
A messenger is then sent in advance with a few pinigoAod^diS of plantains, and with betel-leaves
equal in number to the guests, to inform of their arrival ; and when permission is received to
proceed, generally by the firing of a jingal, they advance, and are received with all marks of
honour; white cloth is spread all the way by the washerman, and at the entrance a younger
brother of the bride washes the bridegroom’s feet and receives a ring as a present. A sum of
money is paid to the dUbi (washerman) as a recompense for his services. They are then
entertained with music, food, and betel till the small hours of the morning, when the marriage
ceremony commences. The bride and the bridegroom are raised by two of their maternal
uncles on to a dais covered with white cloth, and having on it a heap of raw rice, cocoanuts,
betel-leaves, and coins. A white jacket and a cloth to wear are presented by the bridegrooni
to the bride; betel and balls of boiled rice are exchanged; their thumbs are tied together by a
thread, and, while water is poured on their hands from a spouted vessel by the bride’s father,
certain benedictory verses are recited. Last of all, a web of white cloth is presented by the
bridegroom to the bride’s mother; and it is divided among her relatives.
September, 1902.] GLIMPSES OP SUSTGEALESE SOCIAL LIFE,
381
In connection with this presentation it is said that if the mother-in-law be dead, the
web should be left in a thicket hard by to appease her spirit.
On the day after the wedding the married couple return to their future home with great
rejoicing, and on their entering the house a husked cocoanut is cut in two on the threshold.
The tokens of virginity are observed by the bridegroom’s mother, and the visit of the
parents and relatives of the bride a few days after completes the round of ceremonies.
There is a peculiar custom not generally known, and almost totally extinct, called kula
kanava, that is, making one respectable by eating with him. If a member of a family
makes a mesalliance he is cast out of liis gotra^ and should he want his children and himself
to be recognized and taken back by the relatives, the latter are induced to attend and partake
of a feast given by him at his house. The ‘ making up ^ takes place when very many years
have elapsed, and only if the wife who was the cause of the breach is dead. The di:^erence
due to marriage with another caste or nationality is never healed up.
Even in the presence of grim Death ceremonies are not wanting; if the dying patient is
known to have been fond of his earthly belongings, and seems to delay in quitti ng this life,
a few pieces of his furniture are washed and a little drop of the water given to him. A lam p
is kept burning near the corpse, the body is washed before burial, and a piece of cotton or
a betel-leaf is put into its mouth. All the time the body is in the house nothing is cooked,
and the inmates eat the food supplied by their neighbours (aduhhnj,
E 0 one of the same village is told of the death, but all are expected to attend the funeral j
the outlying villages, however, are informed by a relative who goes from house to house
conveying the sad news.
The visitors are given seats covered with white cloth ; and the befcel for them to chew are
offered with the backs of the leaves upwards as an indication of sorrow. In rare cases, only
the relatives come, while friends leave betel at a distance from the house and go away fearing
pollution. It may be observed in passing that, according to the Singhalese belief, this is
caused by the attaining of puberty by a maiden which lasts fourteen days; by the monthly
course of a woman which lasts till she bathes; by child-birth which lasts one month; and by
death which lasts three months.
Friends and relatives salute the body with their bands clasped in the attitude of prayer,
and only the members of the family kiss it. The route along which the funeral proceeds is
previously strewn with white sand, and the coffin is carried by the closest relatives, with the
cloth to be given to the priests for celebrating the service thrown on it, over white foot-cloth
spread by the dhobi, and preceded by the tom-tom beaters with muffied drums. Lights are
carried by the coffin and a shade is held over the head of it.
The service commences with the intoning of the three Befuges of Buddhism and
the Five Vows of Abstinence by one of the priests, and they are repeated after by those
present, all squatting on the ground. The cloth, referred to, is then given to be touched by
the bystanders in order to partake of the merits of the almsgiving ; one end of it is placed
on the coffin, and the other is held by the priests. They recite three times the Pali verse
that all organic and inorganic matter are impermanent, that their nature is to be born and die,
and that cessation of existence is happiness ; and while water is poured from a spouted vessel
into a cup or basin, they chant the lines that the fruits of charity reach the departed even as
swollen rivers fill the ocean and the rain-water that falls on hill-tops descends to the plain,
A short ea? tempore speech by a priest on the virtues of the deceased complete>s the service.
If it be a burial, the grave is by the roadside of the garden with a thatched covering over
it, Two lights are lit at the head and the foot of the mound, the bier in which the coffin was
carried placed over it, and a young tree planted to mark its site,
382
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[September, 1902.
If a cremation, the coffin is first carried with music three times round the pyre, and the
latter is set fire to by the sons or nephews with their faces turned away from it. Those assem-
bled leave when the pyre is half burnt ; and on the following day, or a few days after, the ashes
are collected and buried in the garden of the deceased, over which a column is erected, or are
thrown into the nearest stream.
The funeral party bathe before returning to the house, and are supplied by the dhobi with
newly-washed clothes ; during their absence the house is well cleansed and purified by the
sprinkling of water mixed with cow -dung ; and the visitors before leaving partake of a meal
either brought from some neighbour’s or cooked after the body had been removed.
The day after burial an almsgiving of oonjee to priests and paupers takes place, when a
little of it in a rolled-up leaf is kept on a tree, or at a meeting of roads. If a crow or any other
bird eats of it, it is a sign that the deceased has gone to the land of the blessed. Otherwise
it indicates that it has reached the stage of an elemental (^perStayd), On this occasion all the
belongings of the dead man are given away in charity. Seven days after there is an almsgiving
of rice, when a similar leaf is again made use of as a further sign. Three months after is
the last almsgiving, which is done on a large scale. Relatives are invited for a feast, and all
signs of sorrow are banished from that day.
It is traditionally maintained that if this last feast be not given, the spirit of the dead
man comes to the boundary of the garden ; if the omission is not made good after six months,
it takes its stand near the well ; and when nine months have elapsed, it stays at the doorway
of the house, watches at the food eaten by the inmates and causes indigestion. After twelve
months it enters the house and commences to haunt it and make its presence felt by knavish
tricks, when it is execrated as a gemlayd (goblin) till got rid of by “devil ’’ ceremonies.
(To he continued.)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIIth
CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RIOHAED C. TEMPLE.
(Continued fromp. S21,)
1794. — No. VII.
Fort William 7*? April 1794,
Read a Letter audits Enclosure from the Military Auditor General.
Mil^y AudT General dated 15 March 1794
Houble Sir John Shore Ear? Gov^ Genl &ca. &ca. &ca., in Council.
Honble Sir, 1. I received on the 8*1^ Inst*: MI Sub Secretary Shakespears. Lettex" of
the 21®.^ Ultimo, and According to your decisions therein conveyed I have Audited the Accounts
of the Superintendant of the Andamans.
2. It was not perhaps in the Recollection of Government when they passed these decisions
that the Accounts had been referred to this Office for report as long Ago as August last. It was
my intention to have sent up the report at that time, but having in the Course of examining the
Accounts observed several Articles that required previous explanation I applied to Major Kyd in the
terms of the enclosed paper Marked N? 1.
September, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
88S
3. The Major informed me that it was in Mr Secretary Hay's Power to obviate all Objections
by furnishing the Authorities which sanctioned the Charges Alluded to, and that he would accord-
ingly do this, but I now find that Major Kyd without further communication to this Office wrote
to the Board on the Subject of them, and this produced a decision on the Charges before the Report
on the reference to this Office could be sent up.
4. The 7*^!^ Ac^ in the Account Current are Charges made by the Commissary of Pro-
visions and Stores which Major Kyd informed the Board, in his Letter to Secretary Hay he
had ^^no doubt was according to the Forms laid by the Regulations.”
5. There was not any Question that I know of, put, relative to mere form ; the Objection was
more Substantial that the Personal Allowance of S®-. Rs. 250 per Month drawn by the Commissary
of Stores was not authorized by any Order of Government received in this Office, It has however
been now passed for the Sum drawn in consequence of the Boards decision of the 21®* Ultimo but
it is necessary that I should be informed whether or not it is the Intention of Government to
consider this Allowance permanent, in order that if it is I may be able to insert it in the fixed
Establishments of Military Charges. It is my duty at the same time to Notice that the Stafi
Allowance to a Commissary at Prince of Wales Island was 50 Rupees per Month, ’till it was recently
raised to 62 Rupees per Month with 70 Rupees for Writers Stationary &c?'.
6. Pull Batta is drawn for the whole Detachment from the 1®* February tho’ they did not
embark so soon, It has however been passed According to the Boards Order.
7. The Artificers drawn by the Superintendant, upon the whole, fall short of the Establishment
fixed by Government in their Resolutions of the 18*^ of Feb’^.y 1793, but the description of People
charged for do not correspond with those laid down by the Board,
8. The whole of the Charges in Major Kyds Account Current have been passed agreeably
to the decisions of the Board, but as no Voucher was ever produced for the S*. R® 6270 ,, 4 „ 4
paid to Captain Blair, nor for the Sum of S*. Rs. 52. 4 said to have been paid for Commission,
I have in consequence of the Boards decision admitted these Sums on the face of the Account
Current itself for want of other Vouchers for these Items. Accounts Current however are only
regular as Statements between the Pay Office General and the Parties to whom Advances are made —
but as the Circumstance of not producing proper Vouchers if countenanced would introduce a relaxa-
tion in Money transactions that might be detrimental to the Public. I cannot allow, as Major
Kyd seems to think, that it would be proper generally to dispence with Vouchers on the declaration of
any Man however satisfied I might be of his Integrity, as indeed I am of the Majors most perfectly.
I have the honor to be, With the greatest Respect, Honble Sir,
Yonr Most Obed* & faithful Serv*
Mil7 AudT Gen^®. Office (Signed) John Murray
15th March 1794. Colonel & Mr And. Gen?.
Copy of Memorandum sent to Major Kyd 23? August 1793 requesting him to Annex
such explanation as he pleased to each Article.
The Charge of a Salary of 250 Sicca Rupees per Month, for Lieut* Wells as Commissary of
Stores and Provisions, has not been Authorized by any Information received in this Office.
The Charge for Cash paid to Captain A. Blair Amounting to S* R? 6,270.4.4, cannot be
admitted in the Military part of the Disbursements, the Voucher for this Charge, did not Accompany^
the Accounts.
884
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[September, 1902.
The Oontingent Bills for Sicca Rupees 3455.5.1 Ought to be laid before the Board agreeable
to the Order on that Subject, dated the of February last, but as these Orders expressed, that
the Bills for Contingent Charges should be Accompanied by Touchers, and the fullest expla-
nation for the necessity of incurring them, it is recommended to Major Kyd to write such a
Letter as he thinks proper, on the Subject to the Auditor Geni, to be sent np to Government with
the Bill.
There is a Charge for an Advance of 4 Months Allowances to European and Native Artificers,
said to commence the of February 1793, which should have been drawn in the form of an Abs-
tract, detailing the Number and discriptions of People, to whom four Months Pay was Advanced,
and a list of their Names.
This last paper cannot, perhaps be now conveniently obtained, if not, the charge will he passed,
but in that case, nothing can be allowed for the same number of People, till the Month of June ;
whereas, if the Accounts are understood, some of these men are again drawn for from the of
March, up to 31®.^ of May inclusive.
Certificates should have been produced of the last Pay received by the men drafted from any
of the Corps in Bengal.
Mility Audr Genlf Office A true Copy,
23^ August 1793 (Signed) F. Corfield
Assist to the Mility Audf Geni
Ordered upon the Subjects of the 5^.^ and 8^? Paragraphs of the Military Auditor General’s
Letter, dated the 15^.^ Ultimo, that he be informed that a Resolution was passed for fixing the personal
Allowances of the Commissary of Stores at the Andaman Islands at Sicca Riipees 250 per Mensem,
and that the Snm of Sicca Rupees 6270.4.4 paid to Captain Blair, was passed as having been
admitted upon Credit for the same having been given by Captain Blair in his Accounts that are
lodged in the Office of ihe Acting Marine Paymaster.
1794. — No. Tin.
Fort William 7^*^ April 1794. Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the first Assistant to
the Secretary of the Military Board.
First Assistant to the Secretary of the Military Board dated 2? April 1794,
To Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Enclosed I have the honor to transmit Copy of Indent No. 1126 which has been this Day
passed by the Military Board in Circulation for a Supply of Articles required at the Andamans which
you are requested to lay before the Governor General in Council intimating the Wish of the Board
to be informed whether the Stores shall be sent and by what Conveyance*
I have the honor to be ^c®-
JJily B? Office
the 2d April 1794,
(Signed) A, Green
1st Api M7 B<J
Septbmbee, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
385
(Copy) N9 1128. Indent N? 7.
To Lieut*- William G-olding Commissary of Stores Fort William.
Total rec^
since the 1^*
May 1793.
Balance
remaining
in Store.
Articles In-
dented for.
For what purposes
wanted.
Admtied
by
the Board.
Baskets Rattan
«•* •••
• • •
1000
For the Labourers,
1000
Barrows Wheel
... •• •
ft « a
• • •
50
D«
50
Do Hand
« «•
100
D?
100
Oil Linseed ...
Maunds
• « •
• • ■
2
For Paint? Boats,
2
Pitch
...Barrels
1
For Repair of Boats
1
Rope Europe ...
2 Inch Coils
1
• « «
2
Do
2
Do Ratline.,.
• ••
2
Do
2
Screwplates ...
large
ft • ft
1
For the Artificers.
1
D9
... small
ft «•
1
1)9
1
Tar
...Barrels
• • •
2
For Boats &c?
2
Tarpaulins ...
... large
ff ft •
40
For protection of
Stores.
40
Port CornwaUis 1“* March. 1794. (Sign’d) Edmund WeUs Oommy of Stores,
My office the 2? April 1794.
Passed by the MS' B** in Consultation this day.
(Signed) A Green Ass*. My Bf
Ordered that the Military Board be informed that the Stores, mentioned in Lieut* Wells’s
Indent are to be sent to the Andamans in the Sno-w Daphne.
1794. — No. IX.
Fort William 7*h April 1794, The following Letter and its Enclosures were received, on the
"5*^ Instant, from the Superintendent at the Andamans on the Arrival of the Snpw Cornwallis,
Super* Andamans dated 39*J* March 1794-
To Edward Hay Esq* Secretary to Government.
Sir, — I beg you will acquaint the Honb'.® the Governor General in Council that as we have now
two Vessels here unemployed, I have dispatched the Cornwallis Snow to Bengal and have indorsed
on the Garrison Store Keeper for a small quantity of Provisions,
By this Vessel Lieutenant Wells returns to Calcutta whose health has suffered so much
that be finds himself obliged to request permission to resign his Appointments here. The loss of
this Officer I lament very much as I have received the greatest Assistance from him, and the Public
much advantage by the excellent arrangements he has made in all the departments, which were
under his charge, and in one instance the considerable saving of one third of all the provisions that
^as expended, as will appear by a comparison of the expenditures, before and since he took charge
of the Provision Department. ...
386
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[Sepi?embek,
Tlie Accompanying Letter from Lieut^ Wells claiming some Staff Allowance, for the
time that he has had Charge of the Settlement, I do not hesitate to forward to the Goyernor Genera!
in Council as also to declare that the Appointments which the Board were pleased to grant to Lieut!
Wells appear to have been inadequate to the duties he had to perform, and that I shall be much
gratified if the Board will consider the services he has rendered, by some further Allowance, and Altho
it is With Reluctance I do it, yet I think this is the best time to declare that after One years expe-
rience, I find that the Allowance which the Board have been pleased to attain [TattachJ to my Office
has not been adequate to the absolute necessary expence s of the Situation, I am therefore hopeful
that it will not be thought unreasonable in me, to request that an addition May be made to
my Salary — I am very sorry to acquaint you that the European Artillery Men recover so very
slowly that I have been enduced from the representation of the Surgeon a Copy of whose Letter I send,
to send the greatest part of them to Calcutta, on this Vessel, having only kept a Serjeant, a Corporal
and two of the healthiest of the Men.
Accompanying I transmit you Lieutt W^ells’s Account Current of Receipts and Disbursements,
made up to the Instant, with the Various Vouchers therein mentioned. The People of all
classes are paid up to the 1®.^ of this Month, but you will perceive there is now but a small Balance
of Cash in the Public Treasure Chest Altho’ I have since received into it the Sum of Sicca Rupees
7800 „ „ from various individuals for which I have granted Bills as by the Accompanying List,
and I may yet expect to collect a small Sum more it will however be necessary that a Sum not less
[than] 15,000 Sicca Rupees half in Gold and half in Silver, be sent by the Cornwallis.
I have written to Lieut! Sandys to procure and send down by the Cornwallis a small
number of very necessary Artificers to Supply the place of those that have died or who we
have been obliged to allow to return to Calcutta and request that on his application a passage
may be ordered for them.
To Lieut* Ramsay I have given charge of the Sepoy Detachment and to Ensign Stokoe
the management of the Provision and Store Department, Altho’ another Sepoy Officer would
be very necessary, I do not think it would be prudent at this time to Apply for One, as the
Sickly Season is fast approaching but will rather allow things to remain as they are till after
the rains.
I beg you will acquaint the Board that the Dispatch Brig left here by Admiral Corn-
wallis is now in great want of repair and if left in her present state must soon be unservice-
able, I beg to know what is to be done with this Vessel. It appears to me that she is of very
little value but might be useful in sending occasionally to the Nicobars for Stock and Fruit
for the Settlement or to Diamond Island for Turtle, but before she can be moved from this
place, her Sails which I understand the Admiral delivered to the Marine Store Keeper in
Calcutta, should be sent down -which I request may be done by the Cornwallis.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obed! Servant
20*? March 1794:. (Signed) A. Kyd Super! Andamans.
Enclosure I.
To Major A. Kyd Superintendant & Commandant of the Andamans,
Sir, — I beg leave to Submit to your Consideration and Opinion, the propriety of my
applying to Government for Staff Allowance as acting in the capacity of Superintendant and
Commandant of this Settlement during the time that Public Affairs have required your
residence at Calcutta. You are so perfectly sensible, Sir, of the nature of the Duties dependant
on the Station, that it is needless for me either to trouble you with a recital of them, or to
revert to their augmented labour and anxiety which . various Causes combined to occasion —
In receiving this representation, it will probably occur to you, that the principle of guarding
S^JPTEMber, 1902.] INDEX TO TULE^S HOBSON-JOBSON.
387
against Expences whicli have the appearance of a double Charge upon the public, may operate
as an exception to it. But I humbly presume to think with all respectfull deference , that when
Contingencies arise out of Ciroumst ances unforeseen or unprovided for, the Assent of Govern-
ment to their admission, will not be withheld, though there be no existing Regulations exactly
applicable to the Case, if it be founded upon grounds of equitable Justice. Should these Senti-
ments meet the concurrence of your Judgement, I hope you will do me the favor to forward
the application to the Honble the Governor Genl, in Council, supported with such observations
from yourself as you may think it deserves.
I have the Honor to be, with much Respect and Regard, Sir,
Your most Obed! & faithful humble Servant
Port Cornwallis (Signed) Edmund Wells
March 19*? 1794. Lieutenant.
Enclosure II.
Major Alexander Kyd, Superintendant Andamans.
Sir, — I have with great Concern observed the Sickly State of the Detachment of
Artillery, since their Arrival at Port Cornwallis ; at a time when the other Europeans on
Shore, as well as those on board the Vessels in the Harbour are enjoying uninterrupted good
Health. The Sickness has been general, but particularly severe on Several who had been III in
Bengal, and were landed rather in a debilitated State,
I beg leave strinuously to recomniend a Sea Voyage for those who have suffered most,
being firmly persuaded, they will not be able to acquire a sufficient Stock of Health, before the
setting in of the Rains, to insure them against the agues that must be expected during the
South West Monsoon, untill the Woods can be cleared away that are close to the Settlement.
I am with great Respect Sir, Your most Ohed? humble Servt
(Signed) David Wood
Act? in a Medl Capacity.
{l\i he mifinued,)
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OP ANGLO-INDIAN WORDS.
UY CHABLES PARTRIDGE, M. A.
(Continued from j), S59,)
CobreCapel ; ann. 1G72 ; v. Cobra de Capello,
17B, i.
Coca; v. Coco, 175^ ii, s, v, Ooprah, 196,
i ; ann. 1519 : s. v. Coco, 170, i,
Cocatores ; ann, 1775 : s, v. Cockatoo, 175, i.
Cocci ; s, Cochin, 173, ii, ,
Coccincina ; anu. 1606: e. v, Cochin-China,
174, ii. .
Coccus ; ann. 1563 : y. Mace (a), 404, ii.
Coccus ilicis ; s. v. Lac, 880, ii.
Coccus Lacca ; v. Lac, 380, ii.
Coccyx ; ann. 1681 ; s. v. Gecko, 280, i.
Coceas ; ann. 1598 : 5. i\ Coco, 176, ii,
Oocelbaxas; ann. 1606 : s. v. Kuzzilbash, 880, i.
Cocen; ann. 1503 : $, Cochin, 173, ii.
Ooche ; ann. 1519 : s. v. Coco, 176, i ; ann. 1587 :
s. V, Deling, 235, i.
Cochiin ; ann. 1598 : s, v. Angely-wood, 758, i.
Oochim; s. v. Cochin, 173, ii; ann, 1516 : v.
Sambook, 595, ii; ann. 1570: s, v. Sappan-
wood, 600, i; ann, 1572 : s. v, Quilon, 570, ii,
twice; ann. 1634: s. v, Nambeadarim, 471,
ii ; ann. 1644 : s. v, Hoogly, 322, i, twice ;
s, V, Tuticorin, 721, i.
888
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[Septsmbee, 1902,
Cochin; s, v, 173, ii, twice, 781, i, see 64, i,
footnote, B.v, Cochm-Ohina, 174, i and footnote,
s. V, Factory, 264, i, a. v. Moor, 445, ii, a. z?.
Moplah, 448, ii, a. z?. Pula, 557, ii, s, v. Tama-
rind-fish, 681, i, a. 2 ?. Amuck, 756, ii, twice ;
ann. 1502 : 8, v, Batta, 762, ii; ann. 1503:
a. Sombrero, 646, ii ; ann. 1504 : a, z?. Caimal,
770, ii, twice ; ann. 1505 : a. v. Pegu, 525, i ;
ann. 1506 : a. z?. Tara, 861, ii ; ann. 1514 : a. z?.
Nicobar Islands, 478, ii ; ann. 1515: a. v,
Neelam, 829, ii ; ann. 1518 : s.v, Gallevat (d),
277, i ; ann. 1519 : a. v, Pnlicat, 557, ii ;
ann. 1524 : a, z?, Maistry, 821, ii ; ann. 1535 :
8, V. Oranganore, 211, ii; ann. 1543: s.v,
Chilao, 777, ii; ann. 1552: a, z?. Anchediva,
20, ii, a. V. Catur, 135, i ; ami, 1553_: s, v.
Tanor, 861, ii ; ann. 1554 : a. v. Panikar,
510, i ; ann. 1563 : s. v. Moor, 446, i, s. v,
Zamorim, 745, ii ; ann. 1566 ; a. v. A Muck,
14, i ; ann, 1566-68 : a, v, Oarrack, 127, i ;
ann. 1567 : s, v. Jaggery, 341, i ; ann. 1572 :s,v,
174, i, twice, a. v. Oranganore, 211, ii ; ann.
1578: a. v. Cashew, 129, i; ann. 1584: a, v.
A Muck, 14, i, a, v, Ooprah, 196, i, a. v.
Sandal, 597, ii, a. v, Pardao, 841, i ; ann,
1598 : a. v, folea, 648, ii ; ann. 1624,: a. v*
A Muck, 14, ii ; ann. 1644 : s. v, Doney,
250, i, a. V. Nair, 471, i, a. z>. Tootnagne, 711,
i, a. z?, Yerapda, 737, ii; ann. 1665: a. v.
Mugg, 455, ii ; ann. 1666 : a. v. Factor, 263,*
i ; ann. 1757 : s. v. Cochin Leg, 174, ii ; ann.
1881 : a. v, Tuticorin, 721, ii.
Oochinchina ; ann. 1535 j a. v. Cochin-China,
174, i ; ann. 1616 : a. v. Sappan-wood, 600, ii,
CochimOhina ; a, v, China, 150, ii, s, v. 174, i,
8, V, Dispatchadore, 246, i, see 332, ii, footnote,
a. V, Sapeca, 599, ii, $. z?. Sugar, 654, i, twice.
Cochin China ; s. v, Champa, 140, i, a. v, China,
ISO, ii, s, Z7, Chumpu^, 167, ii, s. v, Pagle-
wood, ^58, i, a. v. Factory, 264, ii, s, v. Guava,
306, i, see 519, ii, footnote, s, v. Siai^, 681, ii ;
ann. 1614 : s. v. VareUa, 734, i ; ann. 1696 ;
a. V, Compound, 78g, i.
Cochin Chine; ann. 1612: a. v. Sumatra, 658, ii.
Cochin Chinese ; ann. 1696 : s, v> Champa, 140, ii.
Cochin Leg ; s. v. 174, ii ; ann. 1757 and J781 :
8. V, 174, ii.
Ooehin-leg ; ann. 1813: a, v. Cochin Leg, 174, ii.
Ooehym; ann, 1510: 8, v. Gpir, 180, ii; ann,
1562 : a. v, Beadala, 57, ii.
Coojntana; ann. 1350 : a, v, Concan, 189, ii.
Cocintaya; ann, 1375: s, v. Concan, 189, ii.
Cockatoo ; 8. v. 174, ii.
Cockatooas ; ann. 1673 : s, v. Cockatoo, 175, i,
Cocket; ann. 1769 : 5. v. Hosbolhookhum, 807, ii,
Cock-Fortress ; s, v. Calicut, 113, ii.
Cock-Indi ; ann. 1690 : s. v. Coco, 176^ ii, twice,
Cockoly ; s, v, Cowcojly, 785, ii.
Cockroach ; s, v, 175, i, 781, i ; ann. 1764 and
1775: 8. V, 175, i.
Cock’s crow ; 202, ii, footnote.
Cock’s eye ; s. v. Euttee, 587, ii,
Cockup ; 8. V, 175, i, s. v. Bhikty, 70, i, s, v,
Tamarind-fish, 681, i.
Cocnur; ann. 1621 : s, v. Cuscuss, 787, i.
Coco; 8, V. 175, ii, 781, i, s, v, Coprah, 196, i,
twice, 8, V. Sura, 663, ii ; ann. 1030 (twice)
and 1503 : s. p. Maldives, 418, i ; ann. 1553 :
8, V. 176, i; ann. 1561: s, v, Ollah, 485, i;
ann. 1563 : s, v. 176, i and ii ; s, v. Ooco-de-
Mer, 177, ii, s, v. Ooprah, 196, i ; ann. 1578:
s, V, 176, }i, $. V. Coprah, 196, i ; ann. 1586 :
s, V, Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1588 ; s. v. Sweet
Potato, 673, i; ann. 1598 ; s. v. 176, ii ; ann.
1610: 8. t\ Cart, 484, ii, s,v, 8eychelle,6l7,
ii; ann 1686; s, v, Plantain, 542, i; ann,
1690: 8. V. Goglet, 292, ii ; ann, 1753; s. v,
Narcondam, 829, i ; ann. 1808 ; s, z?, Putchock,
565, i ; ann. 1881: v. v. 176, ii, twice.
Cocoa; g, v. Coco, 175, ii; ann. 1810: s, v.
Coco, 176, ii.
Cocoanut ; 8. v. Luddoo, 400, i ; ann. 1300 : 5. v,
Nicobar Islands, 478, ii.
Cocoa-Nut; ann. 1727 : s, v. Jaggery, 341, i.
Cocoa-n^t ; s, v- Coco, 175, ii ; ann. 1516 : s.v. Ar-
rack, 26, i ; ann. 1727 : s. i\ Oadjan (a), 107, ii,
s. V, Cobily Mash, 172, ii; ann. 1777: s. v,
Coco-de-Mer, 178, i ; ann, 1813 : s. v. Ohutny,
170, i ; ann. I860 : s. v. Curry, 219, i ; ann.
1883 : s. V. Ooprah, 196, i and ii.
Cocoa-nut oil; 8, v. Shade, 619, i ; ann. 1860 :
8, V. Coprah, 196, i,
Cacoa-^a^t tree ; ann. 1727 : a, v. Buckshaw, 89 j
8. V, Cowry, 209, ii.
Cocoa-palm ; s, t\ Coco, 781, i.
Ooco-de-Mer ; s, v, 176, ii, 781, i; ann. 1572 ?
8. V, Maldives, 418, ii ; ann. 1610 : s, v,
Seychelle, 617, ii; ann. 1678 : s. v. 178, i.
Coco-de-Mer ; ann. 1883 : $. v. Coco-de-Mer,
178, u
Cocoe; ann. 1630 ; s.v. Papaya, 511, ii; ann.
1673: «. V. Bxab, 84, ii, s. v, Coir, 181, i, s* P»
Bep^eemb^k, 1902.J INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
389
Dammer, 228, ii, s. v. Guava, 306, i, 5. v,
Jamboo, 342, i, s, v, Mussoola, 461, ii, s. v.
Toddy, 706, ii, s. v. Tope (b), 712, ii.
Oocoe-Leafes 5 ann. 1673 ; s. v, ScnVan, 608, i.
Cocoe-Nut ; ann. 1673 : s, v. Martaban, 428, ii,
Oocoe l^iruts ; ann. 1673 : s. v- Buckshaw, 89, ii.
Cocoe-Tree; ann. 1673 : s. v. Ollah, 485, ii.
Oo-coe-tree ; ann, 1673: s. v. Oadjan, 107, ii.
Coconut; ann. 1726 ; s. v, Buncus, 97, i.
Coco-Nut ; ann. 1615 : s, v. Betel, 68, i.
Coco-nut ; $. v. Ooco-de-Mer, 177, ii, s, v. Coir,
180, i, V. Coprab, 196, i, s. v. Hubble-bubble,
326, i, s, V, Lip-lap, 395, ii, s, v, Malabar
Rites, 414, i,s, ej.Moley, 440, i, s. v. Nargeela,
473, ii, twice, s, v, Oart, 484, i, twice, s. v,
Sura, 663, ii and footnote, v. Coco-de-Mer,
781, i ; ann. 545 : s» i\ Maldives, 417, ii, s.
Sura, 663, ii; ann. 1330 : s. Gallevat (c),
276, ii ; aiin. 1343.: s. Bacanore, 33, ii ;
ann. 1346 : s, v. Coir, 180, ii; ann. 1516;
s, V. Surath, 666, i ; ann. 1530: s. v. Coir,
180, ii ; ann. 1640: s, Xerafine, 867, ii;
ann. 1553: s, Ooco-de-Mer, 177, ii, 5, z?.
Jaggeiy, 341, i ; ann. 1563: s, v. Arrack, 26,
ii, s. 'c. Ooco-de-Mer, 177, ii; ann. 1591 : a.
Nipa (b), 480, i; aim. 1606; s, Gingeli,
286, i ; ann. 1023 : a. -y. Curry, 218, ii, s. v.
Toddy, 706, ii; ann. 1676: s. v. Turban,
719, ii ; ann. 1690 : s. v, Gogiet, 292, ii ;
ann. 3727 : s. v. Coprab, 196, i ; aim. 1756 :
s. y. Palmyra, 506, ii ; ann. 1760 : s, v. Oart,
484, ii; aun, 1783: s. y. Ghoolia, 159, ii ;
. ann. 1810: s, v. Waiideroo, 739, ii; aim.
1826 : s. V. Mussoola, 461, ii.
Coco nut ; ann. 1563 : s. v. Jack, 338, i.
Coco-nut oil; ann. 1644; s. ?\ Gorge, 197, ii ;
ann. 1885 : s, i\ Upas, 865, ii.
Coco-nut-tree; anil, 1760 : Bucksbaw, 89, ii.
Coco-palm ; 5 , y. Bucksbaw, 89, ii, 5. v. Oadjan
(a) , 107, ii, see 175, ii, footnote, 176, i, foot-
note, g. V, Jaggery, 340, ii, s. v. Toddy, 706,
i; ann, 853 : s, y. Maldives, 417, ii; ann.
1343: s. y. Maldives, 418, i; ann. 1563:
s. y. Arrack, 26, ii ; ann, 1675 : s. y, Soursop
(b) , 650, i ; anu. 1750-60 : 5 . v. Jaggery, 341, i.
Cocos ; ann.^ 1610 : s, t\ Coffee, 170, ii, twice ;
ann, 1690 : s, y, Coco, 176, ii.
Cocos Islands ; ami. 1879 : s. y. Bandicoot, 44, ii.
Cocos nuoifera ; $. y. Coco, 175, ii.
^ocotora ; ann, 1553, : s, y, Guardafui, Cape,
305, ii.
Coco-tree ; ann, 1020 ; s, t\ Cowry, 209, i ;
ann. 1030 and 1610 : s. y. Coir, 180, ii ; aim.
1686 : 5 , y. Gomuti, 295, i.
Cocus ; ann. 1598 : s, v. Coco, 176, ii, s. i\
Coprab, 196, i, y, Nipa (b), 480, ij ann.
1690 : s> y. Coco, 176, ii.
Cocym ; aim. 1430 : s. y. Ooebin, 178, ii.
Codangalur ; ann. -774: 5 . y. Cranganore, 211,
ii ; ann. 1844 ; 5 . v. Shinkali, 627, ii.
Codavascam ; s, y. 178, i.
Godavascao ; ann, 1533 : s. y. Codavascam,
178, ii.
Cod of Musk ; $, V. Musk, 458, ii ; ann, 1673 :
s, y. Musk, 458, ii,
Codom ; ann. 1687-88 : s, y. Gautama, 279, ii.
Oodovascan ; s. y. Xercansor, 868, i.
Ood-pepper ; ann. 1727 : s, v, Balachong, 38, i.
Codiingalur ; anu. 1844: s, y. Shinkali, 627. ii,
Coecos; ann. 1598 : s, v. Coco, 176, ii.
Ooecota ; ann. 1598; 5 . y. Coco, 176, ii.
Coefficients ; s, y. Numerical Affixes, 831, i*
Coeli’s ; ann. 1726 : s. y. Oooly, 193, i.'
^ofala ; aun. 1499 (twice) and 1553 : s.y. Sofala,
645, ii,
(poffala ; aim. 1523 : s. y. Sofala, 645, ii.
Coffea arabica ; s. y. Coffee, 178, ii.
Coffee ; s. y. 178, ii, twice, 179, i, twice, s. y.
Cacouli, 106, ii ; ann. 1616 : 5 , y. 179, ii ; ami.
1637 ; s.y..l80,i ; ann. 1690 : s. y. Beotlefakee,
60, ii, s. y. 180, i,fi. y. Tea, 862, i ; ann. 1710 ;
s. y. Beetlefakee, 60, ii ; ann. 1711: 5 . y.
Maund, 432, i; ann. 1727 : y. Matt, 430,
ii ; ann. 1770; 5 . y. Beetlefakee, 60, ii ; ann.
1786 : 8. y. Cbumpuk, 167, ii; ann, 1793 : s, y.
Frazala, 799, i ; ann.* 1838 : s, y. Budgrook,
768, i. ' /
Coffee-berry ; t\ Coffee, 178, ii.
Coffee-house ; s. y. Coffee, 179, i ; ann, 1709 :
s. y. Umbrella, 726, i
Coffee plant ; 5 . y. Coffee, 178, ii.
Cofferies ; aim. -1673: s. y. Gaffer, 108, ii.
Ooffery; aim, 1673: s, v. Gaffer, 108, ii, s. tu
Hubsliee, 326, ii, s. y. Mussulman, 462, i, 5 . i\
Seedy, 610, i,
Ooffi-beans ; aim. 1726 : s. y. Coffee, 180, i.
Coffolo ; ann. 1510 : s. y. Areca, 25, ii, twice,
Coffre; ann. 1678 : 5. y. Oaffer, 770, i; anm
1759 : s. y. Gaffer, 108, ii ; ann. 1762 : s. y,
Gardce, 278, ii-
Coffree ; s. y. Oaffer. ^108, i ; ann. 1747 : 5. y.
Topaz, 712y ij anivl758; s. y. Scymitar,
390
THE INDIA!? ANTIQUARY.
[SfiPTEMBEE, 1902.
608, ii ; ann. 1759 : s. v. Seedy, 610, ii ; ann.
1781: 5, V, OaSer, 108, ii, 109, i; ann.
1782 ; 8, V, Caffer, 109, i,
Ooffiries ; ann. 1759 : v. v. Gaffer, 108, ii.
Ooffry ; ann. 1746 : s. v. Sepoy, 613, i.
Oogee ; ann. 1689 : s. v, Oazee, 137, i.
Ooho ; ann. 1628.: s, v. Coffee, 179, ii ; ann.
1673 : s. V. Coffee, 180, i.
Cohong j ann, 1783 and 1883 (twice) : s, v,
Hong, 321, i.
Cohor ; ann. 1673 : s. v, Kuhar, 378, i.
Coia Aceni ; ann, 1540 : s, v. Dervish, 237, i,
$, V* Lanteas, 385, i.
Coiac ; ann. 1253 : s, Mogul, 436, i.
Coica ; ann, 70 : s. Coco, 781, i.
Coilan ; ann,1567: s. u. India o£ the Portuguese,
333, i.
Coiloan ; ann. 1727 : s. Quilon, 570, ii.
Coilum ; ann. 1298 : 5. v.- Ginger, 287, s. v.
Indigo, 334, i, s, v. Quilon, 569, ii.
Coilumin ; ann. 1298 : $, v. Ginger, 287, i.
Coimbatore j s, v, 180, i, s. -y. Regur, 575, ii ;
ann. 1862 ; s, v. Bandy, 44, i.
Coir; a, v, 180, i, twice, s. -y. Gomuti, 295, i,
8, V, Mussoola, 461, i, twice, s. v. Saligram,
593, ii ; ann. 1030 : a. v. Maldives, 418, i ;
ann, 1510 (4 times) and 1530 ; a. v, 180, ii;
ann, 1548 : s. «. Areca, 25, ii ; ann. 1561: s.-y.
Cowry, 209, ii ; ann.- 1600 : s. v. Cot, 205, i.
Coir ; ann, 1686: s. v. Gomuti, 295, i.
Coiro ; s. y. Coir, 180, i, twice.
Coir rope ; ann. 1554 : v. Brazil-wood, 86, ii,
Coja ; $, V, 181, i.
Cojah; ann. 1786 : s. v, Coja, 181, i.
Cojebequi ; ann. 1501 : e, v. Factor, 263, i.
Coje ^a-far ; ann. 1542 : 8, v. Yenetian, 866, i.
Cokatoe ; ann. 1719 : s. v. Cockatoo, 175, i.
Coker-nnt ; $, -y. Coco, 175, ii.
Ooker-Nnt-Tree ; ann. 1681 ; a, v. Oaryota,
773, ii.
Cokers ; ann, 1598 : a. v. Coco, 176, ii.
Cokiin ; ann. 1813 : $, v, Ooncan, 189, ii. - -
Col ; s, V* Kotnl, 815, ii.
Colachy ; $, v, Maund, 431, ii. "
Oolao; s,v, 781, i,
Colar ; ann, 1795 : s, v. Kula, 378, ii.
Ooldrrn ; a. y. Ooleroon, 181, ii„
Colchas; ann, 1598 : a, y, Goodry, 295, ii,
Oolchian ; ann, 486 : a, y, Aryan, 27, ii,
Oolcnt; ann. 1506: a, y. Bahar, 86, i, a. y.
Oannanore, 121, i, ~ .
Oolderon; ann. 1672: a. v, Ooleroon, 181, ii,
Colderoon; ann. 1780 : a. y. Ooleroon, 181, ii.
Oolee ; ann. 1808 : a. y, Grassia, 302, ii.
Colera-Morbus ; ann. 1665 : a, y. Mort-de-chien,
450, i.
Ooleroon, a. y. 181, i, 3 times, 781, ii ; ann,
1862 : a. y. Anient, 22, i.
Coles; ann, 1548: a. y. Cooly, 192, ii.
Oolh-ram ; ann. 1753 : a. y. Ooleroon, 781, i.
Colic ; ann. 1796 : a. y. Mort-de-chien, 451, i.
Oolicotta; ann, 1753 : a. y. Calcutta, 771, i.
Colis^ ann. 1572 : a. y. Comorin, Cape, 184, h.
CoUa ; ann. 1785 : a. y. Pisang, 540, ii.
CoUarum; ann. 1760 : a. y. Ooleroon, 181, ii.
OoUat ; ann. 1673 : a. y. Killut, 368, ii, a. y,
Seerpaw, 612, i.
Collecatte ; ann. 1726 : a. y. Achanock, 2, ii,
a. y. Calcutta, 112, i. .
Collector ; a, y. 181, ii, 3 times, a. y. Commissioner,
184, i, a. y. Cutcherry, 228, i, a. y. Dufterdar,
254, i, a. y. Juggurnaut, 356, i, a. y. Sayer,
604, ii, a. y. Sudder (d), 654, i, a. y. Zillah,
749, i, twice, a, y. Adawlut, 753, i and ii, both
twice ; ann. 1567 : a. y, Parbutty, 513, i ; ann.
1772 : a* y. 181, ii, a. y. Daloyet, 227, i ; ann.
1773 : a. y. 181, ii ; ann. 1785 ; a. y. 182, i ;
ann. 1788 : a. y. Jungle-Terry, 360, i ; ann,
1790-: a. y. Zenana, 749, i ; ann. 1792 : a. y.
Oazee, 776, i ; ann. 1796 ; a. y. Sebundy, 610, i ;
ann. 1802 ; a. y. Poolbundy, 547, i ; ann. 1814:
a. y. Palempore, 505, i ; ann, 1822 : a. y, Caluat,
771, i; aim. 1827 a, y. Curnum, 786, ii ;
ann. 1838 : a, y. 182, i, 5 times ; ann, 1844 :
a. y. Hindostaiiee, 317, ii ; ann. 1848, 1871
and 1876 : a. y. 182, i.
Collectorate ; ann, 1809: a. y, Jagheer, 341, ii,
twice.
Collector Sahib ; a. y. Sahib, 590, ii.
Collees; ann. 1616 : a, y, Cooly, 192, ii,
College-Pheasant ; a. y. 182, i.
CoUerica passio; ann, 1563: a, y. Cholera, 169,
i, a. y. Mort-de-chien, 449, ii; ann, 1578 : a, y,
Mort-de-chien, 450, i.
Collery ; a. v, 182, i, twice, a. y, Collery-Stick,
182, ii, a, y. Cholera Horn, 159, i, a. y, Sarboji,
601, i; ann. 1763 and 1768 : a. y. 182, i; ann,
1785 and 1790; a. y, 182, ii; ann. 1801:
a. y. Sarboji, 601, i ; ann. 1869 ; a. y. Poligar,
544, i.
Collery-Horn ; a, y. 182, ii.
Oollery-Stick; a. y. 182, ii.
Septembeb, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
S91
Collery-stick ; ann. 1801 ; s, v. Collery-Stick,
182, ii.
Colles ; ann. 1563; s. v, Vanjaras, 88, i, twice,
5. V. Oooly, 192, ii ; ann. 1598 ; s. v, Cooly,
192, ii, twice.
Colliaud ; ann. 1760 : s. v. Swamy-house, 672, i.
Collicuthiam ; ann. 1430: s. v. Calicut, 118, ii.
Oollijs ; ann, 1558 : s, v, Cooly, 192, ii.
Collis ; ann. 1644 : s. v. Cooly, 192, ii, twice.
Collocalia lincHi ; s. y. Birds’ Nests, 72, ii.
Collocalia nidifica ; s, v. Birds’ Nests, 72, ii.
Collodham; "ann, 1760 : s. v, Coleroon, 181, ii.
Collyrium i s,v. Tobacco, 706, i.
Colobi- ann. 1430: s. v, Quilon, 570, i.
Colocut; ann. 1505: s. z?. Monsoon, 442, i; ann.
1506 ; s. y. Sambook, 595, li.
Colocyntb ; 519, i, footnote,
Coloen; ann, 1420-30: s. v, Malabar, 412, ii 5
ann. 1430 : s. v, Quilon, 570, i,
Colom; ann. 1503 : s. v. Cranganore, 211, ii.
Colombi ; ann. 1420-30 : s, v. Malabar, 412, ii ;
ann. 1430: s, z?. Quilon, 570, i,
Colombinoj ann. 1343: s, v. Ginger, 287, i,
3 times.
{To he continued^.)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
THE LIEE OF THE PALLIYAHS.
The Palliy^r occupy a somewhat higher place
in the Hindu social scale than other hill-men
like Irulers, Kaninkars and Uralis — who are
generally looked upon with suspicion and a feeling
of contempt and loathing, by the dwellers in the
plains. There are only a few families of Palliy^rs
in the Achinkoil Valley and on the hiUs above
British Ohokkampatti, all these places heiug
adjacent to Shenkotta, the frontier township
of Travancore on the Tinnevelly side of the
Western Ghats. As far as I have been able to
ascertain, the Palliyars are not known to exist
anywhere else in Travancore or British India.
Their origin does not point to a very remote
period. It is most probable that some low-country
people from Tinnevelly took refuge in the hills
during the Poligar Wars at tlie end of the
eighteenth century or during the stress of some
famine. I lean to this theory, because when such
separations from the parent stock take place, after
a considerable while, a new dialect gradually
evolves itself, which differs perceptibly from the
original language. In the case of the Palliyto
this is not so. The members of the little clan
speak TamiJ, and Tamil only, and with no parti-
cular accent. They account for their origin by
saying that at some very remote period in the past
an Bluvan — a caste which is fairly widely distri-
buted all along the Eastern foot of the Western
Gh§,ts, and one which differs naturally from a
caste of the same name in Travancore — took
refuge during a famine in the hills, and there took
to wifeaPalliy^r woman (Pallichi) and that the
Palliy&rs are descendants from these two.
However this may be, there is no doubt that the
social position of the Palliy^rs is just a shade
lower than the Eluvans. The Palliyar is permit-
ted to enter the houses of Eluvans, Elavanians
(betel-growers) and even Maravai’S, and in the
hiUs, where the rigour of the social code is relaxed
to suit circumstances, the higher castes mentioned
will even drink water given by Palliy&rs, and eat
roots cooked by them.
Their marriage ceremony is a very simple
aj^air, and resolves itself into a presentation of a
cloth to the bride, a small feast and the tying of
a fhdU made of white beads threaded together.
The alliance is terminable at will, and if there
are children, the husband takes the boys and
the wife the gilds. This arrangement is rarely
objected to. Girls are married as soon as
possible, and boys at seventeen or eighteen years
of age.
Corpses are not cremated, but Tburied prompt-
ly, and with little or no ceremony. Mourning, if
the absence of any particular form of it can be
called mourning, is over on the sixteenth day.
The Palliy5;rs regard sylvan deities or
Bhntains with great veneration. Kurupuswami
is the tribes’ tutelary god, and when a great haul
of wild honey is made offerings are given at some
shrine. PaUiy^rs pretend to be followers of Siva,
and always attend the Adi Amavasai ceremonies
at Kuttalam (Oourtallam). Intoxicating drink is
common to all when it is obtained, but, curiously
for hill-people, only the males smoke tobacco.
There are wandering hili-men of sorts, but the
Palliyar surpasses them all for his restlessness.
Though in touch with civilisation, the Palliy^rs
cannot point to a single village or hamlet which
they can call a home. ” No bouLse shelters him
in the most inclement weather, and the monsoon
39£
TH|] INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[Septembeb, 1902.
on the TraYancore Hills is no joke. The Palliyar’s
highest ai’chitectural feat is a lean-to, against a
bank or rooky with some perishable plantain-leaves
as thatch. If it lasts for a night or two, it does
very well, for the wanderer is off again as soon as
the leaves dry. He cultivates nothing, not even
a sweet potato ; he keeps no animal except a stray
dog or two. An axe, a knife ( vettuhathi) and a pot
are all the impediments he carries. An expert
honey-hunter, he will risk his neck climbing lofty
trees or precipitous cliffs.
A species of sago palm furnishes him with a glairy,
glutinous fluid on which he thrives, and such
small animals as the iguana, the hogdeer, and the
tortoise, and the larvae of hives are never-failing
luxuries. He levies contributions on every edible
kind of berry in the magnificent flora of the coun-
try over which he roves, and when times are really
hard, in periods of drought, the forest contractor
for minor forest produce comes to his rescue with
a small pecuniary advance. In return for this the
Palliyar collects dammer, wax, honey, cardamoms,
qnja (a hark used in bathing by the natives), and
similar products. He is not so truth-telling as the
more pnmitive (in some ways) Kannikar or Mun-
nan The Palliyar, knowing the benefits of a civil-
ised life, boldly prefers the hand-to-mouth method
of his existence, and, unless he alters his mode of
living, will, in a few years at most, he numbered
with forgotten peoples” who have disappeared
from the earth.
G. P. D’Pensa,
A PIPE AND CAFw FESTIVAL, TEAVANCOBE.
The Car Festival here described was preceded
at an interval of some few days by what we may
describe as the "Fire-walking Feast.’ The
object of this "feast ^ is to enable the devotees
of the goddess Amman — better known, per-
haps, by the name Kali — to walk down a
pathway of hot cinders.
The appointed morning was a beautiful one,
the sun shedding ibs bright rays on ail the
country-side.
The proceedings opened early ; Amman being
carried on a wonderfully decorated car on the
shoulder of a large number of her admirers to
meet her friend from a neighbouring village. He
or she, I know not which, had come in on horse-
back earlier in the day. We went on past the
meeting-place to the open space in front of this
temple, where a large crowd from Anthiyfir
in Travaneore and the neighbouring villages
had collected to watch the ceremony. We made
oxn* way through the crowd to the place where
the people weve to walk on the fire.
After some delay, a procession was seen coming
from the temple. There were about 500 men.
each with a stick in his hand, decorated with
coloured paper and paper flowers. From where
we stood we could only see these wands above
the heads of the people, and thus follow the
movements of the men who carried them. The
pathway of hot cinders was, perhaps, fifteen
yards long. The fire-walkers came to the end of
it, walked — not very quickly — along it, and went
back to the temple. We could not see how hot
the cinders were. But judging from the look of
them, when we first arrived on the scene, and the
length of time that elapsed before this ceremony
took place, I should think that the walking over
the pathway was not such a very hazardous ope-
'ration“after all. The previous market-day we
met a young man, who was to go through the cere-
mony, and asked him why he did it. He told us
he had been ill and had promised .the god he
would go through this performance if he recovered.
He got better, and so was carrynig out his part of
the contract. This was the thii’d year that he had
done it, he said.
The Car Festival should have taken place p.
few days after the one just described, but owing
to certain repairs to the vehicle not having been
completed in time, it had to be postponed a while.
The car (the one at AnthiyUr is a small one) is a
ponderous wooden construction, ornamented with-
carved representations of gods and goddesses. It
has six wheels, four at the corners, where wheels
usually are, and two smaller ones in the centre of
the tiling, as an extra su]p]3ori On to this foun-
dation is fixed a superstructure of scaffolding,
covered with coloured cloth and tinsel, the domed
roof being suf mounted by a scarlet umbrella.
Inside this structure sits the goddess with her
attendants The latter have fans to mitigate the
heat and keep the flies off the image. The car is
drawn by means of great chains and cables
attached to it. It takes about 500 men and an
immense amount of noise to move the thing at all.
They get it started at last, and take it about three
yurds, when a wheel drops into a hole in the
road, and the car stops with a jerk. Then men
come with gi'eat levers and try to get the wheel on
to iex’el ground. Others bring eoooanuts, whicli
they break on the wheels, letting the water
run over them. Difficulty in moxdng the oar is
put down to insufficient cocoanuts, and men are
despatched in all directions for more. The people
drew the ear in the cool of the evening, and took
three or four evenings to get it round the village,
a distance of about half-a-mile.
G. F. B’Penha.
October, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTOET AND GBOaRAPHT.
393
NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
BY J. F. FLEET, I.C.S. (Retd.), Ph.D., C.l.E.
A particular instance of the use of the •word v^stavya.
I N my note on page 331 above, on the use and bearing of the words mstavya and vinircjata
in ancient Indian charters, I have sought to make clear the point, among others, that
a grantee’s place of abode, and a village or other real estate granted to him, ought,
at any rate in all ordinary circumstances, to be localised within a reasonably short and
convenient distance of each other. The matter is one of common sense. And the point,
which has not always been recognised, ought to be borne in mind, both in the interpretation
of the original records and in the identification of places mentioned in them. Take, for
instance, the Nansfiri plates of A. D. 817 noticed under No. 11 on page 336 above, and fully
dealt with on page 363 fC, above, and the Ohokkhakuti grant of A. D. 867 dealt with on page 254 f.
above. In the ninth century A. D., in the absence of all the means of speedy communication
available in the present day, the possession of villages in Gujarat could not be of the slightest
practical use to an individual dwelling nearly five hundi'ed miles away at Badami in the
Bijapur district, and to, a religious establishment located some six. hundred miles away at
Kampil in the Earukhabad district, in that part of India which until recently -was
officially called the North-West Provinces, but has now been named the United Provinces
of Agra and Oude. A comparison of texts, however, shews that, in the Nansarl record,
Badami was mentioned as the place of abode of the grantee’s father, not of the grantee
himself. And the identification of the village conveyed by the Ohokkhakufci grant, shews that
the Kampilyatirtha of that record is, not the far distant Kampil in the Farukhabad district,
but the village * Kaphleta ’ or ‘ Kapletha next door to the village that was granted.
I know of only one case presenting anything by way of an exception to the rule
which I have sought to make clear. It is only an apparent exception. And, though it may
not be exactly the exception wdiich proves the rule,” still it is not far from being such. It
came to my notice, — I should add, — too late to receive attention in the note referred to
above.
This instance is to he found in the Cambay plates of A. D. 930, whieh conveyed a village
named KSvanja, — Latad^sa - Kh^akaniandal - antarggata - Kavikamahasthana - Yi[ui]rggataya
ih=aiva MAnyaklAie vastavy%a srimad-YallabhanareiidradSya-padapadm-opajivin^ Mafchara-
sagotra-V ajiKanva[savva]hma[cha]riue Mahadevayya-sutaya [Nagajmarjaya,^ — ‘*to Nagamarya,
who has come from the great place of Kavika^ which is situated in the Khetaka mandala
in the Lata desa, who dwells here, indeed, at Manyakh^ta, who is a servant of the glorious
YallabhanarendradSva*-(G6vinda lY.), who belongs to the Mathara gdtra and is a student
of the YAji-Kanva (school), and who is a son of MahEd^vayya.”
This passage does not present any of the stereotyped formulae which we have in
the instances Nos. 1, 2, and 5 to 11, on page 332 ffi. above. Its phraseology resembles the looser
1 I overlooked, till recently, the point that the Postal Directory of the 'Bombay Circle (1879) presents this
name as * Kapletha.' This seems more likely to be correct than the ‘ Kaphleta’ of the Indian Atlas and Trigono-
metrical Survey sheets,
2 JiJp. Ind, Vol. VII. p. 40, line 60 ff.
8 The editor has translated mah&slhCma, by “ holy place.” Professor Kielhorn’s literal translation of the word
by “great place,” — for instance, .vr?wan-wa/i4sfMnaih Kolmilra, “of the sacred great place of Kolanfn*;” see
Ind. Vol. VI. p. 34, line 71, and p. 38, — is better.
* Lit. “who subsists (li/ce a tse) on the water-lilies which are the feet of, ” etc. The term tat-pf'ida^adm-
vfajtvin was a customary technical expression for the connection between feudatory princes and nobles, and officials,
and their paramount sovereigns and other superiors; see my Qupta Jnsers. p. 98, note 4.
394
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABT.
[October, 1902.
corLstriiction of Nos. 3 and 4. Bnt it does present the teclinioal word v^stavya, as well as
vimrgata. And by tlie nse of that word, and in rather an emphatic manner, it describes the
grantee as permanently dwelling at Manyakheta, in the service of the king Govinda IV. ; not
as having simply gone there on business, as in the case of the grantee referred to in the
Khar da plates, No. 3 on page 333 above, and not as simply staying there, as said by the
editor, s
Now, the grantee’s place of abode, ]ycanyakh§ta, is well known to be M^lkli§^ in
the Nizam’s Dominions ; for the exact position of this place, reference may be made to
page 395 below. On the other hand, the record, in line 52 f., distinctly describes the villao-e
Kevafija, which was granted to him, as, — LaUd^s-antarvartti-Khetakamandal-antarggatah
Kevahja-nama grcWah Kavika-mahasthana-nikatatara-vartti, — “ the village named K^vahja,
which is situated in the Khcjaka mandala comprised in the Lata desa, and which lies quite
close to the great place Kavika.” Also, the boundaries of Kevanja are fully specified. And
thus, it has been satisfactorily shewn by the editor of the record, Mr. D. K. Bbandarkar, that
Kavika is the modern Kavi, and that Edvafija is a village which still exists quite close to
Kavi. Kavi is mentioned as Kapika in the Kavi plates of A.D. 826 ; ^ and the identification of
K^pika with Kavi was then made by Dr. Biihler. 7 And the Z^vahja of the present record is
mentioned as Kdmajju in the Kavi plates of A. D. 736, which describe it as situated in the
Bharnkachchha m/iai/a ; ^ and KSmajja was then identified by Dr. Biihler with a village the
name of which he wrote as ‘^Kimdj or Kimaj,’^ adding a footnote which shews that it is also
known as Kdmaj.^ K^vi is in the Jambilsar talnka of the Broach district in Gujarat, and may
be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No. 22, S. E. (1887), in lat. 22° 12\ long. 72° 4L, on the
south bank of the Main, about forty miles towards the north- west-by-north from Broach • in
the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 11 (1873) of Gujarat, its name is entered as ‘ Kawi.’
And Kim6j, Kimaj, or Kdmaj is the ' Kimoj » of the Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), the
village-site of which is about three and a half miles south-south-west from the village-site of
Kavi, And, thus, the record conveyed to the grantee Nagam^rya a village situated some four
hundred and fifty miles away, towards the north- west-half-north, from the city at which he was
permanently residing.
The explanation of the matter is to be found in the nature of the grant. The grants
registered in the Kharda plates (Ifo, 3 on page 333 above), the Sangli plates (No. 5), and the
Kalas-Budrukh plates (No. 9), were personal grants, not accompanied by any allusion to any
sacrificial or religious objects. The grants i-egistered in the other records dealt with in the
same place, were specifically made for the maintenance of certain sacrifices, the list of which
ranges from the bali, chani, vaisva-deva, agnilwtra, and “ other ” ( nnspecified ) rites in the
Chharoli or Antroli-Chharoli plates (No. 6 ) to the bali, charu, vaisvadSva, agnihotra, aiUhi,
panaJiamahdyajna, kratukriyd, and “ other ” (unspecified) rites in the Baroda plates (No. 2) ;
but they were quite plainly made for personal enjoyment and management, combined with the
celebration of those rites, by the grantees. The grant registered in the present record, how-
ever, — the Cambay plates, — was made for much more comprehensive purposes. It was made
for the purpose of ( Tiiatniainifig ) the bali, ohavu, vaisvadcva and atithitaT^aiia j for the
“performance of the optional, indispensable and occasional rites; for the performance of the
'‘srdddha and sacrificial ceremonies such as the darsaptirnamdsa, chdturmdsya, ashtaM and
“ dgrayana (rites) and the fortnightly {krdddhas) ; for the 'purpose of preparing the charu
*’pii.r6ddia, sthdUpdka and so forth; for the purpose of {granting) priestly fees^and gifts in
“ connection with Uma, niyama, the study of one’s own Vgda, and religious service ; for the
“purpose of (providing) accessory assistance for the rites concerning rdjasuya and the seven forms
® M, Vol, vn. p. 28. 6 vol. V. above, p 151
1 Vol. V . above, p. 145 ; and see his map opposite p. 112. 8 mi. p. 116. e ml p_
October, 1992.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTORY AND GEOGRAPHY.
b9o
of the soma sacrifice such as the vdjajpeya, agnishtoma and so forth ; for the purpose of (offering')
^‘garments, ornaments, entertainment, gifts, sacrificial fees, etc,, to the various priests, such as
Maitrdvaruna, AdJivaryut Hotri, BrdmkandGlichhamsin^ Grdvastut and Agnidh ; and for the
“purpose of (^supplying) the requisite materials for preparing alms-houses, places of distribute
“ing water gratis to travellers, shelter-houses for travellers, the ceremony of setting free a
“bull and four heifers on certain religious occasions, wells with flights of steps, reservoirs or
“ ordinary wells, tanks, orchards, temples, etc,” These terms involve very much more than
any private individual or domestic rites. And it is perfectly plain that, though the donation
•was made to an individual grantee, still it was made to him on behalf and for the benefit of a
large religious establishment at “ the great place Kavika,” and that the management of the
village which was given, and the application of its revenues, would be, not in the hands of the
actual grantee dwelling far away, but in the hands of the members of that establishment on the
spot.
The places mentioned in the two sets of plates from Bagumr^ of A. B. 915.
These two records were first brought to notice by Mr. H. H. Dhruva, who published the tests
0 ? them in the Jour» German Or, Soc, Yol. XL. (1886), p. 322 fl. And they were subsequently-
re-edited by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, with a translation by Mr. Sh. R. Bhandarkar, in the Jour. Bo,
Br. R, As, Bog, Yol. XVIII. p. 253 fl., with lithographs. They have been known and referred to
as the Nausari plates of A. D. 915. But Mr. Dhruva’s introductory remarks shew that they were
found, in 1881, in ploughing a field at Bagumr^, in the Nausari division. And it seems more
appropriate, therefore, to refer to them henceforth as the Bagumra plates of A, D. 915. One of
them registers a grant of the village of Bagumra itself.
These records register grants that were made by the R^shYakuta king Indra III. on a specified
date in the month Phfilguna of the Ynvan samvatsara, 'Baka-Samvat 836 (expired), falling in
February, A. D. 915, on an occasion when, while settled at the capital (I'djadhdni) of Mfinyakli^ta,
he had gone to Knrundaka for the ceremony of his coronation. As is well known, M^nyakliSta
is Ma.lkli^d in the Shorapur district of the Nizam's Dominions ; it is shewn in the Indian Atlas
sheet No. 57 (1854) as ‘Miilkaid,' in lat. IV, long. 77*^ 13', on the south bank about a mile
below the confluence of the ‘Benathora' and ‘Moolamurry’ rivers. And, as I have said elsewhere/^
Kurundaka is Kurundwad, the chief town of the Senior Kurundwacl State in the Southern
Mavatha country, about twenty- three miles on the east of Kolhapur and one hundred and seventy miles
towards the west-by-sonth from Malkh^d ; it is shewn in the Indian Atlas sheet No, 40 (1852) as
‘ Koorundwar,’ in lat, 16° 41', long. 74° 38', at the confluence of the Krishn^ and the Pahchganga
which, as I will shew on some other occasion, when a map can be prepared to accompany my remarks,
is the famous Kfldalsaihgam of the Ohola records : the confluence appears to have been one of
special sanctity in ancient times j and that, no doubt, is why Indra III, selected the locality for his
coronation.
One of tliese records registers the grant of a village (prama) named Tenna, in the vicinity
{samip&) of Kammanijja in tlie LSlta country (desa), to a Brahman, whose father had come from
Pa,t;aliputra/® which is the modern Patiia, the chief town of the Patna, district in Bengal. And,
in specifying the boundaries of Tenna, it places, on the east, {a small village or hamlet named)
V^iradapalUkft or Ba^ra^apallikSl on the south, (a village^) the name of which is to be read as
IBp, Jnd, Yol. YII. p. 46, and note 8.
u Yol. XXX. above, p. 218, note 73, and p. 371. ^2 See page 883 above, No. 4,
The record appears to represent the h and v by the same sign all through.
396
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[October, 1902.
Ntodltataka, as Avas practically recognised by Mr. Dhruva, though not by Dr. Bhandarkar on the
west, (a village) the name of which seems to be clearly giTen in the lithograph as Vallsa in
accordance with Dr. Bhandarkar’s reading, not as YanJsa, as taken by Mr. Dhruva ; and, on' the
north, a village (grama) the name of which is plainly to be read as Vavviyajja or Babbiya^a
instead of T athiyana as given in both the published tests.'^ ' '
Mr. Dhruva localised this record correctly. But he did not go into the details which are neces-
sary m order to enable us to locate the places exactly and determine the bearing of the identification
of them.16 He told ns, in the first place, that Kammanijja is the modern Kamrej.i? This is the
liead-quarters town of a subdivision of the same name in the Nansari division ; it is on the south bank
of the Tapti, and is to be found in the Indian Atlas sheet No, 23, S. E. (1888), in lat. 21° 17', lone.
(3 2'. The identification was endorsed b^' Dr. Btibler, who pointed out that, in other records, the
place is mentioned as KhrmahSya and Kamanfiya, — (more properly, Kamapilya), — and perhaps
as Karm&Jitapiira,^® And there are not any reasons for declining to accept it,
Mr. Dhruva further identified Tenna with a village which is shewn as ‘Ten’ in the Atlas
sheet, and iu the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882) of GujarAt, seven miles east-north-cast
from PalsaiiA, the head-quarters of the PalsAna subdivision of the NausArl division, and about
thirteen miles south-east-by-south from KAmrej. This place is mentioned as Treya?ipa or
Treyawft, in the territorial appellation of the Treyanna or Treyanna dhdra, in the BagumrA plates
of A. D. 655.^9 And the Bagumra plates of A. D. 8G7 give another form of its name, in mentioning
the village itself as Trennft, and the territorial division as the Trenna dhdra.^o This latter record, it
may be noted, speaks of TrennA as haring been granted to a certain BrAhmau by the first Dhruvardia
of Gujarat, for whom we liave the date of A. D. 834-35. The explanation of its being given aw^
again by the present record is, no doubt, to be found in the statement, made in the present record
that Indra III. gave away four hundred villages which had been confiscated bv previous kin«-s • this
^as evidently one cf tbein. ^ ^
The other places, mentioned in the present record, are all to be found in the maps. As was
recognised by Mr. Dhruva, the small village or hamlet of VaradapalUka or Baradapallika has
developed into the town of BArddli, the head-quarters of the Barrlfili tAluka of the Surat district
one mile on the east of < Ten: ’ and, it may be remarked, there can be little doubt, if any, that this
IS the place which is mentioned as Bhadrapall in tlie record of A. D. 867, referred to above- but
br.D,. BShfa-,.. Ih. .fife i,, ,1,„ t„„,. w
poet having “tried to invent a sig-iiificaiit Sanskrit name ” for the place : he lias told us that,
Mr. Dhruva’s text gives Ndndtiafaiam, with only the mistake of tn for hi rir i i 7~~,
N&mlhctatOhxm ; and the translation gives “the lake Ntmbhi ” TIip li+hn ^ i' 9 *9^* 8'ives
can see at once that the fi-t componU otic dtnbltntnant
The lower component does, in the lithograph resemble Ih mors tlnn f? • » i in i * “ame, is n, not m.
the analogy of the nhlid in mn^bUvirnh in the last line but one But the \ n^aro might be read as nlM on
«i.d, - The tUI., 6 Teno. ia identified with Ten. wlaioli ia aituated in the Nateori
fi.l«it. m. Bahto .net.’ it '"Tl ■*“*
Indraji seems to have taken the name as KAmlfii wlf^ 7 • / ^ Bliagwanlai
Bart I. p. lOS. ’’i ^ee, tor instance, 6'as. Be. Bm. Vol. I.
only be to the spurious UmHfi plates.'in Voh^Vn. aW^p^SX ^ “istake for Kamaniya, as the reference can
« Vol'. XVL ihovelp. WMote r”' ” P- WO.
Oc-roBEB, 1902.] NOTES ON INDIAN HISTOEY AND GEOGRAPHY.
397
in the same way, Surat is called sometimes Suryapura and sometimes Suratapura. NCmditataka
was properly identified by Mr. Dhruva with a village which is shewn as ‘Nadira’ in the Atlas
sheet, and as ‘Nadira’ in the Trigonometrical sheet, one mile on the south of ‘ Ten:’ the name of
the village was written ‘ Nandida ’ by Mr. Dhruva ; but it is given in the Postal Direotory of the
Bombay Circle (1879) as ‘Nddida;’ this latter form partially endorses Mr, Dhruva’s spelling, in
sufficing to make it certain that the r of the maps stands for the lingual d ; and, from these presenta-
tions of the modern name taken in connection with the ancient name, we may safely infer that the
real modern form is NMicJ^ or Nadi^§,.22 YalifeS., which was mistakenly read as Vanisa by
Mr. Dhruva, and which he proposed to identify with “ Yaneji now desolate,” a site which I cannot
find in the maps, is mentioned as Balisa in the Bagumra record of A. D. 655, referred to above,
which places it in the Treyanna or Treyanna dhdra j and, as remarked by Dr. Btihler in editing that
record, 23 it is certainly the ‘Wanesa’ of the maps, two miles on the south-west of ‘Ten.’ And
Vavviyana or Babbiyana is plainly the ‘Baben’ of the Atlas sheet, shewn as ‘Baben’ in the
Trigonometrical sheet, one mile on the north of ‘ Ten.’
The other of these records registers the grant to a Brahman, in respect of whom it does not
furnish any information as to his place of origin or of abode, of a village (grdma) the name of which,
unaccountably taken by Mr. Dhruva as Gumbara, has been correctly read by Dr. Bhandarkar as
UmbarA, but may also be taken as Umvara, as the record uses the same sign to denote both h
and V, The record places it, also, in the vicinity (samtpe) of Kammaa;Lijja in the L^ta country.
And, in specifying its boundaries, it places, on the east, (a place named) Tolejaka; on the south,
{a place named) MogalikS, ; on the west, a village {yrdmo) named Sank! ; and, on the north, {a village
named) Javalakhpaka : this last name was misread by Mr. Dhruva as Navalakupaka, for which
reason, probably, he failed to identify the place ; and, while Dr. Bhandarkar read it correctly as
Javalakfipaka, the translation accompanying his text has treated it as meaning “the Javala well.”
The village of Dmbara or TTmvara, was quite rightly identified by Mr. Dhruva, 2^ though he
misread its name as Gumbard,^^ with the modern Bagumra itself, which is shewn as ‘ Bagumra ’ in
the Indian Atlas sheet No. 28, S. E. (1888) and in the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 34 (1882)
of Gnjarjit ; the village is situated about four miles north-by-east from Palsanfi, nine and a half miles
south-by-east from Kamrej, and six miles west-north-west-half-west from the ‘ Ten ’ which has been
referred to in the preceding pages as the subject of the oth^r record of A. D. 915. In the modern
name Bagumra, umrd stands, of course, quite naturally for the Dmbard of the present record ; and
Dr. Blihler has explained umbard and umrd as corruptions of the Sanskrit udumbaraJcay ‘ a thicket
or grove of the tree Ficus Glomerata : ’ 26 and it may be added that a place actually named TJdum-
baragahvara, “the thicket or wood of udumhara-txeeBf^ is mentioned in a Valabhi record of A. D.
648,27 and is probably to be identified with the Udubaraghara, i, e. Udumbaragriha, of some of the
votive inscriptions at Sanchi.28 The name Umrd is not at all unique ; and the prefix bag has
I notice that even this name is not nniqne. The Indian Atlas sheet No. 23, N. E. (1894), shews a * Nadirda,’ —
entered as ‘Nadirda’ in the top margin of the Trigonometrical Survey sheet No. 13 (1S73) of Gujarfit, — in the
W^grS ttoka of the Broach district ; in each case, the rd is evidently an attempt to represent the lingual d. There
is also a * Tena/ on the * Tena ’ creek, in the Olp44 t^luka of Surat.
23 Yol. XYHI. above, p. 266.
Pr. Bhandarkar simply said : — “ Umbard may be the modern Bagumbra, with the prefix Bag ” (loc. cwf.
p. 256).
26 He seems, in fact, to have been led into this hy some impression that the modern name is Gumra, with a
prefix ha ; with his remark “ Bagumrft (GumrS. of No. IX.)’* at the bottom of page 323 in his article referred to
above, compare Bp. Pid. Yol. II. p. 23, where, in connection with a place named P&shanihrada, he has said “ PdsMni
“ would drop its initial Pd, as Bagumr^ has done with its Ba in having Gumrd.”
26 Yol. XYII. above, p. 184, 27 Yol. XY. above, p. 340, line 41 ; and see page 333 above, note 21.
2« Bp. Ind, Yol. II. p. 98, No. 13, p. 107, No. 96, p. 400, No. 58, p. 401, No. 66. Chara is the Prteit form of
grihaj ‘ a house.’ But Dr. Pisohel, in giving me the reference to his Prakrit Grammar, § 332, for gahhhara = gahmra^
has drawn my attention to the point that griTia and gahvara are used in the same sense after names of plants, and
has given me both laUgriha and latdgahvara as meaning ‘ a bower of creepers.'
898
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[October, 1902.
evidently been attached in order to distinguish this Umra from other neighbouring places of the same
name the suggestion may be made, that the prefix is a corruption of the Persian bag, ‘a garden, an
orchard, a plantation,’ and marks Bagumra as rich in bdgdU or what is commonly called ‘ garden-
land,’
The identification of the Umbara or Umvara of the record with the modern Bagumra, is rendered
quite certain by the specification of boundaries. The maps, indeed, do not shew any traces of names
answering to the Tolejaka and Mogalik^ of the record.^o But the Sauki of the record is the
* Sanki’ and ‘ Sanki’ of the maps, one mile on the south-west of Bagumra. And Javalaktlpaka
is the * Jolwa’ of the maps, one mile and a half on the north of Bagumra, which is shewn by
an entry in the Postal DireGiory to be also known as ‘Jorwa,’ with r instead of 1: the name
* Jolwa’ must have come from Javalakupaka through an intermediate form Jolakuva, the last compo-
nent of which, meaning ‘a well,’ appears very frequently in place-names in Gujarat and some neigh-
bouring parts of the country, figuring in the maps as Ma, kuva, and huwa the other form,
' Jorwa,’ was utilised for the purpose of being Sanskritised as Jaravadrain the spurious Bagumra
plates which purport to have been issued in A, D. 493.^2
NOTES ON ROCK-CARVINGS PROM LOWER LADlKH.
BY BEV. A. H. PRAKOKE.
The article on Rock-carvings in the Edakal Cave (ante, YoL XXX. p. 409) reminded me
of my collection of similar rock-carvings from Lower Ladakh. This collection does not in
the least claim to be a full one, but I hope that, by its publication, some interest will be
aroused in these witnesses of a pleasing, though primitive, art.
All the carvings, represented on the accompanying plates, were collected in the western
districts of the ancient Ladakhi kingdom, and although I have been on the look-out for
similar representations in Central and Eastern Ladakh, I have not yet met with them there.
There is a very unimportant rock-carving between Basgo and Nyemo, but there are none
beyond those villages.
Various observations with regard to language, customs, structure of the skull, features, etc.,
have lead me to believe that the western parts of Ladakh, say as far as Saspola, were inhabited
originally by the Aryan tribe of the ’aBrogpa (improperly called Bards by Dr. Leitner),i
Remnants of this tribe can still be found in several western villages, and the Rev. A. W. Heyde
tells me rock-carvings of entirely the same nature as my collection can be seen in the villages
of the Manohadpa, an Aryan tribe of Lahaul. So, although most of the Lower Ladakhis
are Tibetanized at the present day, the rock-carvings may be taken to have their roots in an
ancient art of the Aryans.
As regards the age of the carvings, it is difiScult to say anything definite at the present
- time. Some of them may have been executed only recently ; for the art of carving on the rock
is still practised, as can be seen from various carved Buddhist formulas and emblems, the
artists of which are often well-known people. But what makes for the very ancient character
of the art as a whole and of certain carvings in particular, is the frequent occurrence of
29 For instance, the Atlas sheet she*ws, in the Yioinity of Bagumr^ itself, one ‘ Umra * in the Chorfisi t^luha of
Surat, fourteen miles towards the west-by-north, and another *Umra’ in the OlpaiJ t^luka of the same district,
twelve and a half miles north- west-by-north, and a third ‘ Umra’ in the Baroda territory, twenty-three and a half
miles towards the south-east,
30 Mr. Dhruva said that Mogalikd is **Magoli desolate.” But I cannot find any such name in the maps, or
' any possible substitute for it.
31 Molesworth and Candy’s Marfithl Dictionary derives ‘a weU,’ from the Sanskrit through
Hiudhst^nt.
sa 'Vol. XVII. above, p. 200, line 18. ^ This tribe is called 8hma by Dr. Grierspn
October, 1902.] NOTES ON EOOK-OAE,YINGS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
399
representations of stupas, entirely different in form from those existing at the present
day. The state of the carvings does not in the least enable us to fix their respective ages, as
they are all in wonderfully good preservation. Along the banks of the Indus are many holders
of a highly polished granite. These are all overlaid by a thin glazed encrustation of a dark-
brown colour, which protects the rock against the influences of the air. It is by removing this
that the inscribed carvings are produced, and all that time could do would be to deepen the
lines of some of them.
In regard to the aim of the inscriptions, a remark by the Rev. A. W. Heyde on the
carvings of the Manchadpa in Lahaul will perhaps be found useful. He writes to me : — “ In Man-
chad such carvings can often be seen on the back-walls of little huts, where they are smeared
over with oil at certain intervals. It is possible therefore that the Ladakhi rock-carvings
also served religious objects originally. The very large number of stu^pas, represented on them,
speak in favor of this view. But since, as already noted, ail the pictures do not show the stupa
{mchod rten) as it appears nowadays, they probably furnish us with very valuable and inter-
esting material for the evolution of the Lad^kbii stupa.”^
Besides several purely pyramidal stupas (Plate I., Fig. 5a), there is only a single stupa in
the collection without a pyramid at its base. Pyramidal stupas are of very rare occurrence at
the present day.^
Remarkable also are the flags fastened to the upper end of the carved stupa (Plate I.,
Figs. 4, 5d ; Plates IL, Fig. 1, IT., Fig. 1). Flags are never found in the modern stupa. Instead
of the sun and moon, which invariably crown the top of the modern mchod rten, we here find
the trident (Plate II., Figs, la and If) and other emblems.
To mention only one more point, there are two representations of sHpas in this collection,
which almost form a cross (Plate II., Fig. la ; Plate IV., Fig. 1). This form is quite unique ;
at least I have not yet seen anything similar to it in this country.
Most of the other representations seem to have been drawn to illustrate the Pre-
Buddhist religion of Ladakh, the gLing ehos {ante, p. 34), and I should like to draw
attention to the following scenes: —
Plate I., Fig. 1, seems to represent the fabulous animal, which turns up every year at
the Pre-Buddhist Harvest Festival, called Srub lha, held among other places at
Sheh. Two men, who form the body, are covered with a blanket and hold up the
hollow head of the animal with a stick. The feet of the two men can be seen
emerging underneath it in the carving. Whether two of the other men shown
are supposed to be riding, or merely walking on the other siue of the animal,
I cannot say,
Plate II., Fig. 1. — The horseman, with cross-bow, hunting an antelope. This is
probably Kesar, for he alone is expected to hunt riding. The mountainous
character of the country makes it impossible for ordinary people to do so. Two
of the uppermost figures (5 and c) appear to be representations of the pencil-
cedar {shugpa), the holy tree of the gLing chos.
Plate II., Fig. 2. -- A lion with a curled mane.^ This must be Sengge dkarmo yyu
ralcan, the white lioness with the turquoise locks, the personification of the
glacier.
® It is impossible to enter into this subject as fully as it deserves now. It will now suffice to mention that
the different forms of modern LadAkhi sttcpa owe their origin to at least four sources : (1) the lha tho, the ancieut
altar of the Pre-Buddhist religion J (2) the stove for burning the dead ; (3) the Indian Buddhist ttupa ; (4) the Indo-
Tibetan pyramidal st'0>pa,
® There is an example at Likir, and another at Changspa near Leh.
* [Of. the fabulous of Burmese, which is, however, popularly known as a stag, though it is more probably
the remains of the winged lion. — En,]
400
ITHE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBEU, 1902.
Plate III, Kg. 2. — Two men, armed with, axes, fight against a man with horns on
his head. The latter figure I am inclined to take for Agu Pasang Idan ru
skyes ; compare the list of the Agns (^anie, Vol. XXX., p. 564).
Plates II., Pig. 1, and lY., Fig. 1, seem to contain two different kinds of magic
squares. These forms are, however, not very common at the present day.
Nowadays a form, called dcsmo, is more in general favor. The bodies of many
of the ibex, represented on the plates (e. Plate I., Pigs. 2, 3 and 5), seem to
contain the diagonals of magic squares. Perhaps magic powers were believed to
dwell in the body of the ibex. Its horns, together with those of other game,
are offered at lha tlio an’d even at siupcc,^
Plate lY., Fig. 2, contains two reversed forms of the svastika {yyung drung). An
explanation of the frequent occurrence of this form of the svasiiha in Ladakh
had already been given, ante^ Vol. XXX. p. 132. It is the emblem of the Pon
Religion.®
That one and the same carving shows Kesar, pencil cedars and st'upas (Plate II., Pig. 1)
is not at all strange, if we consider that Kesar was turned into one of the protectors of
Buddhism, and apparently was often mixed up with Srong-btsan-sgampo.
But we should probably he making a mistake in taking all the representations of ibex-
shooting to he scenes illustrating Kesar’s life-story. The pictures do not in fact seem to
have a religious motive only, and many of them may have been drawn for more practical
reasons. The ’aBrogpa, although they became Buddhists, did not receive a literature and
an alphabet in their own tongue, as the Tibetans did. But as they wished, nevertheless, to
note down important occurrences, the old pictures developed into a kind of picture-writing,
consisting of several simplified, conventional figures. These they used for preserving the simple
records of their more or less successful sport, almost in the same manner as the NTorth American
Indian does, and among the rock-carvings nothing is more common than hunting scenes.
I remember having seen, represented in modern specimens, even men with rifles shooting at
ibex. One of such simplified records we have in Plate III., Pig. 3,7 The representation in
Plate I., Pig. 3, seems to tell a similar tale. According to my view, it reads as follows :
A hunter went out after some game, crossed seven ridges and got two animals. One he killed
between the second and third, the other between the third and fourth ridge (if we read from
left to right).
Thus we observe that in the representation of the various figures two entirely different
styles were developed. The first aims at full figures, at true copies after nature. Examples
we find on Plates II., Figs, 1, 2* IV., Pig. 2 (the hand). The aims of the second style
are simplification, conventionalism. Examples are: Plates L, Figs. 1, 2, 3; IIL, Pig.
lY., Pigs. 1,2. It is not impossible that the first of these styles is the older one.
Although also the first style is very primitive, it is not unpleasing. The reason is perhaps
that the figures are never stiff, but always in lively motion, and, however imperfect, show a
keen eye for nature. The finest of all the carvings is doubtlessly the lioness (Plate II., Pig. 2).
This picture goes back apparently to a model, spread all over the Bast and Far East, possibly as
a degeneration of the lofty and very ancient art of Assyria,
5 [The diagonals can, however, be explained as merely doe to ease in scraping the rook. See ante, Vol. XXX.
p. 420j Plate IV., Fig. 2 ; Plate VI,, Fig. 1, Kos. 2, 4, in the case of the Edakal Carvings. — En.]
6 I would note also the ancient Greeks were particularly fond of this form, as some difylon vases show. It ia
not impossible that in Europe, as well as in Asia, it had become known in very ancient times that in southern
countries the course of the sun appears to be opposite to the course in northern countries. The Phoenicians
apparently passed the equator in very ancient times indeed. To show this superior wisdom, the reversed form may
have often been favoured.
’ [Note the similarity of the deer to that in Plate Y., Vol, XXX. p, 418, in the Edakal Carvings.— -Eud
Mian Anf/quary.
ROCK CARVIRQS FROM LOWER LADAKH.
Sm
PLATE I.
SCAU, ONE-TSNTft^
B.r. 5 Press, Ltrito.
October, 1902.]
MILE STONES IN TELTIGXJ LITERATURE.
401
List of the Representations.
N^B.—The scale of the plates is approximately one-tenth of the original ; the depth of the
carvings is 1 to 2 millimetres.
Plate No. I.
Fig. 1. — Scene at the harvest-festival.
Fig. 2, — An ibex.
Fig. 3, — A hunting record.
Fig. 4. — A stupa, with Tibetan inscription red = it is/’
Fig. 5. — (a) Pyramidal stiipa ; (i) holy tree ; (o and d) two stupas ; (e) ibex ; (/) inscription
in unknown character, perhaps ya.
Plat© No. II.
Fig. l.^(a and/j Two stupas ; (5 and c) two pencil-cedars; (cZ) Kesar hunting antelope;
(e) magic square*
Fig. 2. — The lioness with the locks.
Plate No. III.
Fig. 1. — Inscription in characters unknown to me.
Fig. 2. — An Agu, attacked by two men ; (h) an unknown symbol, perhaps unfinished.^
Fig. 3. — Hunting record.
Fig. 4, — A Jiiang (?).
Fig. 5. — (a) A snake with three heads (the uroem) ; (&) a sJiapo (wild sheep) ; (c) a bird ;
(d) a horse ; (e) an unintelligible character.
Plate No. IV.
Fig. 1. — A rider, two men, two ibex with characteristic horns, two stiipaSj a magic square.
Fig. 2. — A hand, two men, two svasiiha, a pig, an ibex.®
Fig. 3. — Various human figures from a stone on Molokai (Hawai Islands) ; added for
comparison.
Sites.
The carvings, reproduced on the plates, are from the following places : Plates I.— IIL, from
rocks in and around the fort of Khalatse ; Plate II., Fig. 2, from the lower end of a valley
called Namehag ; Plate IV^, Fig, 1, from a rock between Clinli skampo and Kbarbuj
Plate IV., Fig. 2, combined from various rocks, mostly near Saspola; Plate IV., Fig, 3,
from Hawai.
But the finest carvings, so far as I know, may be seen at Domkhar. If any reader of this
article visiting Ladakh were to take photographs of them, he would certainly render a valuable
service to the study of the history of the country.
SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE,
THE AGE OF VEMANA.
BY a. R. SUBRAMIAH PAKTULU.
We are all aware that India is a country whose inhabitants live, more, and have their being
in religion. In the Hindu nature there always were and are still two antagonistic tendencies,
visible alike in their laws, in their institutions, in their religion, in their families, and in the thoughts
and actions of their greatest men. A disposition, on the one hand, to live by rule and precedent, to
8 [C/. ante, Vol. XXX. p, 415, in the Edakal Carvings. — Bn.]
9 [0/. mie, Vol. XXX, p* 418, in the Edakal Carvings. — En.]
402
THE INDIAN ANTIQTJART.
[October, 1902.
distrust noyelties, to hold the experience oE the past as a surer and safer guide than the clearest
conclusions of logic, and to maintain yitli loving reverence the customs, the convictions, and the
traditions that have come down from former generations. On the other hand, a restless, impetuous
energy, inventing, expanding, pressing forward to the future, drawing wider circles around the
doctrines already inculcated, — a mode of thought, which in the half-educated takes the form of a rash
disdain of earlier ages, but in the best and the wisest creates a sense that they would be unworthy
sons of their ancestors if they do march with the times. In healthy ages the two tendencies coexist,
Shakspeare has wisely said : —
^ So may the outward shows be least themselves,
The world is still deceived with ornament.’
Many mere superficial observers, or even observers with a mind prepossessed one way or the
other, say that whatever Hinduism may have been in the past, it is now a mere tissue of formalities,,
utterly devoid of every noble inspiration, utterly incapable of exercising any real spiritual influence
upon the lives of its votaries. If a religion is to be judged as a marketable commodity, as
a commodity which has an exchange value, if it is to be judged merely on the status, social or
otherwise, which its votaries occupy, I am afraid that the case must be decided adversely to Hinduism.
But if a religion is to be judged on far higher and nobler principles, on the number of real theists it
has actually made, on the number of those vyho sincerely believe that there can be no gloomier form
of infidelity than that which questions the moral attributes of that Great Being in Whose hands are the
final destinies of us all, on the number of those whose grosser natures are turned by degrees to the
soul’s essence till all be made immortal, I may boldly say that Hinduism does satisfy the conditions.
If we wish to find a spiritual religion indigenous, native of the soil, we must look, not to the
members of the educated communities amongst whom such movements have had their origin, but to
the ‘rude Corinthian boor’ wholly untainted by any outlandish influences, or by the standard attained
by the Parisian society of the eighteenth century. In a place like India, where religion is the
bed-rock, thest?ie qua 71071 of the peoples who inhabit it, every village can proudly point the
finger at some of her men and even women, who have risen ‘far above the madding crowd’s ignoble
strife,’ who alone in the stillness of the night hold communion with the Lord of the Universe
independent of any dull, stupid paraphernalia. Such people do not thrust home tlieir convictions on
others, neither do they hide them, but ventilate them by the peculiar contact of mind with mind and
knowledge with knowledge. They are generally known as Brahmavettas, ‘ knowers of the Lord,"
and are held in very high reverence by the common folk, and are generally those -whoso individuality
has been lost and confounded in their paramount power as cosmopolites. But there are sham
cosmopolites, not conversant with the true Hindu mode of thought, who are led to believe that the
Brahmavetfcas do not submit to the authority of Brahmans, and these not unfrequently vigorously
denounce the priestly pretensions.
As to this authority of the Brahmans. It has been very often said that if the sacerdotal
order should encroach upon the functions of the civil magistrate, it would in our time be a great
evil. But what in our age is considered as an evil, may have in a remoter period been a blessing.
It is good that mankind should he governed by -wise law^s well administered and by an enlightened
public opinion rather than by priestcraft, but it is better that men should be governed by disinterested
priests who have ceased to be enamoured of those brittle and transient joys which the world can
neither give nor take away, rather than by brute force. A society ruled by mere physical force has
great reason to rejoice when a class of which the influence is intellectual and moral rises to ascendency.
Such a class may doubtless degenerate, but mental power, even when abused, is a still nobler and better
power than that which consists merely in corporeal strength. Whatever reproach may at a later
per|^d^ave been justly thrown on the indolence and the luxury of the religious orders, it was surely
good-mtin an ageuf ignorance and violence there should be quiet cloisters and gardens in which the
arts of peace oould be safely cultivated, in which gentle and contemplative natures could find an
October, 1902.] MILE STONES IN TELUGE LITEEATEBE.
403
asylum, in which one brother might be employed in reading Yasha’s NimUa and another in
meditating the Briliaddranyaho panishad, in which he who had a turn for natural philosophy might
make experiments on the properties of plants and minerals. What the Olympian chariot-course and
the Delphic oracle were to all the Greek cities from Trebizond to Marseilles, what Eome and her
Bishop were to all the Christians of the Latin communion from the Calabria to the Hebrides, the
simple religion of the Yedic Brahmans was to all the Hindus from Peshawar to Malabar. Thus
grew up sentiments of enlarged benevolence. Paces separated from each other by seas and
mountains acknowledged a fraternal tie and a common code of public law. Even in war the
cruelty of the conqueror was not seldom mitigated by the recollection that he and his vanquished foes
were all members of one great federation.
The sham cosmopolitans of the type above referred to do not, however, profess to derive their
views from the Vedas, and only occasionally do they quote the antideluvian nebulosity of a sloha of
the GUd or of the Feddnta Sutras, They are, in fact, reformers and have a literature of their
own. No portion of this literature can claim to be of any great antiquity. A major portion of if
cannot certainly be more than three centui'ies old. The reason for this is not far to seek, as these
popular poems are usually mere mushroom existences, which pass away with the death of their author.
There is not that spirit in them which can make them ^ double-lived in regions new.’ It is only very
rarely that a genuine popular poet arises, who can claim a place with the classical writers. In
the Deccan we meet with such a man in the person of Y^mana, who was to the Telugus what
Burns was to Ayrshire. Both of them are honored and respected in the same manner to the
present day.
Mr, Campbell (in the 3Jadras Christian College Magazine, Vol, XY. p. 524) says, ^ One would
naturally wish to have some definite information about a man who has exerted such an influence upon
the religious life of his countrymen, but unfortunately it is by no means easy to gratify this wish.'
History is an unknown art in India, and it is extremely difficult to discover a basis of reliable
fact beneath the mass of legends which are associated with the name of the poet. It is generally
believed that he lived about 250 years ago. Several places claim the honor of his birth, but it is
impossible, I think, to come to any more definite conclusion than that he was born somewhere in
the wild hilly country situated 200 miles to the north-west of Madras and included within the
limits of the Cuddapah district. Cuddapah and Kurnul, which lies a little to the
north, were undoubtedly the scene of his life’s work. Local tradition says that his home
was in Kat§.rapalli, a small village in the extreme south-west of the Cuddapah district, and it is
certain that a family is to be found there, whose members claim to be his lineal descendants and
receive offerings from those who wish to do honor to the poet. Yemana belonged to the K^pu or
farmer caste. This is, in the Telugu country, by far the most important of the numerous castes
included under the term Sfidra. The Kapus are naturally a free outspoken race, with very little of
that cringing to authority, which is so characteristic of the majority of their fellow-countrymen.
Eepreseiitatives of the old Dravidian civilization, they still retain many of the simpler and freer
customs which were followed by their ancestors before the Aryan invasion introduced the caste and
sacerdotal systems. YSmana was a typical Kapii, and never tried to conceal the fact. He made no
pretension either to scholastic attainments or to priestly power, but, like the sturdy herdsman of
Tekoa, professed to be a mere plain unlettered farmer.
In India especially, custom is a power fixed by a thousand tough and stringy roots
to people’s pious nursery faith, and what is grey with age becomes religion. It is easy,
therefore, for one acquainted with the environments of a farmer’s household to form a fair picture of
Y^mana and his ordinary avocations. Katarapalli, which was probably his home, is a village
in the gneiss country of South-east Cuddapah, where the land begins to slope up towards the great
Mysore plateau. It is situated near a range of rocky hills, rough with huge boulders and strange
pillar-like peaks, and devoid of vegetation, except where a few great cacti have won a place for
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[October, 1902.
tliemselves in ttie crevasses of the rocks. A small stream, its course marked out by masses of greeu
rushes and coarse dark grass, flows from the base of the hills and passes close to the village. At
a little distance are two tanks, which contain a supply of water sufficient for the irrigation of the
rice-fields of the village. On the borders of the stream, and on and below the bunds of the tanks,
there are Icdnagas, or wild crotons, whose dark glossy leaves, and drooping tassels of flowers, white
with a delicate tinge of purply-pink, give a sense of coolness even in the fiercest heat of April or
May. In and about the village there are tamarind and margosa trees, and not far off are the mango
orchards, Below the tanks there is tlie rice-land, in the spring and early summer a bare red waste,
after the rains an unbroken sea of the softest and most delicate green. On the higher ground, and
reaching up to and meeting the unbroken scrub jungle, is the ‘ dryland,’ as it is called, where the
farmers grow chdlam and r«r/?, and pulse of various kinds. The village itself consists of about
120 houses, most of them built of earth and thatched with jungle grass. The walls are smeared on
the outside with red ochre, and are in some cases adorned with broad vertical bands of white,
. Attached to most of the houses there is a byre for cattle, built on the same plan, and not infrequently
of much the same dimensions as the dwelling-house. One can easily picture the young farmer-boy
perambulating about the fields or in the rocky crevasses with his playmates and friends to partake
ill all the variegated labours of the world. Naturally, in youth, he would spend most of his time in
tending the flocks and herds and preventing them from going astray into the paddy fields or the
scrub. When he grew a little older he went to the village school and there received the village
education. It is said, indeed, that when a boy he received intimation of his future greatness as
a poet and writer ; but this story, like other stories told of Indian poets generally, is the production of
an after-age,and all that we can safely assert is that it is highly probable that, in early life, he came
under the personal influence of a spiritual teacher, from whom he received the first impulse to a life
of meditation. But the teacher was not likely to have been of so high an order as by personal
influence to mould the future man, and I do think that Y§mana went to the living man to drink deep
of the fountain of poetry. He seems, however, to have been very much influenced by the Lingait
movement, which had attained considerable proportions in his time in his part of tlie country.
These were a set of extreme Saivites, who, animated by a fanatical zeal, revolted against the sacerdotal
supremacy and set at naught all the injunctions of the Vedas. They claimed to be superior to the
Brahmans, to be under the special power of the Almighty and therefore invincible. Their dogmas
can he be best studied in the Chennabasava Puraiia and Prabhulingalila. V^mana’s
identification of Siva with God, and the belief in the sacredness of animal life, can be traced to
this source.
It is not known when Yemana came to be a recognised teacher. His poem shows us beyond
doubt that he was cast out for a time at least by his own kith and kin, and by those who knew him
best. It was very revolting to them to find a young boy, probably in the *mid might and flourish of
his May,’ posing to be a teacher of mankind in his own little sphere and expostulating against the
existing state of things. He was not vicious, nor officious, but he kept himself aloof from ‘ the
babblings of a busy W'orld.’ His neighbours thought naturally, therefore, that his Quixotic
temperament was due to some dislocation of the brain. He was a man of a very strong will, was
‘ constant as the northern star who hath no fellow in the firmament.’ He was certain that Truth
must come to light and that Merit cannot enter the gates of preferment. He knew full well the stuff
his own people were made of and how best to win them to his side. As his verses became known,
their plain practical good sense and pithy expressiveness necessarily attracted the attention and won
the suffrages of an ever-widening circle of hearers, so that towards the close of his life the poet was
compelled to assume the position of a recognised GurU, or teacher, and to spend most of his
time travelling from village to village, visiting his numerous disciples. On his death ‘mute Nature
mourned her worshipper and celebrated his obsequies.’ He was accorded all the honors of a saint
and a tomb was built for him. A temple stands near his tomb at Katarapalli, and in it is
a hideous wooden idol named after him.
October, 1902.] SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
405
Y^maiia is the greatest popular poet of the Telugu people, and his fame extends throughout the
length and breadth of the Telugu country. There is hardly a proverb or any pithy saying 'w^hich is
not attributed to him. He is to Telugu literature what Avva is to the Tamil. In consequence of
his vast popularity, and the almost fabulous fecundity of less important poets of a later age, who
have tacked their own brain-products on to Vemana’s, it is hardly possible now to say what
particular verse is his and what not. There are nearly three thousand verses of such doubtful
authenticity, and the manuscripts in which they have been handed down to his disciples so
considerably differ from one another, that none of them can be considered a really authenticated
collection of the poet’s verses. There has been a good many bazaar-editions of these verses procurable
for a few annas in almost all the market towns in the Telugu districts. They are very badly printed
and badly edited, and contain a glorious medley of incongruous parts. An attempt has been made
three score years ago to restore order out of chaos by the late Mr. C, P, Brown of the Madras
Civil Service, an erudite Telugu scholar, who has placed the whole Telugu community under very
great obligations by his two monumental lexicons — the TelugihEnglish and the EiiglisJi-Telugu
Dictionaries — not to speak of his other by no means less valuable works. He has carefully
edited the work, supplemented by his invaluable notes and an admirable English prose translation
which gives a tolerably fair idea of the poet’s style.
V 6mana has not trodden the beaten track of poetic routine, and exhibits some originality. His
descriptions are to a great extent true to nature, though his metaphors are to a certain extent odious.
He was emphatically a poet of the people. Au unlettered rustic’ himself he wrote for the rural
population in a colloquial nursery dialect, setting at naught the rules of classic verse. Classical
poetry, indeed, can never be popular in any country, unless the people who inhabit it, one and all of
them, are fine scholars.! V^mana’s diction bears the marks of his early life. It is an unlettered
unpretentious farmer who speaks, and his words have a breezy freshness suggestive of his own wild
windswept hills, with their scanty vegetation and huge boulder masses. There is no attempt at
ornament, no straining after effect. His illustrations savour very much of his rural life. He owed
much of his popularity to satire, to his pictures of the vices and follies of men in all their meanness
and absurdity. When in his more cynical moods, he sees in human life nothing which is not mean
and ridiculous, and wastes his satire upon the mere physical infirmities incidental to our material
circumstances. But it is drunkenness and licentiousness, covetousness and pride, and empty vanity
boasting of its good looks and fine clothes and great possessions, the despicable meanness that
despises the poor and flatters and fawns upon the rich, it is these and similar vices that in better
woods he holds up ta our contempt. He directs his satire chiefly against caste distinctions
and against women. Had he had the power, he would have put down all caste distinctions and
converted the whole human population into a universal caste and introduced the old Spartan
legislation, where there would be nothing like private property. He maintained that the absence of
any statute to regulate the accumulation of capital, the awful monopoly which capital so
accumulated constitutes, and the tremendous tyranny which it engenders, are the springs of that
pauperism, which sits like an incubus on the bosom of virtuous India, He says, ^When a man has
wealth, people look on him as the fairest of the gods ; when brought low by want and unable to raise
himself, though he be a very Cupid, they look on him as an outcast.” He speaks so bitterly of
women that it seems as it he doubted the possibility of any woman being capable of truth and
fidelity, ‘ As the track of a ship on the sea, as the path of a bird in the air, so is the way of
a woman,’ * In time of wealth a wife looks to her husband. In time of want she will not even rise
at his approach ; she looks on him as dead, though he is still alive/ It is in his references to
women that Vemana fails most conspicuously to rise above the conventionalism of Hindu
society. There are passages in his writings it is true, in which he describes the true and faithful
^ The tenth canto of Bammera Pothana’s BMgavata may he taken as an exception. This poem, though
classical; is studied among the homes of the Telugu people and assimilated hy them,
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHT.
[OCTOBEE, 1902.
mfe ia language which shows that he had some couception of a higher and nobler type of womanhood,
but these cannot alter the fact that, like the vast majority of his fellow-countrymen, he regarded
women as essentially weak and unreliable, and believed that their influence is uniformly on the side of
eviL It is not strange tliat he adopted this standpoint. In India women are the most
determined enemies of reform, and V6mana must often have found his influence weakened and
his efforts baffled by their innate conservatism and blind acquiescence in the traditional opinions
and customs.
V^mana aimed at releasing the people from the bondage of blind traditionalism and
enable them to realise the supreme importance of truth and purity and of duty to God and man. He
shared the opinion of the Buddhist mendicant in the MrichchakdtiJca^ the earliest vSanskrit drama
where he says : —
Cast the five senses all away,
That triumph o’er the virtuous will ;
The pride of self-importance slay
And ignorance remorseless kill ;
So shall you safe the body guard.
And Heaven shall be your last reward.
Why shave the head and mow the chin
While bristling follies choke the breast ?
Apply the knife to parts within,
And heed not how deformed the rest ;
The heart of pride and passion weed,
And then the man is pure indeed.
He was ^ stern iconoclast and maintained that God dwells not in buildings made by human
hands. He pours out his bitterest scorn on idolatry and scrnpulonsl^ kept himself aloof from sacred
services. He denounced asceticism with a vigour and earnestness, the like of which was not heard
from the pulpit of Mainwaring to the judgment seat of Bradshaw. “ Those who torture the body and
call themselves saints can never cleanse the foulness of the heart. Does a snake die when you beat
the ant-hill in which it hides ? ”
Mr. Campbell seems to think that V8mana shared the opinion maintained by Herbert Spencer
in his First Frinciples when he says, * An unbiased consideration of its general aspects forces us to
conclude that religion, everywhere present as a weft running through the warp of human history,
eatpresses some eternal fact, while it is almost a truism to say of science that it is an organized mass
of facts, ever growing and ever being more completely purified from errors.’ Mr. Campbell bases
his inference on the following verse of YSmana : ♦‘He who takes all forms, who is eternal, who
is Himself witness of all that is in every heart, who is in all things the unchangeable, free from all
taint, — He is called Brahma.” Be this is as it may, YSmana has not spared even Brahma in his
strong satire, as he says, ‘5 He (Brahma) gives wealth to one, the utijity to another, the heart
(to spend) to a third and woqld spoil the whole thing. Let Brahma’s wife be widowed-”^
There seems to be hardly any Touohstonian intelligence in the poet at all. He seems to be
best known for his^ wholesale condemnation of anything and everything terrestrial and even celestial.
1 have my own misgivings if he ever sincerely believed in an absolute Eeality behind appearances,
though he somewhere says that that Reality is unknowable and unknown.
^
October, 1902.] SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
407
I append some verses, universally attributed to V^mana, from a translation by C. P. Brown, to
give the reader a tolerably fair idea of his writings : —
Specimens of V§mana’s Verse,
1. Observances void of purity of heart ! to what end are they? to what end is the preparation
of food without cleansing the vessel ? Void of purity of mind, to what end is the worship of God ?
2. One real and good sapphire is enough, why collect a basketful of glittering sparkling
stones ? Consider, then, is not one verse, if worth reading, sufficient ?
3. A false teacher restrains us in all our acts. The middling, ordinary teacher makes a mul-
titude of senseless spells. But the good one combines the whole power of excellence.
4. Whatever he may read who is devoid of understanding, his virtue continues only so long as
he is reading ; even as a frog is dignified only so long as it is seated on a lotus leaf.
5. At the sight of women, the cupidinous man quits his meal, being stricken with the pain of
desire ; even as the grasshopper delights in viewing the fire that will destroy it.
6. If a corpse leave a miser’s house, when he has given the money for the shroud and bier,
<'alas for the fees ” cries he, sobbing and sobbing as he weeps 1
7. He that, relying on the prince, ruins the land, the sorrows of the people shall reach him,
and at last be shall fall. How long shall the bounding ball retain its elevation ?
8. Though iron break twice or thrice, the smith knows how to heat and weld it. If the spirit
break, who shall restore it ?
9. He who keeps himself afar from another’s wife ; who desireth not another’s wealth, but is
benevolent ; who, though others be enraged, is not wroth ; and who lives in the esteem of others,
is the wise man.
10. By the groaning of a buffalo-hide bellows (in the world) the five metals are calcined: when
good men grieve, will not a great fiame arise to heaven ?
11. If thou wilfc work for hire, and slave, and gain, and give it to thy wife, she knows to
applaud thee : but a thousand-fold will she revile her husband, if he falls into poverty.
12. Were the earth void of the excellently virtuous, how should the world stand nor be burnt
with fire ? They are not so very frequent : but only here and there.
13. When his passions are redoubled, a man is seized with madness and roams the earth.
Cupidity makes a man as restless as a dog.
14. The house of a virtuous young woman is orderly, she is like a light shining in a dark
room. The house in which a first wedded wife dwells is like the place of divine worship.
1'5. A medicine may always be found somewhere in the world to heal wounds received in front.
But hath any remedy been found to heal the wounds of slanderous words ?
16. Though a vessel be broken, a new one is easily procured. Is it then marvellous that after
a man’s death he should acquire a new body ?
17. Meditation is of superior merit to the bestowing of gifts, as understanding is superior to
meditation ; and to cut off our lusts is superior even to our understanding.
18. Know that sin is the cause of drooping the head ; that all true good originates in the
spirit, but to comprehend this requires much firmness.
19. By talking and conversing, affection increases, as you continue to eat even the hittor
margosa leaf, it becomes sweet ; so by practice may we succeed in any art whatever.
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[October, 3902.
20. Speecli may be corrected so as to be without irregularity ; a stone may be carved into a
fine form ; but the mind can never be altered, no, not in the best of men.
21. The mind cannot see God as long as it is in this life ; but convert thy body into a temple,
and restrain thyself, give up all worldly thoughts, and see Him with thy internal eye.
22. If we love Him, He will love us ; if we love not Him, never will He love us : all our
display, all our hypocrisy, will be of no avail.
23. When the sons of the earth see the holy saint, they revile him, but cannot understand
him. Can the hand discern ambrosia from other tastes ?
24. If in the time of her husband a woman labours, she shall enjoy comfort in the time of her
sons ; all, howeyer great, participate in wealth and poverty. The strength of strong sons is the
greatest of all.
25. With such eyes as these how can we view the deity ? The eyes that see him are different,
the vision is diverse. Must not we look to him with an internal eye ?
26. He heaps up wealth, and gives none in charity : he consumes it not himself, but hides it !
Will not the bee that stores up honey yield it by force to the traveller ?
27. Water mingled with milk bears the appearance of milk ; and thus becomes acceptable
in sacred rites : thus, by intercourse with the pure and excellent, shall even the foolish attain
perfection.
28. A stone ball may be broken ; the very hills may be reduced to dust, but the heart of the
cruel man can be melted by nothing.
29. Talking is one thing, and the temper of mind is another : the qualities of the body tend
one way, and our intention ano-ther I How shall we attain salvation ! and what path is this we are
pursuing ?
80. However many days he lives, however long he is learning, and however he is distinguished,
in a few days he dies, and is turned to earth, with all his skill.
31. If there be one dry tree in a forest, it will produce flame by friction and sweep away all
the rest: thus if a base wretch be born in a noble race, he will destroy it all.
32. The wicked wretch considers the wealth in his house as his own for ever, and hides it in
the earth ! Yet he cannot carry a cowry or a farthing with him when he dies.
33. Theft and whoredom are alike in the world ; the adulteress is full of apprehensions, like the
thief who dares not view the beauty of moonlight.
34. Yain desire suffers not to attain our end ; it only plunges us in troubles, and drags us
along ; it prevents faith from being born in men,
35. If a mighty prince takes a light man by the hand, his word will be current in the world.
If merchants own them, do not even shells act for money ?
36. To whom does your body belong, which you nourish so carefully ? Whose is your wealth
that you should hide it ? To whom does the soul appertain that it should not leave the body ?
37. Though he roam to Concan, no dog will turn into a lion ; going to Benares will make no
pig an elephant ; and no pilgrimage will make a Brahman of one whose nature is different.
38. If authority be given to a low-minded man, he will chase away all the honorable : can a
dog that gnaws shoes taste the sweetness of sugar-cane ?
39. Has the wife opposed her lord^s commands ? She is no longer his mate but his fate. To
such a wife a dwelling in the wilderness is preferable.
October, 1902.] SOME MILE STONES IN TELUGU LITERATURE.
409
40. A disobedient wife is as the goddess Death to her husband, a springiug, hooded serpent ;
a very demon ; a wife at enmity with you is a fit wife for a demon ?
41. When he beholds a womau he is deprived of power to estimate justly ; and is consumed
with love as resin would be in the hottest fire ; into what follies are we led by empty desire !
42. What is dearest of all things ? Life : but gold is dearer than a thousand lives : and dearer
than gold are the words of a maiden.
43. A woman who is a rover, loves none but rovers ; how should she be pleased with a delicate
lover? the dung-beetle cares not for the sweetness of sugar.
44. He desires pleasant food, and he longs for fair women : behold the evil heart of man ! He
cannot for an instant relinquish these temptations and reflect that they are unprofitable.
45. Desert not thy king even for a thousand others : when you have given a man food, tell it
not, however poor you are ; and however beautiful the wife be, let her not scorn her husband.
46. Sons and wives are a mere delusion ; pleasure and pain are a mere deception; a family,
and the affections we feel, are unreal : thou hast filled this delusive life with empty forms.
47. A feast given without kindness is a mere waste of flour-cakes : worship devoid of piety is
a waste of the sprouts used in sacrifice ; and gifts devoid of charity are a mere waste of gold,
48. Imagining that by acquiring sons he will attain the happiness that is the reward of merit,
a man remains entangled in the creed of works. If an elephant fall into a pit, how can a gnat
extricate it ?
49. Covetousness is a sin of the worst nature : through lust have not hermits been deluded ?
he who hath viewed and relinquished all ; this is the pure spirit.
50. If you catch a monkey and dress it in a new robe, the hill-apes will all worship it. Thus
are the luckless subject to the senseless.
51. Though you anoint an ass with perfumes, it feels not your fondness, but will turn again
and kick you : and equally fruitless is the love shown to a young girl.
52. Though you pour milk and sugar over bramble berries, and boil them, they will acquire
jio flavour ; how then can good qualities be produced in the crooked heart by any kindness ?
53. When we behold a bright-eyed girl or gaze on gold, every one’s mind is seize 1 with
wavering thoughts ; how then can the power of truth be felt by men ?
54. What has a cripple to do with bracelets ? Of what advantage are wooden teeth to the
hare-lipped? Will an ass be the hotter for assuming a beard and whiskers ? Mere pretensions are
wholly fruitless.
55. Singularly fanciful is the talisman of Cupid to behold. The spot in the forehead of the
rosy nymph • at the glance of her waist is the heart agitated.
56. If misfortune befal him, the sinner reviles the deity : if he meets with good, he lauds him-
self for it : but evil and good are the results of his own acts.
57. To say ** Sudraism has left me, I am no Sudra, I am a Brahman,” is all folly j though
brass resemble gold, can it be esteemed its equal ?
58. All men, be they who they will, desire gold and fine women. Not the mightiest of lords
can relinquish a fair-eyed maiden.
59. To associate with a slut is ruin upon ruin ; he who has to do with a whore loses all
shame; and joining with an adulteress is the source of utter death.
60. A lucky woman perceives the hunger and thirst of others ; she helps them to food and
satisfies them* but your unlucky senseless wife considers no one’s hunger but her own.
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[October, 1902.
61. By Cupid, the green-bowed god, are all men in the world suddenly deluded, who then in this
respect is noble? who is abject ?
62. There is no living between earth and sky for the pain of the wounds inflicted by
Cupid. How can a man live who deserts the wife of his home ?
63. Those who . give their word, and break it, are lost to all shame: he who disregards
distress is vile : and cruel is he who, after contracting friendship, grieves his friend.
64. He is a fool, who, listening to his factious wife, quits his brothers and separates him-
self from them. Can a man swim in the Godavari by holding on to a dog s tail ?
65. If he joins himself to the vile, and associates with him, he will be ruined, whoever
he be. It is like drinking milk under a palm-tree.
66. Rice dressed without ghee is, I protest to thee, mere grass; a dinner without herbs is
only fit for dogs.
67. When women and men are heated by fnlness of meal, they say that they are
tormented by Onpid. But when they have no food to eat, what becomes of that god’s power ?
68. We admire all women without discrimination, whoever they be ; we melt as gum would
do in the flame of destrnction : this strong cupidity plunges ns in nnspeakable troubles.
69. The base wretch who forms criminal connections; equally unstable and infamous, and
plays fast and loose with others, shall, like a young ass, suddenly be destroyed.
70. He who kills many men, and slays the poor*, and plunders the villages to fill his belly,
go where he will, Yama will find and destroy him.
71. We take a skin and form it into an elegant puppet ; we make it play, and then throw
it away. But who can see Him who thus plays with us as puppets ?
72. A stone in the shoe, a gadfly in the ear, a mote in the eye, a thorn in the foot, and a
quarrel in a family, however small in themselves, are inaspeakably tormenting.
73. Can an ass comprehend the fragrance of perfumes ? does a dog know good from bad ?
can the light fool understand the holy separation of him who serves God ?
74. The reclnseness of a dog ! the meditations of a crane ! the chanting of an ass ! the
bathing of a frog ! Ab, why will ye not try to know your own hearts !
75. Better is the humble washerman than the empty student ; better is the house-dog
than the inanimate household goddess; and better than all demi-gods is the Lord of the
.Universe,
76. He that is hungry forgets every religious tie ; all purity of heart disappears in the
^ dark ; and pregnancy destroys all former plumpness of body.
77. Marriage contracts, given and received with friendship, shall not lead to decrees,
but shall flourish, spreading as a lotus plant does over the water, blossoming, budding, and
hearing abundant fruit.
78. During life he restrains not his lusts ; but when death approaches he turns recluse :
unless thou subdue thy heart, how shalt thou attain release ?
79. What poet or what god is there free from darts of love ? This is mere desire, not love
of wisdom. Poets and demi-gods are all mere libertines.
80. When a man has feasted and sits at his ease, should he see a woman he is touched
with love, the vigour given by food fills the body with cupidity.
Octobeb, 1902.] SOME MILE STONES IN TELEGU LITERATURE.
411
81. In this world riches form the chief object ; on wealth does the due performance of
every duty depend ; virtue is the origin of every blessing ; and final beatitude depends on the
conduct of our own hearts.
82. Conduct thyself so as to beware of three sins : disobedience to thy mother, rebellion
against thy father, and despising thy elder brother.
83. Why should a man grieve because he lacks the wealth which he sees heaped up in
the house of others ? In his former birth he died without attempting to perform any charitable
act, and now reaps the fruit of that life.
84. The alms that are bestowed without being asked shall unsought return to you ,*
whatever we give, being asked, so much shall return on our asking : and he who bestows nothing
shall receive nothing.
85. If an unlucky fool should even find the philosopher’s stone, it would never remain in
his hands but vanish ; it would melt away like the hailstones that come with rain.
86. He who values himself on his wealth and bestows none on others, revelling on riches,
shall in the end perish and never see good.
87. When a woman has by her virtues acquired lasting celebrity, and men remember her
excellence, how can we too highly esteem her devotion to her husband ?
88. Wisdom is the teacher : the human heart is absolute ignorance ; but when we fall into
a giddy state of fluctuation between these two principles — until that giddiness is dissipated
neither of these can be distinguished.
89. No man in the world considers truly who he is ; alas, he cannot know his whole
nature J- How shall man learn to know himself ?
90. If they see a man of property, women will lay their vests for his feet to walk on ; hut
if they meet one who has lost his possessions, they hold him no better than a walking corpse.
91 . If eaten out of due time, even food turns to poison ; if we even see it with the eye, we
loathe it ; whatever you eat with disgust is fatal as venom.
92. Through anger we suSer degradation ; wrath leads to grief ; repress anger and all
thy wishes shall be attained.
93. Poverty makes a man’s relations his foes ; by poverty we fail of attaining heaven ; and
through want we lose credit with the lender.
94. When a man has attained power and dominion, if he does not succour the poor and
ruined, of what profit is his influence or existence ?
95. Young men trample on the conduct they formerly practised, and adopt new manners.
They bid their mother begone, they afflict her, and give their wealth to strange women.
96. To sport with fire or with a light man, with your neighbour's wife, or with a fallen
wretch — all tend to death.
97. Till his lusts are quelled, no man can be freed from earthly ties: until he is thus freed,
he is no hermit ; unless thou become an ascetic, thy lusts shall not be destroyed !
98. When even a lion is emaciated, even a starved dog can torment him; when we are
powerless all our undertakings are vain,
99. Let us forget every sinful connection ; let us forget every contention, and the faults
of others — but never let us forget the good done to us.
100. If, ignorant of his own powers, and those of his opponent, a man blusters and indulges
in wrath, he is like a bear performing the torch dance, in which he will, of course, be burnt.
412
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBES, 1902.
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XYIIIth CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BT SIE EIOHAED C. TEMPLE.
(Continued from p. 387.)
Enclosure III.
List of Bills of Exchange drawn upon the Governor General in Council
since last Advised.
IDaiiO*
After
Sight.
N?
In whose favor.
A.
P.
1794.
March 14
15
13
Lieut! Edmund Wells
1000
• • •
. • •
20
D9
14
Mess'® Wilsone Downie & C?
3400
D?
15
Lieut. John Wales
t
300
f « •
Do
16
Lieut. E. Wells
3110
...
■ • «
Sa Eupees ...
7800
...
• ••
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A. Kyd
March 20tJ. 1784. Super* Andamans.
Ordered that Lieut* Wells’s Account of Receipts and Disbursements, and the Vouchers
thereof, be sent to the Military Auditor General, and that, on the Return of the Snow Corn-
wallis to the Andamans a Supply of Treasure be dispatched to the Snperintendant, to the
Extent of fifteen thousand Sicca Rupees, half in Gold and half in Silver.
Ordered that a Copy of M^ Wood’s Letter be sent to the Adjutant General, and that he
be advised of that part of the one from Major Kyd which relates to the Cornwallis ; and the
Artillery Men Remaining at the Settlement.
Agreed that an Order be given for a Passage in the Daphne or Cornwallis for the Arti-
iicers to be engaged, at Major Kyd’s desire, by Lieut! Sandy s.
Ordered that the Acting Naval Store Keeper be desired to furnish- a List of the Stores
now here, belonging to the Dispatch Brig as sent to him by the Admiral. *
Ordered that the List, received from Major Kyd, of Bills of Exchange, drawn upon the
Government, be transmitted to the Accountant General. ^ ^
Ordere^on the Subject of Major Kyd’s Letter, relative to his own and Lieut* Wells’s
Allowances, that, before any decision be passed thereon, tbe Secretary lay before the Board
a statement of the respective Allowances, as they stand at present ^ ^
October, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
413
1794. — Ho. X.
Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the Secretary to the Hospital Board.
See^y. Hospital B? Dated 7th Ap^ 1794.
To John H. Harrington Esq^ Sub Secretary.
Sir, — lam directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the enclosed Copy of List of
Necessaries which they have received from David Wood acting Surgeon to the Andamans,
which they request you will lay before the Governor General in Council and to acquaint him
that they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Purveyor to fur-
nish the necessaries required.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obed? humble Servant
Fort William Hospl Board Office, (Signed) A. Campbell, Secretary,
the 7*? March 1794.
Indent for necessaries for the use of the Sick belonging to the Settlement and Cruisers
at Port Cornwallis.
1 Maund Sago
10 Dozen Madeira Win?
3 Dozen Lime juice
2 Dozen Vinegar
4 Bags of Flour
3 Maunds of Sugar
3 Maunds of Bazar Oil
6 Pieces of Bandage Cloth
6 Fomentation Cloths
Hospl Board Office, A true Copy (Signed) D, Wood, Acting in a Medl Capacity,
the 7*^ March 1794.
Agreed that the Hospital Board ho desired to direct the Purveyor to Furnish the Articles
reqnired in the above Indent, and to send them to the Andamans in the Snow Daphne.
1794, — Ho. XI.
Fort William 14**^ April 1794. The following Letter was received from the Grarrison
Storekeeper on the Instant and Orders were issued to him to purchase the Stores mentioned
in the Copy of the Indent transmitted from the Superintendant of the Andamans to be for-
warded to that Station on the Cornwallis Snow.
Garrison Store Keeper 8 April 1794.
Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Having received an Indent, Copy of which is enclosed, for a Supply of Provisions for
the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis, which the Superintendant there has requested
may be sent on the Snow Cornwallis I request that you will advise the Governor General in
Council thereof, and communicate to me his Orders whether the Indent shall be complied
with.
I have the honour to be ifeo?-
(Signed) G-. A, Robinson
Garrison Store Keeper.
Fort William Garrison Store Keeper's Office
St? April 1794.
414
THE INDIAN ANTIQDAHT.
[October, 1902.
Indent N? 7 To Lieut. Geo. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper — Fort William.
Names of Stores.
Total rec<l
sinoe
1®? May 1793.
■Balance
remaining
in Store.
Articles
Indented
for
For what purpose wanted.
Rice
Maunds
•••
400
)
f For the Subsistance of the Set-
Dholl
D®
...
100
tiers at the Andamans.
Ghee
D?
• • •
••4
20
)
Sugar •••
D?
...
...
12
I For Occasional Passengers re-
Tamerinas ...
D?
...
...
12
f turning to Bengal.
I do hereby Certify that the Articles specified in this Indent are indispensably Necessary
for the purposes Abovementioned, after the most carefull Examination.
Port Cornwallis (Signed) Joseph Stokoe, Acts Commissary.
March 1794.
A true Copy (Signed) G. A. Robinson, Garrison Storekeeper.
1794. — No. XII.
Port William 14*? April 1794. Statement of Major Kyd’s Allowances &c^. The
Secretary, According to the Boards Orders given at their last Meeting, lays before them a
Statement of the personal Allowances at present drawn by Major Kyd, and Lieut* Wells, in
their Respective Situations at the Andamans,
Major Kyd as Superintendant receives for his established Allowance Sicca
Rupees 1000 or Sonat Rupees 1045 9 0
and the full Batta of Lieut* Colonel which is S* R? 20 per Diem or pV Men-
sem of 30 Days 600 0 0
1645 9 0
Besides which he draws the Ordinary pay of his Rank in Army, which is
R? S* 6 per diem or pV mensem 1 80 0 0
1825 9 0
90 0 0
120 0 0
24 0 0
262 8 0
Sonat Rupees... 496 8 0
Gov** Gen^f Minute.
Fort William 21®* April 1794. The Governor General delivers in the following Minute.
Governor General. The Cornwallis Snow being nearly ready for dispatch to the
Andamans, I Have looked back to the Proceedings of Government in order to ascertain what
subjects of Reference or Application, from Major Kyd are now before the Board, that our
decisions upon them may be communicated to him by the present Opportunity,
The Allowances of Lieut* Wells are as follows : —
Pay & Additional Allowances 3 Rs, p^ day
Ratta... ■«. ••• .a,
Gratuity ... ••• ••• ... ... ... ,,, ,,, ,,,
Add to this the Sum allowed to him as Commissary of Stores and Provi-
sions at the Andamans 250 Sicca Rs. py Month
October, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth OENTUKT.
415
Major Kyd in his Letter of the 10^’? of March, represents the great want of some public
Officer in Calcutta, who would take the care of procuring the various Classes of Artificers and
Workmen required from time to time for the supply of the Settlement ; to take charge of the
Sepoys and others returning, Occasionally, either on leave'of Absence, or for the Recovery of their
Health, and to procure them Passages, and to Superintend their Embarkation on their Return
or Recovery, to pay to the Families of the Settlers which remain in Bengal, the portion of
Allowances which the different Settlers allot to them, for their Subsistence, and also to furnish
and send down a great Variety of small Articles which are not kept in the Company’s Stores,
and recommends Lieutenant Sandys the Fort Adjutant in Fort William as a fit Person, from
his Situation, to be selected for these, and similar duties connected with the Island.
Being satisfied from the Enquiries I have made, that such a Superintendence here is
necessary as well for the purposes mentioned, but more especially for Superintending the
Embarkation of the Convicts sentenced to be transported to the Andamans Recommend that
Lieutenant Sandys should be appointed to perform the several duties above specified, except
the Provisions of any Articles of Supply for the Settlement which should be furnished, as
other Supplies, on Indent, upon the Garrison Storekeeper, — It was my intention to have
proposed an Allowance to Lieutenant Sandys proportioned to the trouble of these addi-
tional Duties which are not without expence to him ; he has for some time performed them
gratuitously.
But on a review of the Duties annexed to the Adjutancy of Fort William compared with
his Staff Allowances I think it proper to point out to the Board that whilst the former are
greater than those of any Adjutant in the Army his Staff Allowances are less than those of an
Adjutant of an European Battalion, The detail of the Troops at the Presidency including
European Infantry Seapoys and Artillery is kept by the Adjutant of Fort William he attends
Parades and the Relief of the Guards He is also under the Orders of the Fort Major and in
this Capacity has many constant Services and immediate Duties to execute — I therefore
propose that I trust the Board will deem Reasonable and Just that the Staff Allowances to the
Fort Adjutant should be increased 150 Rupees per Month, which addition is to be considered
as including a Compensation for the trouble and expence of the Duties of the Andamans as
above detailed.
Major Kyd in his Letter of the 20^1^ of March, having informed the board of the permission
granted to Lieutenant Wells to return to Bengal, on account of his Health, and of Lieutenant
Wells’ desire to resign the Office of Provision and Store Keeper, I conclude that his Resigna-
tion thereof will he Accepted, and Major Kyd’s Nomination of Ensign Stokoe to act therein
be confirmed from the I®! of May next, until further Orders.
Major Kyd forwards an Application from Lieutenant Wells, claiming some Staff Allowances
for the time he had Charge of the Settlement and I was prepared to have made a proposition
to the Board relative to the Situation of Lieut* Wells, in respect to his Allowances while the
Charge of the Settlement devolved upon him, in the absence of Major Kyd ; but I decline
doing it, for the present, as I have understood that Lieutenant Wells has a Specific Claim to
prefer on that Account.
The next Subject lying over for Consideration relates to an Application from Major Kyd
for an enorease of his own Allowances, which he declares after the experience of One Year have
not been adequate to the Absolute Necessary Expences of his Situation. The Secretary was
desired on the 7*^ Instant to prepare a Statement of the personal Allowances of Major Kyd and
of Lieutenant Wells which he laid before the Board at a last Meeting, and from thence it
appears that Major Kyd receives as Superintendant at the Andamans Rupees 1,000 per Month —
and altho’ this may seem at first Sight, a very Liberal Allowance, yet when it is Considered
that every Article of Life (except Fish) must be procured from Bengal, and that in a
Society so very confined, the whole expence of keeping a General Table must naturally devolve
416
THE IlSIDTAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBEE, 190^.
iipoli ilie Superintend ant, being in fact the only Person whose Situation will enable him to
procure and keep up a Stock for daily Consumption, I have no hesitation in giving the fullest
credit to the Assertion, that it must require the whole of the above Allowances to defray his
unavoidable Expences there, and I am persuaded that under the Circumstances of that Sacri-
fice to the public Service, which Major Kyd is making by an almost entire Seclusion from
Society, it wdll not be deemed unreasonable to grant him a Table allowance of 20 E-upees
per Diem, that he may be enabled to eifect some savings out of his personal Allowances —
and that this Table Allowance should eoniinence from the date of his last return and resum-
ing the Superintendence at Port Cornwallis.
Agreed to the Propositions contained in the above Minute.
1794. — No. XIID
Fort William 21®? April 1794. Agreed that the following Letter be wautten to Major Kyd.
Major Kyd 21®? April 1794.
To Major Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans.
Sir, — We have received your Letters of the 20^? and of March,
We are sorry to observe that the situation of Port Cornwallis has proved so
unfavourable to the Health of the Settlers, but as we entertain Hopes that the place
will become more salubrious in proportion as it is cleared, and as our experience is at present
insufficient to form a decided Opinion on this Subject, we shall wait with Anxiety your future
Opinion and Report upon it.
In forming your Opinion on the probable Healtbiness of the Situation you will discri-
minate as well as your experience admits how far the Causes which may be supposed to have
had an Influence in this Respect are of a permanent Nature or of such as may be removed by
Industry and exertion, and we recommend that in your future Report you attend to every
Oircumstance"that may enable us to form an Opinion on the Eligibility of presenting (sic) the
object for which the Station of Port Cornwallis was chosen.
Having consented to your proposition for visiting Prince of Wales Island in the Month
of July or August next as soon as you may judge it convenient We send enclosed a Copy of our
Resolutions, pointing out the several Objects of your Investigation there.
Such Articles of Supply for the Settlement as you may want will be furnished as usual by
the Garrison Store Keeper on Indent, and the Adjutant of Fort William is instructed to
perform the other Duties mentioned in your Letter for which and upon Consideration of the
inadequacy of his Staff Allowances in general an addition has been made to them of 150
Rupees per month.
We have accepted Iiieutenant Wells’ Resignation of the Office of Provision and Store
Keeper and confirm your Nomination of Ensign Stokoe to act therein from the first of next
month until further Orders.
The Governor General having understood that Lieutenant Wells intends to prefer a
specific Claim for extra Staff Allowance during the time he had Charge of the Settlement in
your Absence we have for the present deferred coming to any Resolution on that head.
With respect to an encrease of your own Salary which you declare inadequate to the
Absolute necessary Expen ces of your Situation, we have determined that you shall receive
Twenty Rupees per Diem as an Allowance for your Table, and that it shall commence from the
date of your last return and resuming the Superintendence at Port Cornwallis.
The Secretary wall forward to you a list of Consignments by the Snow Cornwallis.
We are, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servants
Fort William (Signed) GqvT Genl in Council.
the 21®? April, 17^4,
October, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
417
1794. — No. -XIV.
Port William 2? May 1794. Read the following Letter and Enclosure from Lieutenant
Wells.
Lieut* Wells 1»* May 1794:,
To Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government. *
Sir, — I have the honor to forward the enclosed Bill and to request you will be pleased to
submit it to the Honorable the Governor General in Council At the same time I must beg you
will please to solicit the Board’s Consideration on the following transcripts Yiz\
Extract from the Proceedings of the Governor Gen^. in Council February 1®* 1794,’*
** Agreed that the Commander in Chief be requested to order a Detachment of Sepoys to
be commanded by a carefuil and entillegent Officer of Infantry, who shall assist Captain Kyd
in making his various arrangements, and take Charge of the Settlement in the Event of his
temporary Absence from it.’’
‘‘Extract from Instructions of the Governor General in Council, to Captain A. Eyd
dated 18*? February 1793.
Paragraph 21. In the case of your occasional Absence from the Andamans or in the
Event of any accident depriving the Settlement of your Services, the Powers and Duties of
the Superintendant as specified by your Commission and these Instructions, are to devolve
to Lieut* Edmund Wells, or the next Senior Officer.”
The Appointment thus conferred on me, as ventual {sio) Superintendant of the Settlement
of the Andamans having no precise Salary annexed to it I presume to conclude it to have been
the intention of Government, that whenever the Station and Duties might devolve to me,
I should become entitled to the Salary & Allowances appertaining to the Office, and I have
accordingly made out my Bill on that principle which I hope will be approved.
I have the Honor to be with due Respect, Sir,
Your most Obedient humble Servant
(Signed) Edmund Weils, Lieut*
The Honorable Company ... ... D^
1793/4 To my Salary as Superintendant of the Settlement at the Andamans . .
whilst acting in that Capacity from July 1793 to the 28*? of
February 1794 being Eight Months at Sicca Rupees 1,000,0.0 py
Month 8,000 .0.0
To established Allowance for Writer’s Stationary & Office Charges for
the same period at Sicca Rupees 250.0.0 p^ M? . 2,000 -0.0
Total Ten Thousand S?- Rupees. 10,000 .0,0
(Signed) Edmund Wells.
The Board do not consider Lieutenant Wells either from the terms of his Appointment
or from the General Rules of the Service entitled to draw the personal and other Allowances
annexed to the Station and Establishments of the Superintendant of the Andamans, These
Allowances have been already drawn by Major Kyd and as his Title to them in the Opinion of
the Board is indisputable it supercedes the Claim of Lieutenant Wells for the same allowances.
Ordered therefore that the Bills be rejected.
Fort William,
May 1®.* 1794.
418
[October, 1902.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
17941 — No. XV.
Fort William 2? May 1794. Read a Letter & Enclosure from Captain Smith Commander
of the Snow Daphne.
Capt. Smith 21s‘ April 1794.
E. Ha;f Esql Sec? to the Govl
Sir, — I beg leave to inform yon that the Pilot is at this Moment leaving the Daphne, the
whole Number of People on board for Port Cornwallis is in the enclosed List tlicy are all well
at present we have had a long Passage dowir owing to the blowing Weather and the Vessel
being Struck by Lightning on the 18‘Mnstant at Kedgeree in a serve [? severe] Squall
which Shattered the Foremast & hurt several of the People only one badly who is now
recovering in consequence of this Accident I was detained 24 Hours to secure the mast which
is now completely done it still blows fresh from the Southward but I am in hopes of a speedy
Passage.
I liave the honor to be with respect
Snow Daphne (Signed) Mathew Smith.
21®? April 1794.
Xiist of Passengers on board the Snow Daphne for Port Cornwallis April 21®? 1794.
1 Havildar
15 Seapoys
4 Women
4 Children
60 Convicts
12 Mechanics
1 Child
97 Total
(Signed) Mathew" Smith,
1794. — Ho, XVI.
Port William 2? June 1794. Read the following Letters from Major Kyd Superinten-
dant at the Andamans.
Sup* at Andamans dated 15*^ and 19*? May 1794 Ho. I-
To Edward Hay EsqT Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — A few days ago a small Sloop pnt into this Port, whicli had boon Jdttod out by the
Bencoolen Government, to Convey Public Dispatches to Bengal, but mooting with extreme
bad Weather and the Vessel being in all respects both from lior Oonsjiraction and equipment
unfit for keeping the Sea, in the Bay of Bengal during the Soatli W? Monsoon, tiic Commander
has represented to me the impossibility of his proceeding, I iiave therefore thonght it a
duty incumbent on me to forward this Packet, and liave ordered the Sea horse Brig to be
held in readiness for that purpose and shall dispatch her,ras soon as the W cathcr, which is at
present very tempestuous is Sufficiently Settled.
I am happy to inform you of the Arrival of the Cornwallis Snow, on board of which was
M® Bedduck a Surgeon for the Settlement; As this Vessel left Bengal a considerable time
after the Daphne which has not yet made her appearance, I am miich afraid that during the
late Violent Weather she has Suffered in her Masts, and has been obliged to bear up for
Chittagong or Araoan,
OcTOBEE, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE SVIIIth OENTUETi
419
Tlie Bainy Season has Commenced much earlier than it did last Year, but it has not Set
in with so much Violence and as the people of all classes are much better Accommodated, I am
in hopes that we shall not suffer so Severely by Sickness, altho’ the intermitting Eevers are
already beginning to make their appearance ; we have lost another of the Artillery Men, and
the few men that are left are in so Sickly a State that I have thought it best to Send them
to Bengal on the sea horse.
We have met with a very great loss in the death of M? Heman Clack, our Beach
Master who was a Sober worthy and useful man and who cannot be easily replaced.
I herewith transmit my Account Current with the Company brought up to this period
Accompanied with the Necessary Vouchers, but have not given credit for the Treasure arrived
on the Cornwallis as it has not yet been examined with the Cash that I may expect to get
from individuals for drafts on Government, at the issuing of Pay, I should hope that we shall
have Specie enough for the use of the Settlement, for Six Months from the 1®? Instant.
Indents for the necessary Supply of Provisions and Stores are forwarded by the Commis-
sary and as we shall he deprived of a great many Necessary Articles of Supply both Public
and private, Should the Daphne unfortunately not Arrive I have to request that the Sea horse
may be dispatched with as little delay as possible.
It is unnecessary at this time to Answer Any part of the Public dispatches by the
Cornwallis, „ , . _ ,
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most obedient Servant
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A . Kyd.
16*? May 1794. Superintendant Andamans.
B, S. Accompanying is a List of Bills that I have drawn on Government for Cash
received into the Treasury here which I have given Credit for in my Account Current, only the
last Bill the Cash for which has been received, since the Account was closed.
I have”” the honor to he &c.
18*? May 1794, (Signed) A. Kyd.
Sup* at the Andamans No. II.
To Edward Hay Esqr. Secretary to the Government*
Sir,. — Since I did myself the honor of Writing to you on the Instant Wilson Com-
manding the Bencoolen Sloop who I advised to proceed to the Prince of Wales Island for
which the Winds and Season is favorable has reported to me, that on laying the Vessel on Shore
to Stop her Leaks, he has found her in so rotten a State, that he deems it very hazardous to
proceed to Sea ; without a very Considerable repair, I therefore desired Captain Wales, and
Lieu* Lawrence of the Cornwallis attended by the Head Carpenter of the Settlement to
Survey her; and from their Report of the State of her Hull and Rigging it appears that it
would require a Repair and Equipment to render her fit for the Sea, which it is not in our
power to give. I have therefore desired Wilson to give me an Inventory of her Stores,
and Provisions which I will take charge of, and have permitted him to proceed to Calcutta on
the Sea Horse, on Board of which I[have also sent the Seamen belonging to the Indiamen As it
is most probable that the Owners of this Vessel will have claims on the Company for her
Value, if She is not returned them, and as I am Certain it will be much less expensive to pay
it, than to repair and fit her out, to be sent again to Bencoolen ; I have directed the above
named Gentlemen in Conjnnction with the Commander, to Afhx a Valne upon her ; and by the
next dispatch I will send a Copy of the Survey Report and the Valuation which the Board may
probably think adviseable to transmit to the Bencoolen Government.
420
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAEY.
[October, 1902.
I am very liappy to Acquaint you that the Daphne arrived last Night the great length
of her Passage has been principally owing to her Foremast, having been struck with Light-
ing before She left the Kiver.
I have the honor to be, Sir^ Your most obed^ Serv*.
Port Cornwallis, (Signed) A. Kyd
19*? May 1794, Superiutendant Andamans.
Ordered that the Account Current and Vouchers transmitted by Colonel Kyd be sent
to the Auditor General for examination and Eeport.
The Begister of Bills is to be sent to the Accountant General.
Ordered that a Copy of Major Kyd’s letter dated the 19^ of May relatiog to the Vessel
sent from Fort Marlbro’ be communicated to the Deputy Governor and Council of that
Settlement by the first Opportunity and that a Copy of it be also recorded in the Fort Marlbro’
Proceedings of this date.
1794. — No. XVII.
Fort William 2“4 June 1794. Read the following letter from Lieut? Wells.
Lieut* Wells 13*? May 1794.
To C. Shakespear Esq' Sub Secretary to Government.
Sir, — Yesterday I was honored with your Letter under date the 6*? Instant, containing
the decision of the Governor General in Council upon the Claim which I lately submitted.
I should not have obtruded any thing further upon the Subject, had not the Tenor of your
Letter led me to believe that in justification of the Motives which actuated me in the Transac-
tion, it is requisite I should disavow all Intention of encroaching upon the Rights of Major Kyd,
as seems to have been understood. And that on the contrary, I first addressed him with a com-
munication of my intended application to Government, which he not only approved of but
L did believe, that he had also recommended it to their attention. '
I must intreat yon will do me the favor to lay this Letter before the Honble the Governor
General in Council, as I am most anxious to Stand acquitted in the Judgement of the Board,
of any sinister or mercenary Design. From the nature of my appointment I imagined that
I possessed a Right to Allowances equivalent to those attached to the Duties of the superinten-
dant, whilst I stood in that Capacity ; but I am much concerned to find, by the Award of
Government that I so far misunderstood the nature of my Station, as to have boon induced to
make a Claim which is deemed inadmissible, and I hope these reasons will be accepted as a
Safficienfe apology for the Trouble I have given.
Port William £ honor to be"&c®
May 13*? 1794,. (Signed) Edmund Wells Lieut.
Ordered that Lieutenant Wells be informed that the Governor General in Council entirely
approves of his conduct as Acting Superiutendant at the Andamans during Major Kyd’s absence,
but that the Board could not grant him the allowances of the Station as they had with the
Sanction of Government already been drawn by Major Kyd.
1794. — No. XVIII.
Fort WUliam 80*? June 1794. Read a Letter and its Enclosures from the Secretary to
the Military Board. ^
Sqg^V to the Military Board 23 June X794.
, Edward Hay Esq! Secretary to the Government.
Sir,— I have the honor to enclose two Letters, addressed to the MiUtary and Provision
■ f t nt TTu f approbation of Government, I request may be
forwarded to that Officer by the earliest Conveyance.
October, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth CENTURY.
421
I have further the honor to enclose for the Information of the Supreme Board, Copies of
the two Indents for Provisions, which have been passed, and forwarded to the G-arrison Store-
keeper, who has been informed that he should apply to the Company’s Salt G-olah keeper,
for the Article Salt.
I have the honor to be Sir Your most Obedient humble Servant,
My B4 Officer (Signed) Isaac Humphrys Secy My
the 23rd J une 1794.
Enclosed in the Letter from the Sec^y to the Mily Board 23^^? June,
Indent NTo. 1.
To O'. A. Robinson, Garrison Store Keeper, Fort William.
Names of Stores,
Articles
indented for
For what purposes wanted.
Admitted by the
Board.
Doll ...
... Maunds
50
"N
Ghee...
... T
20
To complete 5 Months Subsist-
^ ence to 138 Convicts at Port
Rice ...
T)o
... .
200
Cornwallis.
Salt ...
Do
20
J
-
Port Cornwallis A true Copy (Signed) Joseph Stokee Acts Corny Provisions.
12*? May 1794,
Indent Mo. 2.
To Lieut G. A. Robinson, Garrison Store Keeper Fort William.
Names of Stores. j
1 Articles
indented for
„ , , , - Admitted by.the ,
^ For what purposes wanted. j Board.
Dholl Maunds
Ghee D»
Eice D?
Salt ... •••
Salted meat ... Casks
100
40
40
80
2
1 -N
i^For the Subsistence of the Settlers
^ at the Andamans,
It is particularly recommended the Ghee may be sent down in Casks or Jars,
Port Oomwallis (Signed) Joseph Stokoe,
12*^ May 1794, Acts. Corny. Provisions, Andamans,
A true Copy (Signed) Isaac Humphrys, Secy. My.
Ordered that the Letters received from Secretary to the Military Board for the Military
and Provision Storekeeper at the Andamans be forwarded by the Seahorse, on her return to
that Settlement,
422
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBEE, 1902 ,
1794. — No. XIX.
Fort William 4*?' July 1794, The following Letters were received yesterday from
Ganjam.
Act? Eesid* at Ganjam 27t}i June 1794.
To Edward Hay Esql Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Accompanying tins I have the honor to forward a Packet for the Honhie the Governor
General delivered me by Captain Mathew Smith Commaader of the Snow Daphne, who
was unfortunately wrecked about Seventy Miles to the Southward of this Place on the
24*'^ Instant, I am happy to add no lives are L^st.
1 have the Honor to be Sir Yonr most Obedient Servant
Ganjam
27*? June 1794.
(bigned) W“ Gortton
Act? Resident,
Capt? Smith 3^ July 1794.
Edward Hay EsqJ Secretary to the Government,
Sir, — Id is with the greatest Ooncern I now address you, to inform you of the loss of the
Snow Daphne which unfortunately happened at 1/4 before 11 P. M. of the 25*j» Inst* pT
Long, about 20 Miles S. W. of Ganjam, I left Port Cornwallis the Instant having on
board 63 Passengers of different descriptions discharged from the Island besides Captain
Barton of His Majesties 73 Rsgt. I had a very good passage across the Bay .and on the
24*’! Instant was in Lafiy 18°. 47 N9ly a very good Dble Altitude, and in Long? by Account
85° . East, by which I was about 31 Miles from the Land not Seeing the land at Sunset,
which may be Seen 15 Leagues off on this pai-t of the Coast induced me to stand on during
the night, it was very clear at Sunset, & I remained myself on Deck till a few Minutes before
10 the water was not at that time in the least discoloured, and at 1/4 after 10 (the Chief
Officer informed me after I got upon Deck) he have a Cast of the Lead and had no ground 35
from [fathom ?] I had 2 Men looking out forward and one in tho Waste at 1/4 before 11 they
Called out Breakers ahead — the Helm was put down immediately, but before She could be got
round, unfortunately She Struck and was soon drove far out of the possibility of being got 'off
by Day light and a little after She was nearly full of Water Every Person on board was got
Safe on Shore in the Morning. The Packet of Dispatches was saved which Mf Gordon has
forwarded in Company with this & I am in hopes to save great part of the Wreck, 1 am happy
to say that I have received every attention and assistance possible from every Gentleman near the
Spot I had flattered myself with the hopes of finishing my Charter Park/ with Government
with Satisfaction to them and Credit to myself but unfortunately it has proved the reverse.
I sincerely hope this unfortunate Accident will bo looked upon by Government in a favor-
able manner, as I assure you all I did was for the best to the best of my Judgement and it has
totally destrojed all my fature Prospeefcs.
I am sir with great respect Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
Ganjam (Signed) Mathew Smith,
27*^ June 1784.
I am now at Ganjam, where I arrived tl.is Morning to make out the necessary Papers
and shall return to the wreck this Evening or to Morrow Morning.
1794. — No, XX,
The following Dispatches from the Superintendant at the Andamans were received with
the foregoing, and Circulated for the Perusal of the Members of tho Board.
Superintendant at Andamans 15*? June 1794,
To Edward Hay EsqT Secretary to the Government.
Sir. - On Examining the Amount of Provisions and Stores Now at thi«
calculating our expenditures, with the Supplies that the two Company’s VeLlsTpL^nt
October, 1902.] THE AKDAMANS IN THE XVIIItk CENTURY.
423
implojed can convey ns, I conceive that the Services, of the Daphne may he dispensed ^ith
I have therefore dispatched that Vessel to Oalcntta, as Speedily as her Foremast could be
replaced which had been Shattered by Liglitnini? on the passage down; in order that She may
be discharged if the Board think fit. On her I have sent Passengers, a few Aiti deers and
Laborers, who the Snrgion have thought it proper to recommend being Sent to Bengal.
I am very happy in having it in my power to acquaint the Board, that altho intermitting
Fevers are yet frequent amongst all the Classes of people, that til© Settlement is generally
speaking mucli more healLliy than it was last Season, which I imagine is principally owing
to the people being better accommodated and the Space they Occupy being some what extended
and cleared of felled timber and decayed Vegetables, which gives hopes, that in proportion as
we clear away the Situation will become more healthy.
I beg you will be pleased to inform the board that I have been honored with their letter of the
21st April and that the instructions therein contained shall be paid the utmost attention to.
I have the honor to be Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant,
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A. Kyd
IS*-? June 1794. Superiiitendant Andamans.
P. S. Accompanying I send a Copy of the letters that have passed respecting the small
Vessel that brought the Packet from Baneoolen to this place.27
1794. — No. XXI.
Fort William 4^.^ July 1794.
Superintendant at the Andamans 15^*1 June 1794,
Colin Shakespear Esq^ Snb Secretary,
Sir, — I hfve been honored with yonr letter of the 1#^ April last, Conveying the directions of
the Governor General in Council, that the Accounts of this Settlement from the beginning of May of
this year are to be kept in Sicca Rupees, which Shall be duly attended to.
1 have the Honor to be Sir, Y'our most Obedient Humble Servant
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A. Kyd
15^? Juno 1794. Supt Andamans.
1794. — No. XXII.
Fort William July 1794.
Mr. Shaw.
Read a Letter from Shaw.
To Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council.
Honble Sir, — The Snow Daphne, Mathew Smith Commander, and owner, in the employ of
the Honble Coinpany to carry Stores &c^, to the Andamans I am sorr}^ to inform your Honble Board
was wrecked near Guiijam, on the night of the 24^.^ Ultimo on her return to this Port.
As tho Constituted Attorney of Captain Smith I have received from the Marino paymaster,
the freight of the Vessel, up to the first day of June, but on application for payment for the Month
of June, the Marine paymaster informs me I must Obtain an order from your Honble Board to
enable him to discharge the freight due.
From this Unfortunate Accident Captain Smith has been deprived of the little property, he is
possessed [of], the Block of his Vessel, not being fully insured, he is a man of good Character and
I believe has given perfect satisfaction in the employ, to Major Kyd.
27 These letters are very long and lave no direct hearing on the Andamans j they are therefore omitted.
426
TEE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBEE, 1902.
Major Alexander Kyd Superintendant at the Andamans in Account Current
with, the Honbl® Company.
Dl
C?
1794
May'
16‘i|
17‘h
Dollars
IS^
To Balance " in liand
as per account
closed yesterday
To Cash receiYedI
from the Treasury
[ of Fort William byj
the Cornwallisl
Snow
To my Drafts on]
Goyernment in
favour of sundry
Individuals as per|
List and Letter of,
advice to Sec^.y|
Hay of this date...
1860
IS?- BsJ
7042
Dollars Rs
15000
1600Q
May
im
24tn
I June!
1
1860
40042
Guns for the Sea Horse ^
purchased by the Orders of Sow
Cornwallis conveyed to me by Cap!
George Robinson as per Bill !N? 1
Paid Sirian Pistano Master of
Pegu Vessel Yams for the r
per Bill ...
Paid Captain
Provisioning
Calcutta on t
Bill
John Wales
Passengers i
N?
July
iBt
Bill
By Sundry Artkdes
furnished
as per En® Stolcoes Bill ... ll'
By Convicts Charges for May
June as per Bill ... h
By Pay of Public Establishmcn
Artificers and Labourers as
Returns and abstracts for I
and June 1
Pay of Gun Lascars for May
June as per abstracts ... J
Pay of the Commissary s Establ
ment Do. Do. Do. ,,, I
May and June
Pay of the Sepoy
May & June as
Abstracts...
1^9
Detachment
per Return t
July
1st
and arrears
as per Bill
per Bill
of Table
Doll«
S? Rs.
...
1090
4
...
150
...
58
2.
...
782
Ill
...
583
••
...
1222
8
1 •••
1
4548
2,
5 -
569
5
d -
1088
15
1*
) »•.
800
10
r
1 ...
r
57
6
1
1 ...
f
4075
6
e
3 -
1
I
6457
10
B
4 »»•
832
i 7
fc
22316
9
1, 1800
17725
. 9
...
40042
! 3
10
Port Cornwallis
February 1®? 1794.
Errors Ezcepted,
(Sig^i ) A. Kyd
Superintendant
Andamans*
OcTOBEit, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XV'III’tH OENTUEY.
Ordered that a Copy of the above Account Current be sent with its Vouchers to the Military
Auditor General for his Report thereon — and that the accountant General be furnished with the
List of Bills of Exchange, enclosed in Major Kyd’s Letter of the is*- Ultimo.
1794. — XXVI.
Sup^ Andamans. Dated 20*? July 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to Government.
Sir, — As the time we had reason to expect the return of the Sea Horse Brig is rather past,
and as we will soon be in want of Many articles of Provision and Stores, I have thought it prudent
to Dispatch the Cornwallis Snow for Calcutta, and have directed the Commissary to transmit the
necessary Indents to the Military Board.
I before requested you would obtain the Governor General in Councils directions respecting the
Dispatch Brig that Admiral Cornwallis left here, I beg now that you will be so good as to acquaint
the Board that I have had that V essel examined and find that she is exceedingly fine and well built
of the best materials and well provided with rigging and all kind of Stores except Sails which the
Admiral carried away — I have therefore bawled her on shore and am proceeding to put her in
perfect repair, and have now indented on the Marine Store Keeper for a Suit of Sails and other little
necessary articles of Stores to complete her for Sea which I hope the Board will please direct to be
complied with — I beg leave to observe that this Vessel will answer for the present purposes of the
Settlement Nearly as well as one of the large Pilot-Vessels — and will not be at more than half the
expence of Sailing — I beg therefore that I may have the Boards permission to fit her out which
shall be done in the most aoconomical Manner. It will appear evident, that if she is even to be sold
or applied to any other purposes of Government, that she must at all events soon be proved
[? moved] from this place when left exposed to the weather without repair she would soon become of
no Value,
I am very happy to have it in my power to acquaint the Board, that the Settlement has as
yet been infinitely more healthy this Season than the last, which I imagine has been owing
to the Rains being less Severe and the People of every class being better accommodated.
Port Cornwallis I have the honor to be
20*? July 1794. (Sigd.) A. Kyd Sup?* Andamans.
The Governor General in Council observes upon the Subject of the above Letter that an author-
ity to Eqxiip and employ the Dispatch Brig was given to Major Kyd in the Letter written to him by
the Secretary to the Government on the 14th of July and that with respect to the Sails belonging to
the Brig, they were sent by the Sea Horse.
But the Secretary acquainting the Board that he has been advised by the Master Attendant
that they were in bad condition, the Acting Naval Store Keeper is to be authorized to provide the
New Sails indented for by Major Kyd. He is also to furnish the other Articles required by the
Superintendant to complete her for Sea.
1794. — No. XXVII.
See^^y to the Hospital Board. 2**^ August 1794,
Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the Secretary to the Hospital Board.
To I. H. Harrington EsqT Sub Secretary,
Sir, — I am directed by the Hospital Board to transmit to you the Enclosed Copy of a List
of necessarys which they have received from Mr. Robert Reddick Assistant Surgeon to the
428
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[October, 1901
Andamans which they request you will lay before the Governor General in Council and to acquaint
him that they beg leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Purveyor to furnish
the necessarys required,
Fort William Hospital Board Office
I have the honor to be &c.
the 2^ August 1794.
( Sig? ) A. Camphell Sec^^
Indent for necessaries for the use of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis.
Madeira Wine
... Twelve Dozen.
Brandy
... Three Dozen.
Arrack
... Three Dozen.
Vinegar
... Four Dozen.
Lime guice (sio)
... Three Dozen.
Stationary for Indents report,
Wax Candles
Twelve Seir.
S ag 0 ••• ••• ••• .»•
... Half Maund.
( Sig? ) Bob! Beddick
Port Cornwallis
Ass* Surgeon.
July 1794.
C Sigd ) A. Kyd
Supd* Andamans.
Hosp^- Office
(a time copy)
the 2^ [Aug.] 1794
C Sig^ ) A. Campbell, Seci’y
Agreed that the Hospital Board be authorized to direct the purveyor to furnish the Articles
Mentioned in the above Indent and to have them sent by the Cornwallis Snow, which will return to
the Andamans in a very few days.
1794. — Ho. XXVIII,
Fort AYilliam 8t^ August 1794. Read a Letter from Lieutenant Wales.
L? Wales, August 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq^'* Secretary to Government.
Sir, — Having left Mr. William Somervill at Port Cornwallis at the particular request of
Major Alexander Kyd, to take Charge of the Dispatch Brig and fitt her out for Sea, until the
determination of the Government became known with respect to her being employed, and under-
standing from you that, that determination is left to Major Kyd, I have the pleasure to infonn you
that he acquainted me, he wished much to put her in Commission as such a Vessel would* be
absolutely necessary to guard against any accident that might happen to either of the other two ; of
course he will equip her on the Sea horse’s amval there ; by which means the Cornwallis under
my Command will be in want of a Second Lieutenant ; will you be so good as to represent this to
the Board, in order that they may appoint an Ofificer to fill up the vacancy.
Calcutta I have the honor to be Your most Obod? Humble Servant
August 1794. (Signed) Jno. Wales.
Agreed that the Subject of Lieuti Wales’s Application shall lie oyer for the present.
(To he continued^)
October, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOESON.
429
A COMPLETE VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE'S HOESOX-JOBSOX OB
GLOSSARY OF ANGLO ANDEAN WORDS.
BY CHABLBS PAETRIDaE. M. A
( Continued from v, ^ 91 J
Colombo; s. V. 182, il, a. v. Coblly Mtisb, 172,
ij ann. 1343: s. y. Ginger, 287, i ; ann. 1672:
V. Trincomalec, 715, ii ; ann. 1777 : v.
Coco-de-Mer, 178, i; aim. 1S34 : s,v» Cabook,
769, ii ; ann. 1860 : s, v. Oabook, 106, i, s. v.
Laterite, 390, i.
Colon ; 569, ii, footnote ; ann. 1510: s.y, Qnilon,
570, i.
Colonbio; ann. 1322 : s, v, Qnilon, 570, i.
Coloquinti ; ann, 1343 : s, i\ Porcelain, 549, i.
Colorado ; aim. 1880 : s. v. Corral, 200, ii.
Coloran ; ann. 1553 ; s,v, Coleroon, 181, ii ; ann,
1718: s. V, Coleroon, 781, ii; ann. 1780 :
s, t\ Coleroon, 181, ii, tivice.
Colnm; ann. 1672 : s. v. Cyrus, 224, ii ; aim.
1698 : s. V, Ooolung, 194, i.
Columba; s. v, Qnilon, 569, ii.
Columbia Root ; ann, 1782 : s.v. Coluinbo Root,
78L ii.
Coliitnbo; 5. V. Berberyn, 63, i ; s. v. Negombo,
476, ii, twice; ann. 1330: s, v. Qnilon. 570,
i; ann. 1517: s. v. Colombo, 182, ii; ann.
1518: s.r. Galle, Point de, 275, i ; ann. 155J:
s. V. Cnlomb'), 183, i, twice; ann. 1747 : s. v
Leaguer, 819, i ; ann. 1778; s. v. Sonrsop (b''.
650, ii ; aim. 1779 : s. v, Columbo Root, 183,
i, twice.
Cobnnbo Root; s. -y. 183. i, 781, ii.
Columbum ; s. y. Colooibo, 182, ii, s, v. Lingait,
394, ii, s. “u. Q'ulon, 569, i and ii ; ann. 1328
and 1348** s- 2 ?. Qnilon, 57,), i ; aim. 1350 :
s. t\ Modelllar, 435, i.
Columbus; ann, 1321 ; s. v, Sup-ira, 663, i,
Colys ; ann, 1666 : b. v, C :oly, 192, ii.
Colyytam; ann. 1498: s. v, Sultan, 656, ii.
Comadres; ann. 1578: s. y. Daye, 233, i.
Conialamasa ; aim. 1578: v. v. Oobily Masli,
172, i.
Comanh; ann. 1799: s. v. Kbasya, 367, i.
Comanian ; «. y. Buxee, 103, i.
Comanica ; ann, 1246: $• v, Mussulman, 462, i.
Coma plank ; ann. 1791 : s, v. Shinbin, 627, i.
Comar ; s, v. 183, i, s. v. Camboja, ann. 1817;
V, Comorin, Cape, 184, ii.
Comavbados; ann, 1552; 5 , v. Cummerbund,
'216/ii.
Oomari ; aim. 1298 ; 5. t\ Comorin, Cape, 184,
i, $, V. Delly, Mount, 285, i.
Oomatee; ann. 1716 ; s, v, Sallabad, 693, ii.
Comatteepoora Forest Road; s, v. Foras Lands,
272, ii.
Comaty ; s, v. Oomotay, 184, ii.
Comaty ; 5 . v. 183, i,
Combaconam ; s, v, Oombaconum, 183, ii.
Gombaconnm; 5 . v. 183, ii.
Oombaconum Sarungs ; 156, i, footnote.
Combalak ; 472, ii, footnote.
Combarband ; ann. 1616 : s. v. Cummerbund,
216, ii.
Combay ; aim. 1727 ; s. v. Loongbee, 396, ii.
C »mhea ; ann. 1506 : s, v. Cambay, 115, i.
Combeia; ann. 1510: s, v, Clioul, 163, ii,
Room, 581, i.
Combly ; ann. 1673 : s, v. Cumbly, 216, i,
Cotnbidi mas ; ann. 3841 : s. -y. Cobily Mash,
172 ii, twice.
C.*mboy ; s. v. 183, ii, 781, ii, s, v, Cambays, 115,
i 5 . t\ P«atola, 520, ii.
Co’ubra ; ann 1622 : s, y. Gombroon, 204, ii.
Comby ; aim. 1675: s. v Tigei% 703, i.
Oomedi ; ann. 1514; s. v. Cael, 108, i.
Cmiedis ; ann. 1514 : s v. Malabar, 412, ii.
Cornel amasb ; ann. 1727 : $,v. Oobilj Mash, 172, ii.
Comera ; ann. 1727 : s Bashaw, 53, ii.
Cvunercolly ; s v. Adjutant, 4, ii.
Comeri; ann. 1567: 5 . v. India of the Fort a-
guGse, 333, i.
Combay; ann. 1543 : s. -y. Oochiu-Ohma, 174, ii.
0>minhara ; ann, 1563 : s. v. Benjamin, 65, ii.
Coni| ; aim. 1505 : s. v. Narsmga, 474, i.
0,*mlika ; ann. 1520 : s. y. Nanking, 472, i,
C >mley ; a^'in. 1781 : s v. Cumbly, 216, i.
G uiimerbiint ; ann. 1638 and 1648; s, v. Cum-
merbund, 216. ii.
Commercolly ; s y, 183, ii.
Cnmmeroolly Feathers ; s. v. 183, ii.
Commel mutch ; aan. 1813 : s. y. Oobily Mash,
172, ii.
Ootnmeros ; ann. 1598 : s* v. Palankeen, 503, ii*
Commissioner ; s. v, 183, ii, twice ; aim. 1871 :
s. Collector, 182, i; ann. 1880 : 5. y.Eura-
sian, 262, ii.
430
THE INDIAN ANTIQUABY.
[October, 1902.
Commissioner, Chief ; s. v, 184, i, 4 times.
Commissionersliip \ s, v. Cone an, 189, ii.
Gommitty; aim. 1627 : s. v, Gnmaty, 183, i,
Commoriiio ; aim. 1615 : s. v, Pesoaria, 531, i.
Como ; aim. 1474 : s. v. Bazaar, 56, ii,
Comolaiiga ; ann. 1510: s,v. Conbaliiigua, 189, i.
Oomolinga ; ann. 1690 : s.v. ConbaLngua, 189, i.
Oomorao ; ann. 1614 : s, v. Gombroon, 294, ii,
twice.
Comori ; aim. 1572 : s. v, Comorin, Cape, 184, ii.
Oomorim ; ann. 1572 ; s» v, Beaclala, 57, ii.
Comorin ; s. v. Bison, 73, ii, s, v. Coast, The,
172, i, s, V. Comar, 183, i, twice, s. v. Coro-
mandel, 198, ii, s. V, Macoa, 454, i, s. v. Red
Cliffs, 575, i ; ann. 1511 : s, v, Kling, 373,
ii; ann. 1514: s, v. Gael, 108, i, s, t\
Malabar, 412, ii ; ann. 1543: s. v, Ohilao,
777, ii ; ann. 1544: s. t’. Tuticorin, 721, i ;
ann. 1549 : s. v. Malabar (B), 413, i ;
ann. 1552 : s, r, Beadala, 57, ii, s. v. Canara,
118, i, twice ; ann. 1553 : s, v. Concan, 189,
ii ; ami. 1554 : s, v. Jam, 810, i; anu. 1563 :
5. V. Eagle-w'ood, 258, ii; ann. 1572 : s, v,
Beadala, 57, li, s. v, Comorin, Cape, 184, ii,
3 times ; aim. 1598 : s, v, India of the Por-
tuguese, 333, i j ann. 1689 : 5. v, Gallevat (d),
277, i ; ann. 1763 : s. v, Collery (n. p.), 182,
i ; ann. 1770 : v. Hindostan (a), 316, ii ;
ann. 1789 : s, v, Circars, 171, i ; ann. 1803 :
s. V. A Muck, 15, ii; aim. 1810 : s. t?.
Lubbye, 399, ii; aim. 1817 : s, v, Comorin,
Cape, 184, ii, twice ; ann. 1881 : $, v. Tutico-
rin, 721, ii.
Comorin, Cape ; s. v, 184, i, twice.
Coraorinum ; ann. 1544 : s. v, Badega, 34, ii.
Comoro ; s. v. Ginger, 286, ii ; ann. 1553 : 5. v,
■ Zanzibar, 746, ii.
Cohiory : ann. 1600 : s, w. Pescaria, 531, i.
Comoryn ; aim. 1562 : s, -y. Beadala, 57, ii ;
arih, 1691 : s. v. Galle, Point de, 275, i.
Comotmj ; aim. 1553 -y. Oomotay, 185, i;
Coraotay ; " s. y. 1B4, ii; ann. 1552 : s, y. Biir-
ranipooter, 101, ii ; aim. 1596: s. v, Cooch
Behar, 191, i.
Compadore ; ann. 1810 : s* y. Compradore, 189, i.
Company; s. y. John Company, 811, ii ; ann,
1803: s. y. John Company, 811, ii, twice.
Company’s Rupee ; s, v. Rupee, 586, i (footnote)
^ andii, $, w. Sicca, 632, ii, twice, s, y, Pardao,
840, u
Compass; s. y. Kiimpass, 378, ii, twice.
Compendor ; ann. 1840 : s,v. Compradore, 189, i.
Gompetition-w^ala ; s. v. Competition- wallah,
185, i.
Comjietition-walla ; s. y. Walla, 739, ii.
C ompetition- wallah ; 5 . y. 185, i, 781, ii; ann.
1864 and 1867 : s, y. 185, ii.
Competition -Wallah ; ann. 1878 : s, y, 185, ii.
Oomp:dore ; ann. 1754 : s.y. Compradore, 188, ii.
Compodore ; s. v. Compradore, 188, ii.
Compost ; ann. 1877 : s. v. Compound, 188, ii.
Compound ; s. v. 186, i, twice and footnote, 186,
ii, a, b and c (3 times), 187, ^ii, twice, and
footnote, 188, i, 781, ii, s. y. Ohiiichew, 154, i,
s. y. Durwaun, 256, ii, see 263, ii, footnote ;
ann. 1679 and 1696 : s. v. 782, i ; ann. 1772 :
s. V. 188, i ; ann. 1779 : s. y. Aya, 759, i; ann.
■ 1781 (twice), 1788 and 1793 : 5. y. 188, i ; ann.
1810: s. V, 188, i (twice) and ii; ann. 1817
and 1824 (twice) ; s. y, 188, ii ; ann. 1848 :
s. y. 782, i; ann. 1860: s, y. 188, ii ; ann.
1880 ; s, y. 782, i.
Comprador ; 5. y. Compradore, 188, ii ; ann.
1615 : s, V, Compradore, 782, i ; ann. 1782 :
s, y. Compradore, 189, i.
Compradore; s, y. 188, ii, twice, 782, ij ann.
1533, 1711 and 1760-1810 : s. y. 188, ii; ann.
1789 : s. y. Butler, 102, ii; ann. 1876 : 9, y.
189, i, twice : ann. 1882 : s. y. 189, i (twice),
s. y. Gumshaw, 217, i, s, v. Shroff, To, 630, ii.
Compradoric ; s. i\ Compradore, 782, i,
Comprar ; s, v, Compradore, 188, ii,
Oompudour ; ann. 1785 : s. i\ Compradore, 189, i.
Oomsas ; ann. 1598 : s, y, Bctteela, 68, i.
Oonacap)nlam ; ann. 1544: s. Oonicopoly, 190, i.
Coiiakapulcs ; aim, 1726 : s y, Oonicopoly, 190, i.
Ooiiant ; 5. v. Canaut, 118, ii, s. y. Snrrapurda,
666, ii.
Oonbalingua; s, y. 189, i ; ann. 1554: a. y.
Brinjanl, 87, i.
Concam china ; ann. 1516 : a. y, Cochin-China,
174, i.
Concan ; s, v. 189, i, 9. i\ Bamboo, 40, ii„ s. v.
Birds’ Nests, 72, ii., s. y. Bora, 80, i, s, v
Ghoul, 162, ii, ,9. y. Oorcopali, 196, ii, y.
Coromandel, 399, ii, s, y. Hilsa, 314, ii, $.
Custard- Apple, 221, ii, s. y. Deccan, 233, i, s,
y. Hendry Kendry, 314, i, 5 , y. Jarool, 345, ii,
s, y. Tana, 681, i ; ann. 1300 : s. y. Malabar,
412, i; ann. 1391: 9 , y. Goa, 290, i; ann.
OCTOBEB, 1902]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
431
1552 : s Oanara, 118, i, twice ; ar*n. 1553 :
5, 2?. 189, ii; ann. 1810: s, z?. Lubbye, 399,
ii ; ann. 1813 : .*?. v* 189, ii.
Concanese; ann. 1552 : s. v, Oanara, 118, i.
Concani ; ann. 1885 : s. Guana, 803, ii.
Concb ; ann. 1873 : s, v. Pial, 533, ii.
Concha; s. v, Coco, 175, ii ; ann. 1781: s. v,
Kunhur, 379, i.
Conch-shells ; ann. 545 : s. v. Chank, 141, i, 5. v.
Cauvery, 135, ii.
Condanore ; ann. 1753 ; a. v, Soiiba; 649, ii.
Condapilly; v Circars, 170, ii,
Conde ; ann. 1681 and 1726 : s. v. Candy, 119, ii.
Condrin; ann, 1615 : s. v, O^iidareen, 119, ii,
Conecopoly ; s. v. Boy, 83, i.
Confirmed ; s.y, 189, ii ; ann. 1866: a. 2^.189, ii.
Confucian j 628, i, footnote.
Confucianism; ann. 1878: s. v, Shintoo, 628, i.
Con-fu-tzee ; ann. 1788 : s. v. Mandarin, 422, i.
Cong ; s. V. Oongo-bunder, 782, ii, 3 times ; ann,
1683, 1685 and 1727: s. Oongo-bunder,
783, i.
Conga ; ann. 1705 : s, v. Oangue, 771, ii, twice*
Conga ; ann. 1705 : s, v, Cangue, 771, ii.
Oonganies ; ann. 1803 ; s, 2 k Lascar, 389, ii.
Congee ; s. v. 190, i, 782, i, twice ; ann. 1673 :
s. V, 190, i ; ann. 1784 ; s. v. Mulligatawny,
456, ii.
Congee-House ; ann. 1835 : s. v, Conjee-House,
190, ii.
Congeverain ; s, v, 782, ii.
Congi-tnedu; ann. 1753 : ,9. z;. Oanhameira, 772, i.
Congimer ; ann. 1753 : s> v, Oauhameira, 772, i.
Congo ; ann. 1553 ; s. z?. Fetish, 267, ii ; ann.
1598 : s, V. Cayman, 136, i ; ann, 1665 : s. v.
Sofala, 646, i ; ann. 1673 : s. v» Bassadore, 53,
ii ; ann. 1677 : s. z?. Oongo-bunder, 783, i,
4 times ; ann. 1726 and 1745 : 3 . v. Bohea,
691, i; ann. 1747 : s. v. Bussora, 769, i;
ann. 1772 : s. -y* Hyson, 691, ii.
Oongo-bunder ; a. z?. 782, ii.
Oongoed ; ann. 1696 : v. Oangue, 120, ii.
Congoes ; ann. 1727 : s. v, Oangue, 120, ii;
ann. 1765: a. v, Canongo, 121, i.
Congou; a. z’. Tea, 691, i, 692, i.
Congoun ; ann. 1727 : a. y. Oongo-bunder, 783, i.
Gongue; ann. 1653 : a. v. Oongo-bunder, 783, i.
Oonicopoly; a. v, 189, ii, 783, i ; ann. 1694 :
8 , V. Salaam, 593^ i ; ann. 1719 : s, v, Gentoo
(b), 281, ii.
Conimal ; ann. 1501 : s. v. Caiibaineira, 771, ii.
Conimere ; a. v. Caiihameira, 771, ii.
Conjee ; a. v. Congee, 190, i.
Conjee caps ; ann. 1781 ; a. z?. Banyan (2),
49, ii.
Conjee-House ; a. V 9 190, ii.
Conjee Vorani ; ann. 1G80; a. v. Congeveram,
782, ii.
Conjemeer ; ann. 1727 : s.v. Oanbameira, 772, L
Conjeveram ; a. v, Dravidian, 2-51, ii, a. v,
Palaveram, 504, ii, s, v. Perumbaucum, 531,
i; aim. 1679 : a. v, Triplicaue, 716, i,
Conjiveram ; ann. 1680 : a. v. Aumildar, 759, i*
Conker ; a. v. ILunkur, 379, i.
Conkur ; ann. 1809 : a. v, Kunkur, 379, i,
Connab ; a. v, Kbaniia, 366, i, twice ; ann.
1784 : s, V. Bungalow, 99, i.
Connajee Angria ; ann. 1727 :$,v, Hendry Ken-
dry, 314, i.
Connaught ; a. v, Cauaut, 118, ii.
Connaut ; ann, 1825 : a. v. Canaut, 118,ii.
Counegoe ; ann. 1758: s. v, Canongo, 772, i.
Connestabel ; ann. 1059 : a. v. Cassowary, 131, i.
Connymere ; ann. 1727 : a.z?. Oanbameira, 772, i*
Connys ; a. z?, Oawney, 136, i.
Conquenijs ; ann. 1552 : a. v, Oanara, 118, i*
Gonsoo ; a. v, 783, ii.
Consoo House ; a. v. 190, ii,
Constantinople ; a. v. Arsenal, 27, i, a, v. Oacouli,
106, ii, a. V, Caique, 109, ii, s, v. Carat, 123,
ii, a. V. Cheenar, 143, i, s, v. Chicane, 146, ii,
a. z^. Coffee, 179, i,.s. v, Hulwa, 327, i, a, v,
Kareeta, 363, ii, see 466, ii, footnote, a, v.
Boom, 581, i, see 608, ii, footnote, a. v.
Shaman, 620, ii, a. v, Tope-khaua, 713, i ; ann.
1332 : a. v. Umbrella, 725, ii ; ann. 1541 :
a. V. Peking, 526, i ; ann. 1553 : a. v. Boom,
581 , ii; ann. 1554: a. v. Sherbet, 625, ii ;
ann. 1555 : a. v. Boom, 581, ii ; ann. 1560 :
a. V, Goolail, 802, ii ; ann. 1563 and 1616 ;
s, V. Boom, 581, ii; ann. 1615; a, z;. Tobacco,
705, i ; ann, 1618 : s. v. Cossack, 203, ii; ann.
1637: a. z;. Coffee, 180, i; ann. 1648: a. p,
Goa, 290, ii ; ann. 1673 : a. v. Pyke (a), 567,
i; aim. 1683: s. r. Gour (c), 298, ii ; aim*
1687 : a. v, Tope-kbaiia, 863, ii ; ann. 1737 :
a. V, Overland, 495, i ; ann. 1782 : a,
Muxadabad, 463, ii.
Constellation Junk ; a. v. Junk, 360, ii.
Oonsuma ; a. v. Kbass, 366, ii.
432
THE INBIAH ANTIQUARY.
[OCTOBEPw, 1902.
Consumali ; s. 190, ii, twice, 783, ii, s. v,
KhawsaiTca, 366, i; ann. 1782 : s, v. Ayah, 31,
ii, a. V. Zenana, 749, i, s. v. Kitmutgar,
814, ii.
Consu'ner ; 8, v, Coasnmah, 190, ii.
Consummah ; ann. 1782: s. v. Bheesty, 765, i.
Conta ; ann, 1791 : s. v. Baboo, 759, ii.
Contenijs ; s, v. Cattaiiee, 224, i ; ann. 1648 ;
8. i\ Alcatif, 7, i.
Convolvulus Batatas ; s, v» Sweet Potato, 672, ii.
Convolvulus batatas ; s. v. Country, 206, ii.
Cooch ; s, v» Sunyasee, 662, i.
Cooch Azo; s, v. 191, ii, 783, ii.
Cooch Behar ; 8. v. 191, i, s.^^ Comotay, 184, ii;
ann. 1590 : s. v. Burrampooter, 101, ii.
Coochuclc ; ann. 1759 : s. v, Purwanna, e564, i,
Coo-ee ; s. v. Hoowa, 324, i.
Cooej ; 8. V, Cucuya, 215, i.
Cooja; 8. -y. 191, ii ; ann. 1883 : s. y. 19], ii.
Cook-boat ; ann. 13G0 : s v. Pulwah, 558, i.
Cookie Mountains ; ann. 1763 ; s, Mimnee-
pore, 827, i.
Cook-room ; s. v, 191, ii ; ann. 1758 : s, v, 191,
h ; ann. 1784 : 8. v. Pucka, 555, ii ; ann.
1878: 8. V, 191, ii.
iCoolcurnee; 8. v. 191, ii ; ann. 1833: 8. v,
Ramoosy, 573, ii.
Coolee ; ann. 1860 ; 8. v, Poligar, 544, i.
Coolees ; ann. 1616 : 8. Cooly. 19 J, ii; ann.
1813 and 1817: 8. v, Cooly, 193, i.
Coolen ; 8. v. Coolung, 193, ii, twice.
Cooley; ann. 1681 : s. v Dustoor, 793, ii; ann.
1711 : 8. V, Hummaul, 327, i ; ann. 1755 :
8. i\ Cooly, 103, i; ana. 1860: s, y. Gow,
299, ii.
Cooleys ; ann. 1711 : s. v, Cooly, 193, i.
Cooliccy ; s. v. 191, ii ; ann. 1784: 8. y. 192, i.
Coolie ; ann. 1825 and 1873: s. v. Cooly, 193,
ii; ann. 1876 : 8. y, Jenny rickshaw, 351, i,
twice.
Coolies ; 8. V, Bhcel, GO, ii, 8. v. Boy (b), 83, i,
8. y. Batura, 231, i ; ann. 1673 : 8. y. Boy (b),
84, i, 8. 27, Cooly, 193, i, twice ; ann. 1680 and
1755 : 8. 27. Coo'y, 193, i ; ann, 1789 : 8. v.
Eangy (a), 46, i; ann. 1815 : 8. v, Bish, 73, i ;
ann. 1867, 1871, 1873 and 1875: 8, v, Cooly,
193, ii; ann. 1882 : 5 . v, Conipradore, 189, i,
8, 27, Flying-Fox, 271, ii.
Coolin ; s. 27. 783, ii.
Coolitcayo; ann. 1784 : 8. v, Cooliccy, 193, i.
Coolpahar ; 8. 2 ?. Seer, 611, i.
Coolung ; s. v 193, ii, twice, 783, ii.
Cooly ; 8. 27, 192. i (4 t’mes) and ii, s. 27. Mate,
430, i, 8. 27. Ramasameny, 573, i, see 609, ii,
footnote, 662, i, footnote, s. 2 ?. Tazeea, 688, i,
8. 27. Typhoon, 722, i, 8. 2 ?. Dangur, 788, i,
8. 27, Numerical Affixes, 832, i ; ann. 1675 :
8. 27. Firefly, 798. ii ; ann. 1716 : 8. 27. Roundel,
583, i; ann. 1780; 8. y. Pariah, 515, i ; ann.
1789 : 8. 27. 193, i ; ann. 181G: 8. 27. Tiff, To,
701, i ; ann. 1875 : 8. 2 ?. 198, ii.
Coombie ; ann. 1809 ; 8. y, Hummaul, 327, ii.
Coomkee; 8. 2 ?. 194, i.
Coomky ; 8. 2 ?. Koomky, 375, i.
Coomry ; 8. 27. 194, i, 8. 2 ?. Coomkee (a), 194,
i, 8. 27. Jhoom, 351, ii.
Ooonemerro ; ann. 1680 ; 8 . 27. Canhameira,
772, i.
Coonoor; 8. 27 . 194, ii.
Coopees ; 8. 27. Piece-goods. 536, i.
Cooraboor; &nn, 3680: s. y. Canhameira, 772,i.
Coorg; 8. y. 194, ii, twice, 8. y. Dravidian, 251,
ii, s. y. Pagoda, 499, ii.
Coorge; 8. y. Gorge, 197,1,
Coorsy ; 8. i\ 194, ii. 783, ii.
Ooos-Beyhar; aim. 1791: s. y. Cooch Behar,
191, il
Goosumba; 8. y. 194, ii.
Ooolub, The ; s. ?\ 194, ii.
Copal va; s. y. Wood-oil, 741, ii.
Coital; 8. y. Uaminer, 228, h*, twice, 5 . y. Jackass
Copal, 339, i and ii, boih twice.
Oopang ; s. v. Tael, 675, ii ; aim. 1813: 8. y,
Macc (b), 4' 5, i.
Copara ; ann. 1711 : 8. y. Maund, 432, i.
Copass; ann. 1753 : s. y. Capass, 772, ii.
Copcedv ; 8. y. ]95, i, 8. v, Tanga, 682, ii ; ann.
1655 and 1783 : s, y. 195, ii j ann, 1838 : 8. y.
Budgrook, 768, i.
Copera ; ann. 3727 : s, v, Coprah, 196, i, 8. y.
Jaggery, 3^J3, i.
Copha ; ann, 3628 : 8. y. Coffee, 179, ii,
Copbine ; ann, 1555 : 8. y. Horse-kceper, 324, ii.
Coppersmith; 8. y. 195, ii ; ann. 1862 and
1879 : 8. y. 195, ii ; ann, 1883 ; 8. y. 196, i.
Copra; 8. y. Coco, 175, ii ; ann. 1563, 1578,
1598, 18C0 and 1883 (3 times) : 8. y, Coprah,
196, i.
Coprah; 8. y, 196, i.
Copra oil ; ann. 1578: 8. y. Coprah, 196, i.
October., 1902.]
MISCELLANEA.
433
Copt ; s, V, Mamid, 431, i ; aim. 1838 : s.
Afghan, 5, i ; ann. 1867; 5 . v. Soodra, 647, ii.
Coptic ; s, V, Supal-a, 663, i.
Coptis Teeta ; s, v, Marairaii, 419, i.
Coq de Tiirquic ; ann. 1653 : s, v. Turkey, 864, ii.
Coq-d’Inde; ann. 1653 : s, v, Turkey, 864, ii.
Coq dTiide ; 5 . v, Turkey, 719, ii*
Coque ; 5 , v. Coco, l75, ii, 5 , v, Coprah, 196, i.
Coquer-nuts ; ann. 1598 : s. v. Coco, 176, ii.
Coquer nutt ; ann. 1678 ; s.v, Coco-de-Mer, 178, i.
Coquo ; ann. 1498-99 and 1561 : s. v. Coco, 176,
i; ann. 1598 and 1690 ; s. v. Coco, 176, ii.
Coquodrile; ann. 1328 : s. v. Crocodile, 213, ii.
Coraal; ann. 1672 : s. v. Corral, 200, iijann.
1726 : s, Corle, 197, ii.
Corabah ; ann. 1800 : s. v» Carboy, 125, i.
Coracias Indica ; s, v. Jay, 349, i.
Coracle ; s, -y. Caravel, 124, ii.
Cora^on; ann. 1563 : s. y. Opium, 489, ii, s. y.
Tola, 707, ii.
Cora^one; ann. 1525; 5 . y. Eoom, 581, i, s. y.
Sind, 634, ii ; ann, 1563 : s, y. Hindostan (a),
316, ii, §. y. Mogul, 486, ii.
Coraconi; ann. 1563 : 5. y. Tola, 707, ii, s. i\
Nizamaluco, 830, ii.
Corah; s. y. Piece-goods, 536, i; ann. 1786 J
5 . y. Allahabad, 8, i.
Coralls ; ami. 1880 : s, y. Corral, 200, ii.
Coral-tree; s, y. 196, ii,
Corassam ; ann. 1550: 5. y. Kizilbash, 815, i;
ann. 1559 : s, v, Kuzzilbash, 380, i.
Coraygaum; ann. 1803 : 5 . y. Pucka, 556, i.
Oorchorus capsnlaris ; 5 . y. Jute, 362, i*
Corchorus olitorius ; s, y. Jute, 362, i.
Corcopal ; ann. 1510 : s. v, Corcopali, 196, ii.
Corcopali ; s. y. 196, ii.
Cordova olives ; ann. 1563 : s. y. Jamoon,
843, i.
Corea; s. y. Ginseng, 288, ii ; ann. 1614: 5,y.
Peking, 526, i ; ann. 1627 : s, y. Monsoon,
442, ii.
Oor^an ; s, y. Numerical Affixes, 832, i and ii ;
ann. 1617 : Satsuma, 602, ii.
Corfu ; s. y. Firefly, 268, ii,
Oorg ; ann. 1615 : s, y. Beiramee, 61, ii, s, y.
Gorge, 197, i, 3 times.
(To be continued.)
MISCELLANEA.
A MODERN INSTANCE OF THE BELIEF IN
WITCHCRAFT.
BY SIB RICHARD 0. TEMPLE.
Ik 1875, No. 2021 (now ex-convict), PedataJa
Lachigadu arrived in Port Blair from Madras as
a life- convict for killing an infant with arsenic
while trying to poison a man. The character sent
with him was that he was a poisoner and a person
skilled in witchcraft.” In 1900 he was abso-
lutely released and allowed to settle in Port Blair
as a free man, under the rules- relating to well-
behaved convicts. As long as he was a convict
his proclivities seem to have been dormant, but he
returned to his old habits of practising witch-
craft ’’ as soon as he was released. At any rate,
his neighbours considered he had done so, for, in
March, 1902, 1 received the following petition
from them, through the Officer in charge of the
Garacherama Sub-division, in which they resided.
The petition is given verbatim, and so is the
evidence collected by this Officer, in order that
students may have the facts as presented to me
unvarnished.
It may be noted that the person charged with
witchcraft is a Madrasi. The petitioner himself
is a Bengali, and all the witnesses named are
North-country Indians, including one Musalman,
Babd ‘All, the rest being Hindis. These North-
country people knew the South Indian wizard by
the name of Lachhmana. I need hardly say that
villages in the Penal Settlement of Port Blair are
made up of the most» mixed population possible,
drawn from every class, caste and nationality
in the whole Indian Empire, and many persons
are only able to converse with neighbours in the
peculiar variety of Hindustani, which has become
the lingua franca of the Settlement.
From the evidence it would appear that the
strict and noisy performance of religious cere-
monies and a reputation for witchcraft are all
that is necessary to constitute a village wizard in
India, combined, of course, with a more or less
open assertion o£ magical powers. So wily a
personage as the life-convict ordinarily is would
be sure to take advantage for his own. benefit of
suck a situation;
434
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHT.
[October, 1902.
Petition.
Tlie most humble petition of ex- convict
No. 15037 Mun^ of Protheroepore Tillage. Most
respectfully Sheweth That your poor petitioner,
in behalf of the following villagers of Protheroe-
pore, respectfully begs to state that petitioner and
other villagers are in great trouble by the mis-
chieves and misbehaviors of one Laohhmana, who
is well known as a native medicine-supplier to
the people and a magician.
That his usual habit is to say publicly that if
some presents are not made to him he will make
them sujffer a great loss (by sickness) by mantar
[incantations] and hMts [spirits], and people
thus being afraid, give him whatever he wants : —
for instance he [the petitioner] gives below a
few examples showing how he [Lachhmana]
compels people and forcibly derive money from
them
(i) If any man’s cow calf he (Lachhmana)
will go to him and tell him to give him
the milk of the newly-calved cows,
otherwise he will deprive the cows of
the milk by his mantars, etc.
(ii) That he openly tells to the women,
seeing their infants somewhat uneasy,
‘‘ That your children have been trou-
bled by evil ghosts, shaitdns [devils]
and hhMs, and if he [i, e., you] will
give me money (for sacrificing hen
or goat and presenting pUja [cere-
money of worship] for evil ghosts, etc.)
I win soon relieve them of all the
troubles, else they will die”; and these
ignorant women, believing his state-
ment, soon give him what he wants.
That most of good milch cow have
been died and still fell sick by his
(Lachhmana’s) wickedness.
That since one H^ji Ksg?lm of G-araeherama,
whose fame had obtained a wide spread in the
Settlement and who was noted as a great magi-
cian and poison supplier, has been punished,
no one came forward to gain the same fame but
the above named Lachhmana.
That he being a low caste man and shows him-
self a big pandit or Brahman by using sankh^
noise both in morning and evening, and women
and rude people being frightened by his threaten-
ing deeds, that he will make all shaitdns and evil
ghosts to attack on them, who are in his (Lachh-
mana’s) possessions by means of mantarsy magic,
etc., use to give him whatever he demands.
^ Blowing a conchy
As people are in great trouble or distress on
account of this wretched man in the village ;
therefore, petitioner respectfully prays that, after
recording the separate statement of the following
villagers, your honor will do justice in the case by
removing him from the Settlement, for his being
a mischievous great magician and dishonest and
troublesome man, as they cannot bear to live
further with him. And for which act of kindness
and charity petitioner shall as in duty bound ever
pray.
His X Mark.
Signature of petitioner.
Dated 7th March, 1902.
Statements of Villagers.
Bal'd — on Solemn Affirmation, states that
accused since his release defies everyone and
states he can do anything he pleases; he perfoirms
p'djd and dries up the milk of cows belonging
to those villagers against whom he has a grudge.
Bdmd, No. 1 7922 convict, — on Solemn Affiim-
ation, states that all he knows about the accused
with reference to the charge is, that he blows a
conch {sanhh lajdtd hai) at nightfall.
Dhulldf No, 13219 ex- convict, Solemn
Affirmation, states, his wife spoke to accused about
doing pdjd and asked him to stop doing so.
Accused thereupon got angry with his wife
and made her ill for a month. When she got
a little better, accused told her that it was he that
had caused the illness. She is not quite well yet.
Dkannu, No. 13235 ex-convict, — on Solemn
Affirmation, states, accused since his release has
been a regular plague to the village. He has
stopped the cows from giving milk, and does
nothing, but abuses everyone. All are afraid of
him.
Singh, No. 18863 ex-convict,-^ on Solemn
Affirmation, states, everyone is afraid of accused ;
he makes the cows of the village ill and
turns their milk into blood and dries them
up. He gets intoxicated on MH [toddy], and
abuses every one; he performs and if re-
fused a glass of milk when asked for, he threatens
to harm the cows of those who refuse. He is a
plague to all villagers.
Padnd, No. 18635 ex-convict, ^ on Solemn
Affirmation, states, accused quarrelled with him
and threatened to burn him up, and blow him
away from the earth. He is therefore vej-y
frightened. Accused always performs pilgd.
I 2 A local settler, who has never been a convict.
October, 1902.]
NOTES AND QUERIES.
435
Sannidsi, No. 20620 ex-convict ^ — on Solemn
Affirmation, states, accused abuses everyone in
the village and threatens to burn everyone in
the village one by one ; he perforin piijd, and
intimidates everyone in the village. He was all
right until released.
Female Edm Ddt,^— on Solemn Affirmation,
states, that accused took a dislike to her and made
her ill by making jad'd [magic] against her. He
also stopped her cows from giving milk.
Edm Khildwan,^ — on Solemn Affirmation,
states, he knows that accused performs jpdjd^ but
knows nothing else about liim.
Notes by the Sub-Divisional Officer.
Accused denies the charge and states it is a
false and unjust one. He states he prays to his
gods morning and evening and does ptija, but
he has never done anyone harm or intimidated
anyone.
Enquiry from the chaukiddr [village watch-
man] and the rest of the villagers concerning
this man elicited that they all admit that accused
performs ^"djai but beyond this he has never
done them any harm. Accused has resided ten
years in Protheroepore Tillage/ and bears a good
character.
NOTES AND QUERIES.
HINDU CHILD MAEEIAGES.
{Part of a Petition sent by a prominent Bombay
Citizen to the GaeJcwar of Baroda,)
The practice of selling their daughters
or own girl offisprings prevalent amongst the
various Hindu communities of Gujarat,
Kathiawar and Cutch for the time, circum-
stances, and status of the social conventionalism
have reached to such a climax that, unless some
thorough and substantial arrangements towards
reformation be not made, the corruption would be
too heart-rending to describe. TTe daily come in
contact with numerous fresh examples of innocent
daughters falling prey to the giant custom, and
heartless parents offering them as sacrifices
before the altar of their discontented avarice. Is
there no remedy for er.adicating this most dis-
graceful and cruel custom ? Could anything be
done towards the amelioration of the degenerat-
ed and disgraceful state of the country and the
people wherein this giant and inhumane custom
of Kanaya-Vikraya is prevalent ? Hundreds
and hundreds of instances can be quoted and
verified in which poor innocent girls have been
cruelly thrown into the abyss of destruction and
ruin by their money-loving parents amongst
several Hindu communities inhabiting the above-
mentioned parts of the country. Is not this prac-
tice an open dealing or trade in human life ?
The sale of girls practice, in many parts of Guja-
rat, Kathiawar, and Cutch, is worse than slave-
trade, which has been prohibited by our benign
British Government. When we practically see a
girl of eight or twelve years offered as bride by her
cruel avaricious parents or nearest authoritative
relatives to the highest bidder, never mind what
his age maybe, fifty, sixty or seventy, what do we
s A free woman, never a convict.
* A free man, never a convict.
think of this practice or transaction, which is in
vogue at present and comes daily under our
observation ?
It is neither a religious necessity nor a
stringent duty to be performed in accordance
with the Shastras i but, on the contrary, dis-
posing of girls in such a way for money ecnsidera-
tion is strictly prohibited by the Shastras, This
is simply a prevailing practice made available for
the satisfaction of self-interest by low-minded
avaricious parents amongst many Hindu com-
munities, but which is abhorred by other respect-
able and more intelligent persons of the communi-
ty, though allowed by them to pass off unprotested
for want of joint co-operation with a Luther-like
start. Hundreds of girls, as soon as they are sold
in marriage, have to deplore the loss of their old
husbands, fit to be their grand-fathers, in the
prime of life, and many a widow is pining in
loneliness and sorrow on account of this most
barbarous custom. All the refined men of educa-
tion and intelligence pity these scenes, which
are most horrible to depict. Corruption is rising
to its extreme, and has overstepped the bounds
of morality. Sins reproduce sins, immorality and
degeneration reign throughout in such communi-
ties : no alternative left ; no redress given ; Nature
must predominate. It is not necessary to he more
explicit. The sins of commission and results
ensuing from such enforced child-widowhood
may be more easily imagined tb^jan described.
Generally, persons marrying on a third or fourth
occasion are well-to-do and they can only afford
to pay high prices for girls, and the consequence
is that these rich widows, in a very short time
after the death of their husbands, are led astray
by some self-interested and debauch erous persons,
6 J. e., first on ticket of -leave and then as a released
(ex“) convict.
43G
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[O'OTOBEIl, 1902.
and the crimes they commit ai’e horrible to
describe. The cases of infanticide are so nu-
merous in such communities, that, if careful and
stringent enquiry were to be made, the result
would be most horrible and terrible. The root |
and cause of all this catastrophe is the prevailing
custom of Kanaya-Vikraya, sal© of girls in
marriage by their parents. A girl amongst
sucli comm unities is considered to be an article
of trade, viewed by the parents as a price-fetching
jewel, by the brokers or mediators as a commo-
dity for speculation, and by the buyers as a thing
liandy and at the command of their money. Can
we not safely attribute the emaciated condition,
unhealthy constitution, and premature deaths to
this glaringevil,observed in various communities
in which this cruel, immoral, and inhumane prac-
tice of selling girls in marriage, without the least
consideration being paid to the equality of age,
is prevalent ?
DESTEMALS, SG-ARDEEBERAL, &c.
In Mandelslb’s Travels (1638), speaking of
Pat an in North GujarS-t, we read, — ^The city of
Pettan was formerly more than six. leagues in
circumference, and was defended by a good free-
stone wall, which is now ruined in many places
since the trade began to fall away. The inhabit-
ants are for the most part Benjans, and are
engaged in making silk-stuffs for home use, and
cotton cloths, but these ai'e coarse, and only such,
as are called Destemals, sgarderberal, longis,
Allegiens, &c.’
The translation of this passage in Harris’s
Collection of Voyages and Travels (fol. Lond.
1744), Vol. I., p. 765, is very slip-shod, and omits
altogether the names of tlie cloths. Col. Yule
does not seem to have used Mandelslci ; but longis
is simply long-cloth {hongi)i — can any one iden-
tify and describe destemals, sgarderheraly and
Allegiens ? Alleja is, perhaps, the same as Alle-
giens (Yule, p. 756).
In Yan TwisPs Generate Besclirijvinge van
Indien (Amsterdam, 1648), p. 16, the same state-
ment occurs in Dutch: indeed, Wicquefort and
Ogilby seem both to have copied fi'om this woi-k,
which is valiiiable for the information it affords
respecting Gujarat in the early part of the 17th
century. There we read “ De Inwonders . . .
haer gheneerende met het maeeken van alderl'ey
gyde Hoff en ; . . . mede vallen hier schoone
Pettolen ofte syde Chindes, mlfcsgaders eenighe
groove li jnwaten, als Oestemaels ofte neusd'oee-
1 A world- wide superstition. In the Hebrides a child
bom with a tooth, or which out its first tooth in the upper
ken, . . . Tulbanden, Bgaderberael, Longis,
Allegiens, &c.”
Here we have Oestemaels or * handkerchiefs^
where Wicquefort has Destemals — evidently for
the Hindustani Dastmal ; and Tulbanden is
‘ turbans,’ — but Sgaderberael is unexplained.
J. Burgess.
Edinhurgh, 6lh March 1902.
THE ORIGIN OF THE SUTHRA SHAHIS.
The story goes A boy was born with its teeth
already cut and its parents exposed it, as a child
so born is unlucky.^ The tenth Gurfi of the
Sikhs, Hargobind, happened to find the child,
and told his disciples to take it up, but they
refused, saying it was Imthrd, or dirty. The Gurfi
replied it was suthrdi or clean, and they then
obeyed. This boy was the founder of the Suthr^,
Shahi Sect.
This story is noteworthy as showing how
unlucky children were exposed, or possibly
given to faqirs. The poet Tulsi Das was born
in Abhukta-mfila, at the end of the asterism
Jyeshtha and in the beginning of that of Mfila,
and he was in consequence abandoned and prob-
ably picked up by sddMts, The Jogis, according
to one legend, originated in a similar way.® For
another instance in Kumaon Folk-Lore, cf. Satur-
day Beview, May 12th, 1877 {North Indian Notes
and Queries, III. p. 30). It would be interest-
ing to know how far the various sects of
faqirs are recruited from unlucky children,
or from children vowed to the gods.
The above notes suggest a point for enquiry.
Are unlucky children devoted to the gods ? If
so, is a child born Under particular circumstances
devoted to a particular deity ? For example,
would a child born with its teeth ah-eady cut be
ipso facto dedicated to any special deity or in the
Panjab to theSuthra Shahi Sect ? The Panjabi
custom of giving an unlucky child to a Brahman
and then buying it back again may have ori-
ginated in this way.
Further, is there any custom by which children
are vowed to a deity, or to (what perhaps comes
to the same thing) the sect ot faqirs or devotees
who worship that deity ? There is one well-
known instance of such a custom in. the Panjab
according to the received explanation. But is
the custom general ?
11. A. Rose,
Superintendent of Ethnography, Funjak
22nd AprU 1902.
3 aw, will be a bard. Folk-Lore, March, 1902, pager 33.
Mwfe, Yol. XXII. p.265.
Novembbb, 1902.] PROGRESS OP BXOATATIONS AT PATNA.
487
REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OP EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA,
BY BABU P. O. MUKHABJI.
REPORT No. I. — DECEMBER, 1896.
I REACHED Patna on the 7th December, 1896, under orders from Government, with general
instructions to consult Mr. Mills., P. W. D. Engineer, from time to time. Making a prelimi-
nary inspection and studying Dr. Waddell’s Report and other papers on the subject, I commenced
work on the 11th, on the south bank of the Kallu PokhrA, KumrAhar, where I traced vestiges
of old brick-walls ; and on the 13th, excavation was commenced on the north-west corner of the
Ohatnan TalAo, KumrAhar, where some brick-walling, which appeared to be rotten, being as
soft as the surrounding earth, was exhumed before long. On the 15th, I began excavating the
mound known as Laskarl Bibi; so called, because her grave crowns it; where, on the
second day, I came down upon some walls. Being successful so far, I made bold to break
ground on a fourth mound, about a mile south of the Bankipore Railway Station, where,
on a preliminary visit on the 17th, I saw two large stones (sandstone of the Chunar type),
which appeared to be rough-hewn architraves, belonging to some buildings, most probably of
the Asoka period. A letter from Dr. Waddell directed my attention to Buland BAgh,
Sandalptir, where, in 1895, a colossal capital, carved with ornaments of the Asoka period, was
found. Here I commenced excavations, as also at the held and garden on the south of the
Chaman Talao, where, under a big tamarind tree, I saw a carved coping stone (Pig. 1) that
originally belonged to a Buddhistic rail. ^
2. ' -f
COP/JViSi ston£
The excavations at these places fully occupied my attention all the month ; for keeping
in view my intention to produce the best results at the least cost, I guided the workmen daily,
and did not allow them to dig nnnecessarily, for which reason the contractors grumbled. The
contract system did not satisfy me, the coolies breaking bricks and small relics now and then,
and the contractors being careless, my strict injunctions notwithstanding; so 1 soon had
recourse to daily labour. I had no time to explore other ancient sites, except the DargAb. and
iihe JaxuunA Dhih, west of the Bankipore Railway Station.
The extensive Darg^h, which stands on the high gx’ound, on the
north side of the large and rather sacred tank, called GunsAr or SAgaXi
appears to contain several relics of the Manryan period. In the passage
of the inner entrance I saw the carved side of several raild placed npside
down, I secured two rOlies here — one a rail post, with a husband and
wife in an amatory attitude under a tree carved, and the other a winged
but headless lion, whose tail, now gone, was that of a makara (crocodile).
On a mound west of the Dargah, which is crowned with some Muham-
madan graves, is a tall pillar of stone, nicely carved with ornaments,
which is inscribed with shell characters, that are known to have always
marked the As6ka and Gupta monuments.
The results of the excavations.
I-
The mound, which contains the grave of Daskarl Bibl, showed walls on its
north-eastern face on Jihe second day of excavation, which, however, yielded pure earth above
488
THE mDIAE ANTIQEAET.
[Notembee, 1902 .
and below. Tbia fact shows that this stupa was originally formed of earth, and that subse-
quently some walls were added at the middle height to strengthen it, and probably also to.
mate small cells for the Buddhist monks to live in, or perhaps to serve as shrines for the-
statues of the Buddha. Close by is a large well, apparently ancient, whose diameter is 9' 6" ;
and on the north is an elevated piece of ground, rectangular in plan, which also contains some-
Muhammadan graves. The sketch plan and section below (Fig. 2) will make my meaning
clear.
I YfffAffA
I
I’inding tlie Laskari Bibi mound to be not so promising as tbe others, I stopped work at.
this point. Close to the Laskari is another mound* at Jaglpurft, whence a carved stone
of the Asoka period was exhnmed in 1895.
II.
The large mound, about a mile south of the Bankipore Station, was opened ; the two archi-
traves, and a large wall with cross ones, was brought to light. Altogether this field appeared
to be very promising. But as my excavations began to damage the standing crops, I had to
stop work.
III.
The &ird place of excavation was at Bul&ndi Bftgh, Here two portions of a large terrace,
or rather two tenjaices, I e<, brick floors^ Were cleared ; aixd a large brick-«wall, which appeared
to be massive, was touched*
Kotember^ 1902.] PROGRESS OP EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
4S9
IV.
The fourth place, yielding important resnlts, was at Zumrfthar. The following rough
sketch plan from memory (Pig. 3) will serve to illustrate my descriptions.
0
yV AfUHAMMAOAN
r
1
I
\
rffASMtfiTS OF
ASOKA ML I, A A j
G A A DEN
-b
WELt,%^^WtN&
WALLSi iHSftOE
" RAVl llvAy*^' '
Commencmg with the southern portion of the sketch map, I drove a trench, north to south
at right angles to an old one, dug in 1895, in the garden of the headman of the Kumrahar village.
Below 10 feet I found portion of a large wall, made of bricks, each 1' Y X 0' lO*' XO' 4^^ in
dimensions. The portion of the wall exhumed was 8 feet in length by about 4 feet in breadth.
Clearing round it and going down further about 2 feet I found clear earth, and no continuation,
^ t • t 1 - cs-T ;3 irrlio-J- “n*. OT^i^ T ■Hi/vnirlif frt T\& ma.-nf
440
THE INDIAN ANTIQDAEY.
[Notbubbb, 1902.
On the sontb. of tbe yillag©* not shown in the sketch, is a large earthen well, inside which
is visible a brick-wall about 8 feet below tbe present level of the ground. In a new well
close by, which was then dug,’ a bluish- white sandy earth was found about 12 feet below the
surface, which belongs only to the bed of the Ganges. This fact shows that one of the channels
of this river used to flow over this spot at some prehistoric period. And just below this Ganges
silt, when the sub-soil water was reached, that is, at 19 feet, was found a block of s^?-wood
rotten with age, which might have belonged to the palisade of Palibothra (Pataiiputra)^
mentioned hy Megasthenes. I secured some pieces of it for the proposed local Museum, In
the neighbourhood were other indications of ancient remains.
North of the garden, where I found the wall of the MCauryan palace, 1 came across
a terrace or brick floor, about 36 by 10 feet, two feet below the present field, which 1 cleared.
And just West of it, and under a big tamarind tree, was a very interesting piece of coping stone^
which once crowned a Buddhistic railing surrounding a stupa, most probably the one mentioned
by Hiuen Tsiang. This coping stone was carved on one face with three human figures, three
birds and two trees — now worshipped by the villagers as a sylvan deity (see Fig. 1 above).
‘So it was not possible to secure it for museum purposes. That the stupa was here is evident,
not only from what the Chinese traveller recorded, but from the arohseological indications,
traceable in this place and its neighbourhood.
V.
On the north-west of the Chaman TcdAo (see Fig. 4), I went deeper into an
excavation of 1895; and, cutting in different directions, north and south, east and west,.
I brought to light some walls composed of large bricks, the purpose of which is not yet clear.
They were
10' 6" below
the west
side mound,
down which
1 went 4' 3*
deeper, as
shown in
sketch sec-
tion below.
Below three
%
feet or so, t
in the mid-
dle of the
west hank,
was a brick
terrace, 13
O*' X 13' 0%
whose end
walls were
not then
discovered.
Going about
7' 6*' down
still, I came
across what
appeared to
he a floor,
just above
some thing
which look-
ed like an
a r c h e d
drain. Dig-
ging 4' 3'
PILLAR
EXCA VA TfON
November, 1902.J PEOGRESS OP EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
U1
I also cleared anoilier terrace on the west of the Chaman Talao (flower-tank), where,
in 1895, long trenches were cat without apparently any definite results, but the walls were
not found.
VI-
The most important results were obtained from the excavations on the south bank of the
"Kallu Pokhra, where a portion (consisting of a number of rooms or rather cells) of a viMra
or of the out-houses of the palace were brought to light. The construction was peculiar ; for,
as will be seen in the sketch plan on Plate I., double walls and projecting bricks at the foundation
were visible. Assuming the two parallel walls on the south to be those of a drain, it did not
appear to be continuous, and there were others also parallel to the cross and the northern walls.
So that the di’ain theory cannot hold good, and I cannot yet explain them otherwise. The
meaning will most probably be clearer on extending the area of excavation, which was then
already about lOO X 20 X 15 feet on the average. There were three kinds of bricks — one was
1 _ 6 X 0 — 111 X 0 — 1|"; a second was 3 — 6 X 0 — 11| X 0 — 2|" ; and a third, which
was on the higher portion of the walls, was smaller in every dimension than the other two.
The larger of the bricks were not four-square, but were curved like a bow, owing probably to
age and to unequal pressure from the superstructure, of which the roof appeared to be gabled
and tiled. Each tile had a hole in it to hold what appeared to be a knob on that immediately
below it. This kind of filing is not prevalent in Bengal at the present day, so far as
I have seen.
Midway and just below the lowest brick of the northern
wall, I discovered a large but semi-circular piece of an As6ka
pillar in granite, of which the surface appeared to be quite
fresh and polished. Innumerable other fragments of smaller
size were also found, though no inscribed portion was secnred.
The diameter of this portion of the shaft appears to be 2' 4",
and the existing girth (presumably half) is 3' 5|". From the
position of the pillar I concjnde that the structure was built
subsequently to the breakage of the As6ka pillar, which act
of vandalism, we learn from Hiuen Tsiang, was performed by
Raja Sasanka IDSva in the 6th century A.B.
Position of the ASSha pillar relic
under the foundation walL
Finds-
I secured a few coins and many other interesting things, beads, terra cottas, But
unfortunately I only recorded the main results up to the 31st December 1890.
A relic from Kumrdhar,
{To be continued*)
442
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Notbmber, 1902.
NOTES ON A, COLLE'OTIO:sr OP EEOALIA OF THE KINGS OF BURMA
OF THE ALOMPRA DYNASTY.
BY SIR BIOHARD C. TEMPLE.
Wre^ In Mandalay from 1837 to 1890, I procured a native drawing, showing all the
Begalia of the Court of King Thtbaw set out in, the orthodox order. To each article
was attached its name, and there were also notes on the dates when some of the articles were
added to the Kegalia. Afterwards, when. I found that there was a convict carver at Port Blair,
who had been about the Burmese Court and was well acquainted with the Regalia, I took advantage
of his presence to have the whole of them carved for me in model to scale by him and other convicts.
These Notes are made with a view to illustrating the collection of models and also in the hope that
further information will be forthcoming about them.
In the drawing, the Regalia are arranged with the Throne in the centre and in front of it a row
of flags and fans. This may be called the- central division. The other articles are arranged on
either side of the Throne on the right (le^ydlaw) and left {liwedom). Level with the Throne on
either side stand the umbrellas and great fans. In front of these, in two rows. separated by railings,
are placed on either side a number of miscellaueous articles of household use.
I give below a list of the articles with their names in the vernacular, with the traditional
translation as explained to me, and here and there a note. I shall be very much obliged if any
reader of this Journal will be so good as to communicate further information^ or corrections of that
now given. The subject is of some interest, and knowledge of it at first hand is not likely to survive
for many years more.
i;
Le’^ftdaw — Royal Bight Handi.
TJfnlrelVis — Tihyudaw — Boyal White Utnhrella,
Kambu Tibyudaw (Pali hampa, (?) trembling).
Sinda Tibyudaw (Pali chanda^ moon).
KambuiTibyiidaw Tham6gda Zalingaw (P. kampa, plus samuddachhalanga^ (?)
ocean of the six qualities).
Withagyo Tibyudaw (P. Visakrum for Visvakarma, the celestial architect — vide
ante, Yol. XXVII. p. 325),
Large- Pans ;
Ya’madaw', Great Royal Fan.
Do. do. do, do.
Begalia of 1188 B. E. (1826 A. D.).:
Pandaung-gyi, Great Flower-vase.
Kadaung Kungwet, Betel-box (with a glass and 2 bowls).
Nagagan Kungwet, Dragon Betel-box.
Salingya-gyi, Great Candelabra.
Salingyil-nge, Pickled-tea Bowl.
Kunlaung-gyii Betel-box (with packets of betel).
Kungylit Thongzin, Three-tray Betel-box,
Kundaung-gyi, Great Bfetel-howl.
to
I
WOVEMBEE, 1902]
REGALIA OF TRE KINGS OF BURMA,
443
Beoond Ltne^
Nanswc ok, Pickled-tea Bowl.
Maglingaya, Begging-bowl (P. Makara, Gapucorn).
Obyit, Water-vessel.
Tliauky^-tiii, Water-pot stand
Pyado, Scent-box (over this is wiitten “mas/i?”)*
Tagaung, W ater-vessel.
Palji, Golden Bowl
Begalia of 1227 B. E. (1866 A, B,);
Myddu, Flower-pot.
Do, do. (over these two is written “ masht).
11 .
Centre.
3finffandaio — The Boyal Throne,
Fans :
Tkt, FAn,
Do. do.
Do. do.
Do. do.
Flags — Alan — (Y6k, Emblem) :
Myaukybk Shw8niyanag-alkn ; Gold, Monkey.
Galonyok Ngw^Rn . Silver, Eagle (P. Garuda).
Balijy6k Awabyau-al5i.ii : Pale-yellow, Demon.
Daungy6k AlSia-net : Black, Peacock,
Chiutheyok Al&nzeng ; Green, Lion.
Smy6k Al^n-ni : Red, Elephant.
Nagaybk Alanwa: Yellow, Dragon.
Ill,
liS’wedaw’ — Boyal Deft Hand.
Umbrellas — TtbyHdaw — Royal White Umbrella.
Kanekkad5in Tlbyudaw (P. kanaka^ gold).
Thiiriya Tlbyddaw (P. Suriya, Sun),
Padumk Tibytidaw (P. paduma^ lotus).
Thamudi Tiby&daw (P. samuti^ (?) uplifted).
Large Fans :
YVmkdaw, Great Royal Fan,
Do. do. do. do.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[November, 1902.
Ui
Regalia of 1188 B B. (1826 A. D ) :
Let'tmgyil Kungwet, Pillow and Aim -rest.
Olimthegan Kungwet, Lion Betel-box.
Ivunlaung-nge, Small Betel-box (witb packet of betel).
, Tbalat, Begging-bowl (over this is written “
Tbalm-myauug, Emit and Food Vessel.
Tbit-tamg, Pot for the nyaungbin (B6dbi) tree.
Kyat-sha, Rice-bowl
Second Line,
Kby^mn, Stand for tbe Queen’s shoes.
Panat, Stand for tbe Ring’s shoes.
Thorny t)bt, Yak’s tail Fan.
Tb^n-hlet, Silver Spear,
Taungw^, Sceptre.
Cbinthegan-kayti, L’on Tea-pot.
Obyit, Water-vessel.
MSdauk, Chin-rest
Tidbndiigyt Khy^lingaw, Olothes-stand (P. Udandachhalmga, the three staves of
the SIX qualities).
Regalia of 1227 B E. (1S66 A. D.) ;
Myud,l, Flower-vase.
Do, do. (over these two is written “ masM
Tlie date for the acquigition of some of the Regalia is ascertained as follows : Over the
second row of tbe articles on either side is a note, which occurs twice on the left side. It runs thus
in the Burmese ,-^Iedmdp^yct sadotta Myo-de Mintayii Wtet 1888 TcM Unit thing ^ which I take to
mean acquired in 1188 B. E. (1826 A D.) m the time of the King that built the fourth City of
Ratanapnra,” i, e , King Bftgyida'W (1819-37), who lived at Ava or Ratanapuia. The other date
is found in a note written ovei the four myudd or flower-vases oti eitlier side of the throne. The
Burmese runs thus • — Khamedaiv pyinzamd Thinga-yanddin Mintayd leHet 1227 IM hnit thing,
which I would render by “acquired m 1227 B. E. (1865 A. D.) in the time of the King who
convened the Fifth Synod as a royargift ” This was Minddn Min (1862-’78).
The word “masA?, ’ written over some of the articles, means, I suppose, that they were missing
when the picture was drawn. I fancy the picture was drawn as a memento foi some official, who was
responsible for the proper place of each article,
There are 58 articles m the Regalia altogether.
THE TULA-KAVERLMAHATMYA.
BY G. K. SUBBAMIAH PANTTJLU.
OHArTER II.
(Continued from Yol, XXX,, p, 408 )
0 T>habma Vabma t the glrtteri^ Agastya, having heard the truth-speaking HarKchandra,
began thus to address him from the midst of the sages of the land :
Your question is very exoeUent. Is it possible for any other than Vishnu to talk in ghmrm
terms of the attamment ^ final beatitude of the man who, after bathing, reads or hears a chapter or
a sma of TuU-MmnMdtmya ? Ton were able to gam the friendship of the wise by good deeds
lewedaw— left hand.
oo<^^a^ Qj|Ca0O^
Large White Umbrellas to
the Left of the Throne;
November, 1902.]
THE TULA-KAYERI-MAHATMYA,
445
la a prior incarnation. Friendship with the wise is the result of good deeds, the study of sacred
texts, the perfoimance of viafds m a good many previous existences. This friendship would lead to
the rare pleasure of hearing incomparably good stones, which would put an end to the three kinds of
sins. This in turn would lead to clearness of the mind, by which we would be able to meditate and
centralize in the hndaya hamala all our thoughts about God. Once meditation makes one come face
to face with God, what cannot possibly be attained by harmaa innumerable. 0 King I you have at
present therefore attained maJeU by this friendship^ with the wise, I shall narrate to you in detail
Tulft-KAvdrl-MftMtmya which be pleased to hear.
On both sides of the Kftvdrl the river is flooded with images of Siva as cosmic manifester, etc
The pools formed on the banka of the K/iv^ri are sacred streams m themselves, and the sand and
stones are angelic hosts. The K&vSri which rises m the Sahya mountains is therefore the best of
all rivers. It is unattainable by men generally. Of what avail are other Jearmas while this is able to
lead us to the unattainable mdksha. Many a sacied stream joins it in the TuM month. It rids us
of the five greatest sins and gives us the phala of the aiwamidha (horse-sacrifice). The angels, the
pitns^ the great sages and others extol to the skies the K^vSri in the Tula month. Who bathes in
its sacred waters for three days, is nd of all his sins and on the threshhold of Vaiknnta (Paradise).
He will be worshipped in the Brahmal6ka. Any small gift given to a good person in a good time leads
to great results. Any gift therefore of rice and water in the Tula month multiplies a million-fold,
and a Vedic text says that any oblation offered to the pitns in the shape of nee, ardddha, or water
with sesamum seed lasts as long as the world. Brahma and other gods, the Seven Mothers, the
Apsaric hosts, Sarasvati, Lakshmi, Gonrt, Indrani, B6hmi and other feminine angels make it a point
to bathe daily in the waters of the Kav6rl in the TuU month. In days long gone by Brahmd has
created the Kfivdii, the best of sacred streams, to bestow on mankind food and final beatitude.
Whosoever bathes in the Tuh\ month in the sacied waters of the K^vdil, the representative of all the
sacred streams of the woild, his parents and father-in-law attain m6ksha. The bath leads to the
forgiveness of all sins. The men and women born on its sacred banks are the chief enjoyers of
multitudinous pleasures. Moreover, its animals, birds, trees, worms, etc., get m 6 k 8 'ha as soon as its
fine soft cold bieeze falls on them. What doubt is there, therefoie, for people who bathe in it with
hhakti to get moUJia ? Is it possible for SSsha, who is able to narrate anything in detail for a thousand
years, to tell its sacrednoss ? I shall theiefore i elate to yon hnefty about it.
Is it possible for any othei than the thousand-mouthed Sesha to talk of the elegance of education,
the sacredness of the 'Ihilasi, of the Ganges, the fasting on Ekadasi day, the worship of the idol of Siva
by Ihilasi ? Listen with mute attention to all that I tell you about the sacredness of the KSvSri.
Meditating on the KavSri, chanting its various names, seeing it, lieaiing while others are mentioning
its name, touching it, bathing in it, etc., are the result of a life of meditation in many previous
existences. It is only possible to Hari to talk of its sacredness to those intent on bathing in its
crystal transparent waters.
As among rivers, the Ganges, rising from the lotus-feet of Vishnu, is regarded the best, the
Tulasl amongst flowers, the filkadaS day amongst vraids, the five great sacrifices amongst yajms,
mental clearness amongst clear things, Madhava amongst the gods, the omhdra amongst sounds, the
G&yafcri amongst Tnix.ntvas, the 8 d 7 fi(x amongst the Fedots, Sankara amongst the Budras, ArunthaU
amongst Brfihman wives, Bamfi amongst womankind, feeding amongst gifts, the moon amongst the
planets, the sun amongst ladiant objects, saciifice of the mind amongst sacrifices, charity amongst
friends, japa amongst tapds, worship of Vishnu amongst worship generally, married life amongst
dsramas, the Brahman amongst castes, the earth amongst patient objects, the Brahmasthra amongst
Asthras, Sriranga amongst sacred places, Ramasdtu amongst the purifiers, the PurvshaSukta amongst
the Suktas, Kamadh^nu (the angelic cow) amongst cows, Krita Yuga amongst the Yugas, learn that
amongst sacred streams the E^v^rl is the best. Chanting the Ganges, seeing DhanuslikaiJ,
hearing the story of Bamtl, meditating on the Kaveri — these lead to muktit The tract of counti^
lying between BamasStu and Mount Kailas, which is one hundred thousand yojanaa long and nine
446
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHT
[November, 1902.
thousand yojanas broad, is known as Kamuc land and would load to a life of virtue. The others are
intouded only for enjoyment.
Human life is the result of good deeds in many a thousand prior incarnation, And by good deeds
done in miUione of pievious human existences a man becomes a dvija, i.e, twice-boin. Consider him
an ass who, after attaining human life, the most difficult to attain, does not bathe in the KMn The
man who constantly bathes in the KAvgii in the TuU month need not be troubled with other
v)aids, etc. By bathing once m the KavM he becomes as Nar&yaija. There are expiations for any
shortcomings in othci vraids A tUshnim bath, even without a mantra or any myama, rids one ot
all sms committed m seven foimer births If the same is done with myama, the parents for seven
generations attain mdUha, and the bather reaches Han. Eising in BrAhma Muhdrta^ in the early
morn, meditating on Han, cleaning the teeth withfloweisin the hand, chanting the KJverijWoishipping
Eaiiganlitha, teUing the Aghama?,Jiam Suita, bathing in its sacred waters, after sipping watei thrice,
using on the bank, weanng a clean white cloth, with sacred ashes on the forehead, performing the daily
ablutions, one should heai the story patiently, after worshipping the Brahman well versed m narrating
the Pur dm.
The people should all assemble at a particular spot, and with mute attention prepare an elevated
seiupulously clean seat with a fine soft clean cloth on it, should take the best of Brahmans,— a subduer
of the senses, a patient man, a subduei of anger, an ever-clean person, a man well versed in the
Vfdas and Vedanas, a man fondly bent on healing the Vedanta, an observer of the Dhaima Sastras,.
one well conversant with the Ptir^flos, one extremely diligent, one heading always in the path of
virtue, — and adorn him with new clothes, new jewels, sandal, etc. They should consider him to be
no other than the great VyAsa, and with hands uplifted should prostrate before him and inform him
of their desire to hear the KdvSii MaUimya Have mercy on ns therefoie and make us attain final
beatitude. From beginning to end, attention must hold them mute.
The bath in the Kfivdri must be taken with a myama, as one otherwise is utterly useless.
If one IS unable to maintain a myama, he may take a iMshidm bath. A bath taken in the proper
way leads to the attainment of evarga. Anointing the head with oil, sleeping in the day, shaving,
beetle-chewing, partaking of the food of the less virtuous, copulation, friendship with the vicious,
useless cant, sleeping on a mat, using forbidden vegetables, receiving of gifts, taking meals m a
stranger’s house, going on a journey — all these aie forbidden. Kihhmdnda, embylic myrabolan,
Bengal gram, gram, ddl, drum- stick, cucumber, etc., etc , eating in a plate, snpper, eatnig stale food,
eating at dusk, of fried food, of the remnants of food eaten by boys, cold rice, of milk of a she-bufialo
and sheep, of bad food, of food not consecrated to the gods, of food which is a feminine remnant, ot
food filled’ with hair, hdddla remnants, Sfidia lemnants, — all these must be rejected by the bathers
in the KAvdri. As mdlsha cannot be got except by hard and often painful application of the physique,
these niyamas must be observed A partaker of forbidden food with a sense of strong desire m him
becomes a pig. There is hardly any doubt that the person who bathes in the KavSrl, void of all
desire and of the enjoyment of previously enjoyed objects, obtains muhti. Even a non-niyamic bath
Purges a mau of all Ms sine.
This mnndane existence of ours, saturated with urine, etc.^ i& a mere bubble. Yama always
pouncing on ib 3 j.i'a of ours lying in our body. 0 King ! Morning and evening are devourers of our
life-time, ^^e must seek for the attainment of mdJesha while the senses, etc., are in order and while
the body is easily pliable. I tell you over and over again not to waste the day. While saoied streams
aie available, m the pleasant winter season, one must give up the devil like sleep, rise very eaily m
the morning and bathe in the waters of the K^vSri. I raise my right hand and hammer my thoughts
into you. The KkvhU ^hich would rid you of all sms, flows on forever Its waters, therefore, are
capable of yielding excellent lesults unattainable otherwise.
So said sage Agastya to King Harischandra, Dalbhya to Dharma Varma, and Sflta tp Saunaksk
(Tq be conhmei.)
November, 1902 ] FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES
447
FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
BY M. N. VENKATASWAMI, M.B A.S , JMT.F L S.
(Continued from Yol. XXX, p, 200,)
No, 18 — The Nymph of the Wire Hill,
A kiu^ had two wives * the elder wife brought forth no children^ so he built a separate
palace a mile distant from him for her, and lived with his younger wife, and waited, but ihe
also had no issue. ** What is the use of my waiting ? thought he, and, handing over the
kingdom to the minister to be governed in his name, he set out to a forest. In the forest there
was ail anchorite practising austerities. He saw^ the king and asked him
Where are you going, 0 King ? ”
I have married two wives. Neither of them have borne any offspring, and so leaving my
kingdom, I am going to distant countries.**
“ Why should you go to distant countries ^ There is a mango-tree yonder; you climb and
pluck three mango fruits and give them to your wives. They will bring forth children,”
said the anchorite.
Accordingly, the king went up the tree and plucked as much fruit as he chose, but only
three mangoes remained with him. Again he went up and plucked as much as before, but
only three remained, and for the third time he went up the tree and plucked much fruit,
but, strange to say, only three remained : and with these he returned to his country and gave
them to his young wife. The wife ate the fruit and threw the peel and the seed underneath
her cot.
Now it was the duty of the senior queen’s maid to go to the younger queen’s palace and
bring provisions — wheat, rice, vetch, &o, — every morning for her mistress, and, as usual, the
maid-aervaiit went the morning after the arrival of the king and saw the mango peels and seeds
underneath the young queen’s cot.
“So the king has brought nice fruit and given it to his younger wife, but nothing to the
elder one,” thought she, and as she got the food she put the mango peels and seeds under the
grain and came to her mistress and said ;
“ See, Lady, the king has brought such nice fruit. He gave it all to his younger wife, and
nothing to you.”
“The younger wife is near him and so he gave her the fruit. I am at a distance, and so he
gave me nothing,” said the elder wife with great calmness, and, taking the seeds, broke them
and ate the kernel and gave the husk to her mare.
In due course the king’s younger wife, the senior wife, and the mare became
pregnant, and in their season the king’s younger wife brought forth two sons, the
senior Wife gave birth to a tortoise and the mare to a foal. The senior queen was very-
very kind to her offspring ; she would make it sleep on her cot and nurse it tenderly. Now
the tortoise was no other than a human being of tender years, and when all the people
were asleep he used to come out of his tortoise covering, and, taking food from the vessels,
would eat thereof and then go to the D6v6ndraI6ka to learn. For a long time the
queeji and the servant-maid were very much perplexed as to what became of the food in the
vessels.
“ This won't do. The thief must be caught,” said the queen, and, cutting open her finger
and boring a little hole in a Ume, put her finger into it and went to sleep.
448
TES INBIAE ANTIQUARY.
[Notembee, 10<T2.
The lad stirred out as usual, put away the tortoise- coveriug underneath the cot, and, par-
taking of some curry and rice, went to B^vtndralfika. His mother, smarting from the pain of
her finger, soon awakened, and got up and found that the tortoise had gone. Her grief had
better be imagined than described,
“ The gods gave me a tortoise, and 1 did not despise the gift ^ And now the tortoise
is taken from me,” lamented she, and commenced searching about the palace and found
a tortoise-covering.
- I understand now,” muttered tke queen, my child has gone somewhere. He will
come back soon ” With these words she tore the covering to shreds and went to her
slumber again.
Presently the lad returned and could not find the covering and so he aroused his mother.
She got up, took him in her lap, and, impressing sweet kisses on his cheeks, upbraided him
“ Sonnie dear, you have been hiding yourself for so long and have never shown yourself to
these sinful eyes even for a day.’ ’
“Make me a box, mother dear,” said he, “and in it keep my food. That shall be my
habitation for a season, because luy coveiing is tom ” His mother did as she was bidden, and
the lad stayed in the box, receiving his education in the HSvendraloka.
Meanwhile the king’s two sons received their instruction at the hands of a good Pandit.
One day the minister said to the king* “The palace could be made charming beyond
measure if only we possessed the Nymph of the Wire Hill;” the king at once began to long
for the unattainable, and became extremely uneasy, and, refusing food and drink, laid himself
down on a cot in great depression of spirits. The younger w'lfe got ready his bath and food
and came and asked her husband to get up and take his bath and food.
“ No, I do not want any,” said he. She entreated him with tears, but it was of no avail.
“ I do not want anything” was all he would say to his wife’s entreaties.
In the meantime the princes came and approached the king and spoke : “ 0 father dear,
what ails you ? why are you so depressed ^ what do you want ? what can we do for you? ”
“ If you bring me,” said the king, ** the Nymph of the Wire Hill, 1 will look on you as
brave men. If you don’t, I’ll have your heads ofi, and I’ll hang them on the gateway of the
fortress.”
Immediately the two princes set out, and the son of the senior queen also wanted to
go ; and when she questioned him, “ Wliy do you go, Soimie dear ^ you are so beautiful,”
“ I must go, mother,” he replied ; “ if the Nymph of the Wire Hill is not brought to him, my
father will die. He has refused fcod and dunk. My brothers cannot bring her. I must go and
bring her.”
The queen thereupon applied some lamp -black to the boy’s face in order that he might
appear dark, and he set out on his winged horse, wishing his mother farewell. In due course
he came to a city where the water, which issued from the baths of the daughter of the reigning
king, formed into a large stream, and the princess had set up a pillar in it with an insoription
to the efiect that she would marry him who would jump across the stream. The two
princes had been there, but after reading the insciiption had said, “Who could jump so large
a stream,” and had forded it and passed on. But the third lad examined the stream, and, saying
to himself that it only issued from a bath, spurred on his horse at it, and in the twinkling of an
eye leapt across it.
The princess, who was looking on from her balcony, observed the feat and said to her
father ;
“Two young men have forded the river and a third one, who is following them, jumped
across the stream. He is to he my husband, *
Noyembeb, 1902 ] POLKLOEH IN THE CENTRAL PROYINOES.
The kmg spoke by way of reply : “ I saw the two young men myself. They are beautiful.
Patting them aside, you say that the dark boy is to be your husband.’'
** Don’t say that, father. He is my husband.”
The king sent his minister to call the young man.
“ I won’t go to the kmg unless the two young men who preceded me come also,” replied
the prince, and the minister sent for the young men.
“ What business has the king with us ? ” said they. It is the other young man you want ;
take him,”
No, no ; the king wants all three of you,** said the minister.
Then they came to the king, and he asked the two princes what their country was, and
they replied that they were the sons of the king of their country, and then the kmg put the
same question to the third youth, who replied, “I have no country, I am a young ascetic
visiting the countries of the world,” But all the same the princess was given to him in
marriage. The marriage was celebrated with great pomp,
Por three days the three brothers stayed in that country. On the last day the one who had
been married said to his wife, “ I hear, my love, that the Wire HiU is in these parts, which
is the way to it P Do you know P *’
" I do not know, my Lord,** replied she, but in the country before you there is a city,
where there is a princess. If you ask her she will tell you,** and, lowering her head, added,
** My Lord, I see you are going to the Wire Hill, Who knows that you will come back ?
Suppose you meet your fate, which Grod forbid, what will be thp sign or omen ? **
“ When your mangalasusram^ becomes black, you will know that I am dead, and come
to the Hill,** so spoke the prince, and, bidding his wife adieu, set out with his brothers and
arrived at a new country.
Now in that country there was a princess, who, obtaining her father’s permission,
issued a proclamation that she would marry hun who buys aU the neoessaries of life for
one pie.
“Who can get all his provisions for a pie? Let it go I let it go,” said the two princes
and moved on their course, while the third went to the palace, and, receiving a pie from the
steward, went to BAz&r, gave the money, e., the pie, to a Kdmati (grocer), and asked him to
tie up in a bundle a specimen of every kind of food in his shop. The Kdrnati did so, and the
young man, taking it, together with some gU on a leaf and a faggot of wood, went to the
steward, and, handing it all over to him, followed his brothers.
In the meantime the princess went to the king and said, “Father dear, the young mai?.
who is going away has bought all his provisions for a pie. My marriage with him must be
celebrated.”
Her father replied : ** Yes, the two young men have preceded the third. The two first
ap.pear to be princes, and are beautiful ; you mast marry one of them.**
“ Father dear, said the daughter, don’t say that, please. I will marry that one who acted
up to my wishes as set forth in the proclamation.”
The king now sent his minister to call the young man. “ I will come on condition that
those who are in advance of me also come,” replied the prince.
The minister called them too. “ What concern have you with us f ** said they. “ If you
want the young man, you may take him.*^
“This won’t do,” said the ministe r, and made all the princes come to the palace.
I A ojTOtJiw piece of gold tied rouad the bride’s neck by the bnclogroom in completion of the mwriage.
450
THE INDIAN ANTIQDAHT.
[NovemSee, 1902.
Tlie king first of all asked the first two young men wko they were, and what country they
belonged to, and they told him. Turning to the third, the king put the same questions and
received replies : ** I am an ascetic. I have no parents. I wander from one country to
another.’’
In spite of this confession the princess was married by the king to the young man,
who stayed for three days, and on the third day asked his wife, “Which is the way to the
Wire Hill?”
“ I do not know, my Lord, but there is a princess in advance of you, who will tell you if
you enquire of her,” replied she ; and, putting on a woe-hegone appearance, added, “you are
going to the Wire Hill, my Lord ; suppose you come by serious harm or death, which God
forbid, how am I to know it ? What is the sign ? ”
The prince gave her a flower, saying, ‘‘If this withers and becomes black, know that
I am dead, and come to the Hill.”
With these words, and bidding a hasty farewell to the princess, he set ont. The two
princes had already started, and were talking to each other : “ We are so beautiful and nobody
marries us. He is dark, and every princess i^lls in love with him and marries him ! “
In due course they came to a fresh country, where there was a princess, who hung up on
the palace walls a drawing from the D6v6ndral6ka, with a legend underneath in weird
characters, and obtaining her father’s permission sent forth a manifesto . — “ He who
deciphers the writing under the picture and explains it, to him shall be given my hand in
marriage.”
The two princes went and looked at the picture, but they could not read the writing, much
less explain it. The third pnnce went and cast a glance at the picture, read the writing, and
announcing himself to the princess, he read and explained the legend fully and lucidly.
The princess was mightily pleased and reported to the king : “ Father dear, here is a
young man who has read and explained the legend of the picture from the Ddv^ndraloka.”
He was also pleased and at once celebrated the marriage of his daughter with the prince,
For three days the prince stayed, and on the last day he spoke to his wife • “ The Wire Lady
is said to reside m the Wire HiU. Which is the road to the Hill ? ”
The princess replied, “ Great kings have come, but no one has managed to carry ofl the
Hymph of the Wire Hill? How can you manage, my Lord P It is impossible.”
“ But if I don’t bring her my father will die,” rejoined the prince.
“Suppose you come to grief, which God forbid > the undertaking is so beset with perils .
how am I to know it, my Lord,” asked the wife, putting a woe-begone appearance.
Upon which he planted a lily and said, " If the plant dies, know that I am dead and
come to the Hill.” '
Then the princess gave him the directions and said : “If you go to the south side of
the Hill, you will come across a wire. If you catch hold of it, it will take you to the palace
of the princess; she will come forward to embrace you, when you must say ‘Mother, don’t
touch me,’ ”
Thanking his wife for the information, and wishing her good-bye, the prince came to the
Wire Hill, where he saw that his brothers had already arrived and were wandering about the
Hill. He enquired of them, “ Why do you wonder about the Hill ? ” They did not reply but
said to each other, “ if we tell him he wiU marry the Nymph of Wire Hill also and carry
her away.” The prince muttered to himself, “so that’s it,” and tethered his steed where
tbe two princes had tethered theirs, caught hold of the wire and went up the Hill, The Hymph
November, 1902.] FOLKLORE IN OBNO^RAL MOVINOES.
451
of the Wire HiU appeared before him and said, “ You have come at last after such a long time * ’ *
and wanted to embrace him, but he said, Mother, don’t touch me.” She took the hint, bathed
him with hot-water bath and fed him well. After this, the Nymph of the Wire Hill in front,
and the prince behind her, set out, and had almost reached the foot of the Hill, where she cried
out, “ My parrot cage ! my parrot cage ' *’ The prince said at once, Mother, I will fetch it,”
and went up the Hill by the aid of the wire.
In the meantime the two princes saw the Nymph of the Wire Hill at the foot of
the Hill. “He has already married three princesses, and is now carrying away the Nymph of
the Wire Hill,” said the brothers, greatly bewildered, and what was their astonishment to see
the prince descending with the cage along the Wire Hill, If we cut the wire he will be
dead and gone,’^ said one brother to another, and, suiting their action to the words, did as
their evil minds bid them, and down came the young man with the parrot cage with a great
crash, and was instantly hilled. The princes, then, compelling the Nymph of the Wire Hill to
mount their steed, set out for home.
The evil omens showed themselves to the prince’s wives. The first wife's mangalasusmm
became black. “ Some mishap has befallen my husband. He asked me to go to the Hill,” said
she to herself in tears and set out lamenting. The flower given to the second wife withered and
darkened. My husband had come by some harm. He asked me to go to the Hill,” said sbe
to herself and started weeping. On the road the first two wives came together. ** Why do you
weep ? ” asked the ohe, “ Why do you weep ? ” asked the other. “ My husband has gone to
the Wire Hill. He has come by death. I am going there,” said the second wife. “My husband
also has gone to the Wire Hill. He has met his fate there, I am going thither,*^ said the first
wife. “ Then we are both his wives,” said the two princesses after a little conversation, and
started on their course with one object in common. In the meantime the third lamenting
Wife of the prince met them, “ Why do you weep,” asked they of her. “My husband has gone
to the Wire Hill. He has suffered death there. I am going thither,’^ replied she. “ Tour
husband and our husband is one and the same. We three of us are his wives. Our goal is the
same,” said the two princesses, and with one object in common all three moved on and in due
course reached the Hill, There they saw their husband’s bones scattered.
The youngest wife asked her co-wives to collect and adjust the bones while she retired
for a while. She left them and went to a cistern, and, having bathed there seven times,
putting on wet clothes and standing in the attitude of half-contemplation, wept, and spread out
the folds of her garments as if to receive something, Param^shwar heard her lamentations and
Parbati spoke to him; — “She is crying to her gods that her husband be brought to life.”
Instantly Param^shwar threw a life-giving rod into the folds of the princess's garments, and she
returned to her co-wives, who had by this collected the bones and adjusted them in their
proper places. The life-giving rod instilled life into the prince and he sat up and exclaimed
“ What a sweet sleep I have had slept.” The next moment he saw hia three wives and asked
the reason of their being there, and they explained it to him.
Half an hour after this the youngest pnncess went again to the cistern, and, having bathed
seven times, threw the life-giving rod into it and returned, and very soon afterwards the prince
and his three wives set out, and in due course reached the youngest wife’s father's capital, where
after staying for three days and receiving presents of elephants, horses and retinue from the
king, he moved on. He reached the country of the father of his second wife, where staying for
three days and receiving presents of elephants, horses and retinue, he set out again. In due
course he reached the country of the father of his first wife, where also after staying for three
days and receiving similar presents of horses, elephants and retinue, he started once again, and
by rapid marches reached his own country, and pitched his camp in a garden,
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Novembeb, 1902.
Calling liiS wives together he said : “ My mother will come. One of you should hold the
pallem,^ another should wash her feet and offer a seat, while the third should wipe them.” With
these words the prince left them and went to his mother, who, on seeing him, fell on his neck,
and, shedding tears, exclaimed . “ My son, my son, you have come back after all, and I have been
so anxious." He told her that three daughters-in-law were awaiting her I She went to the
princesses and was mightily pleased at their humility and comeliness.
Meanwhile the two other princes had reached their country with the Nymph of the
Wire Hill, and their father was immensely delighted and applanded his two hoys for having
brought the unobtainable, and declared to the people that no two princes of equal prowess were
to be found on the face of the earth. The princes also on their part went about bragging.
But the Nymph of the Wire Hill fretted, and constantly thought of the young man who
had fallen headlong from the Wire Hill, and when the king made overtures to her, she said :
I have certain D6 vfindra vows to perform. If you get me some cobra lilies (ndgu-mallailu in
Telugu) I will perform the vows and then marry you.” Her object in asking for these lilies
was to get news of the missing prince, as she was fully convinced that if any one could bring
the cobra-lilies, which are only to be found seven and seven, fourteen, seas beyond
the Bea of milk, it would be he alone.
The king, summoning the two princes, said to them : “Tour mother wants some cobra-lilies
for the performance of her vows. Will you go and get them ? ”
‘‘It is not a difficult affair, father dear. We will go and bring them,*’ said they, and,
mounting their steeds, set out.
Now the third prince saw his two brothers going out to fetch the cobra-lilies and he
at once ran to his youngest wife and said: «My brothers are going to bring the cobra-lilies;
I will go too."
“ But how are they going to fetch them ? ” asked she. “They are in the sea of milk which
is beyond seven and seven, fourteen, seas.”
“ What do you advise ? ” the prince asked in haste, and she gave him some seeds, after
repeating certain incantations over them, and also a letter and said ; * ‘ When you come to the
sea, throw these seeds, and the sea will make a way for you, and you can walk straight on dry-
shod, and when you come to the sea of milk at the end of seven and seven, fourteen, seas,
you will see a tortoise. Throw the letter to it, and it will take the letter to the Lord of the
Serpents. The Lord of the Serpents will send back the tortoise, and you must take your seat
on his back and go to the Lord of the Serpents, who will give the cobra-lilies and send
you back,”
Cordially thanking his wife for her help, and bidding her, his other two wives and his
mother a hasty farewell, he hurriedly started, and when he came to the sea he did as he had
been bidden. He threw the seeds on the sea, and the sea opened a passage for him. He
passed along it and came to the sea ot milk, and, seeing a tortoise, he threw the letter to it.
The tortoise took the letter and ran to the Lord of the Serpents, who sent the tortoise back to
bring the young man, and the prince, mounting the tortoise, went to the Lord of the Serpents,
who received him with every mark of respect, and put him up at his own house and married
Tiim to his daughter, the Celestial Swan* He plucked some cobra-lilies, gave them to the
prince, and said :
“Here take the cobra-lilies and go safely hack to your country with your wife, my
daughter.” And he ordered the tortoise to carry them. The tortoise took the prince and
pnncess on its back across the seven and seven, fourteen, seas, and set them down on the
seashore of their own country.
2 A. small tray o£ gold or brass on which camplior is burnt and carried before a great personage by his host.
November, 1902 ] FOLKLORE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.
453
Now the other two princes, who set out in a bragging fashion to fetch the lilies, were at a
loss, as they did not know how to cross the vast seas that lay before them, and so in their
dilemma they sat down on the sea-beaoh, and, while they were still sitUng^ the prince and his
wife appeared before them.
“Here he is ^ He is not dead, and has married yet another princess, and that bunch of
flowers are doubtless the cobra-lihes. We had better get them from him,” said the brothers to
each other, and immediately proffered their services to the prince with great eagerness, and
one of them took the bunch of flowers.
The prince did not object, and they travelled with the prince and his wife in an orderly
manner as far as their own country, and then disappeared as if by magic with the hunch
of cobra-lilies, and showed themselves to the king, who, on receiving the flowers, had declared
that in the whole world no one had such brave sons as he. Without losing any time he repaired
to the palace of the Nymph of the Wire Hill. She received them from the king, but was
more than convinced in her heart that the prince was alive and so she said to her suitor :
“I will now perform the D6v6ndra vows Please issue invitations to kings, princes
and noblemen.’*
The invitations were issued, and all the neighbouring kings, princes and nobles, including
the king’s two sons, came and sat in the Assembly Hall. Their wives, too, includmg all the
blood relatives, snob as sisters and daughterSj came and sat in the Hall in the places allotted to
them. Thither also came the king’s younger wife and her maids.
Casting a glance over the assembled crowd, the Wire Nymph said : ** I see the yCnnger
wife of the king, but nowhere do I see his senior queen or her son in the assembly ”
Whereupon the king was confused, and, muttering to himself, “ How can she have a son
without my knowing it P ” sent for her. She came, followed by her son and her four danghters-
m-law, all as resplendent as the falhmoon in its glory, and took their seats.
The Wire Nymph now began her harangue: “ Do you thiuk, 0 King, that it was your two
sous by the younger queen that brought me from the Wire BillP Nothing of the sort. It Was
your sou by the senior queen. We descended the Hill together, and I cried out for my parrot
cage, and quick as lightning he ran up the Hill by the wire and was returning with the cage,
when the two princes at the foot of the Hill broke the wire and the young man fell headlong
from the summit and was killed ; but by the merits of his -wives he was given a second
birth. Do you want to know who brought the cobra-lilies? Your two sons you think 1
Nothing of the sort. I knew they could not, and that is why I required special flowers for the
sham ceremony of the D6v§ndra vows, as a test to find out whether the prince was dead or
alive: for I knew that he alone could bring them. And in truth it was your son by the semor
queen that had brought the flowers, and your other two sons imposed upon the prince and
managed by fraud to palm them off on you as theirs,”
Tho king changed colour, and, calling his two sons from the assembly, cried out, “ Are these
things so They hung down their heads in shame and confusion, and proved their guilt. The
HncTBpat in their faces and bade them begone, and, calling forth the real hero, pressed him to
hiB breast and wept, and soon after tbe assembly broke up. The king then embraced all his
daughters-m-law and his senior wife. She at first upbraided him for liis partiality to his younger
wife and for forgetting her altogether 1 Then she unfolded to him how their son, of whom they
had BO much reason to be proud, was conceived after eating tbe kernel of tbe anchorite s
mango, how he had at first been a tortoise, how she had nursed the animal nevertheless, andho^
she, to her great joy, found one night that the tortoise was a human child under tbe tortoise-
covering. The king listened to everything in silence and astonishment.
454
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Notembee, 1902.
In due course the king married the Wire Nymph, and some days after performed the
marriage of his son with the four princesses to which the fatheis of the three princesses, as also the
foster-father of the fourth princess — the Lord of the Serpents, — were invited. They were
delighted to find that their son-in-law was not the son of a humble deceased anchorite as he gave
ouChut of royal blood like themselves. The next thing the king did was to crown his son with all
pomp and glory, and abdicate the throne in his favour.
(To he Goniinued)
EXTRACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIIth CENTURY
RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIB EIOHABD C TEMPLE
( Continued fiom p, 428,)
1794. — No. XXIX.
Fort William August 1794. Read a Letter and its Enclosures from the Secretary to the
Military Board.
S6c>T to the Mil3^ Board.
To Edward Hay EsqT Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have the honor to transmit for the Consideration of the Governor General in Council
the enclosed Proceedings of the Military Board of this date as returned from Circulation, upon
Indents No. 398 & 394 for Marine Stores apphed for fiom the Andamans. The Indents accompany
the Proceedings for the inspection of Government.
I have also the honor to transmit Lists of Military Stores and Provisions which have been passed
on Indents No 392 & 395. Acquainting you that the Indents have been forwarded to the Commis-
sary of Stores and Garrison Store Keeper respectively, with instructions to prepare the Articles for
dispatch on Such Ship as Government may be pleased to direct,
I further enclose a Letter Addressed to the Military and Provision Store Keeper at the Anda-
mans which I request may be forwarded, under the Approbation of the Supreme Board, to that
Officer.
I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most Obedient Humble Servant
Mily B'l Office ( Sigt^ ) Isaac Humphrys
the 8th August 1794. Sec’r My Board.
Proceedings of the Military Board returned from Circulation the 8th August 1794,
Indent N? 393 on the Acting Naval Store Keeper for Copper Grapenails, Vittry, for
repairs of Vessels & Boats.
Remark.
The quantities of three of the articles m this Indent are left undefined.
Mily Aud*f Gen?
This is not an Indent of a nature that requires hasty decision — the coppering of the long
Boats being expensive, the public advantages to be derived ought to have been stated m order that
Government, whose sanction is necessary to warrant the expence might judge of the expediency of
authorising it.
If the Establishment of Vessels and Boats of all descriptions for the Service of the Andamans
has been laid down by Government — the Secretary can obtam an Account of them, if not, we should
he apprized of their intentions, to Guide us m passing applications of this sort if it be expected that
we should receive them but they ought perhaps to be made to the Marine Department,
(Signed) John Murray.
NoTEMBiiiR, 1^02.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
456
Comm* of Artly ic Chief Engineer.
The Oommandaixt of Artillery and Chief Engineer Subscribe to the above Minute.
Bemark.
The Secretary reports that having made the enquiry proposed in the above Minute he has been
informed that Government have not laid down any Establishment of Vessels or Boats for the
Settlemont.
Indent N? 394 on the Acting Naval Store Keeper for Sundries for tlie use of the Honble
Company's Brig Dispatch.
Miiy Audf Genl
This is certainly an Application for reference to the Marine Department — as this Board has
no information that can enable us to form any Opinion whether the Articles are necessary or not.
(Signed) John Murray.
Comm* of Arty &; Chief Engineer.
The Commandant of Artillery and Chief Engineer Snbsoribe to the Military Auditor General’s
Opinion,
Besolution.
Agreed to send up for the Consideration of the Governor General in Council the two foregoing
Indents with the Minutes upon them,
A true Extract
(Signed) Isaac Humphrys
Secy M. Board.
Ordered that the Indents N? 898 and 394, received from the Military Board be sent to the
Acting Naval Storekeeper, with Directions to comply herewith, and that the Articles to be furnished
upon the Indents N® 392 & 395 be Dispatched to the Andamans on the Snow Cornwallis which
will Sail in four or five days.
Ordered that these Resolutions be notified to Lieutenant Humphrys and the Garrison Store
Keeper, respectively, and that the Letter for the Military and Provision Storekeeper at Port Corn-
wallis be forwarded by the next Dispatch.
1794. — No. XXX.
Fort William 11 *? August 1794, Bead again Lieuten* Wales^s Letter dated the 5*b
August and recorded on the Proceedings of the 8^? Ditto.
The Secretary lays befoie the Board a Note which he has received from Lieutenant Wales.
gij.^ A young Gentleman of the Name of Bied and who is an Acting Lieutenant in the
Bombay Marine, is now at Calcutta, having come round as Fust Ofiicei of the Pilot Snow which
Lieut* Prayer brought here, he bears an excellent Character from every person that knows him
and Lieut* Frayer tells me he is a good Officer, his being a Company's Servant also recommends
him to me in preference to a Country Officer as he will need no instruction with Respect to either
Conduct or discipline — Will you be so obliging as to propose him as a fitt Person to fill the
Station of 24 Lieutenant on board the Cornwallis.
I am, Sii, Yours Obediently
11*? August 1794. (Signed) Jno, Wales,
Agreed that M^ Bied be Appointed 2^ Ofidoor on board the Cornwallis, and that the
Governor in Council at Bombay, be informed that the Board wish that Mr. Ried may have permis-
sion to Serve on board one of the Company’s Vessels at the Andaman Station, without prejudice to
his Rank and Prospects at Bombay, in the same Manner as Similar Permission has been granted to
Lieut*? Wales <fc Roper.
456
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[November, 1902,
1794 — Ko. XXXI.
Fort William 22^ August 1794. The Honble Company’s Snow Cornwallis being under
dispatch to the Andamans the following Sailing orders were given to the Commander L* Wales,
and the letter which will be entered after them, was written to Major Kyd, or, in his absence, the
Senior Officer in charge of the Settlement.
To the Commander of the Cornwallis dated 21** August 1794,
To Lieutenant Wales Commanding the Cornwallis.
— YoQ are hereby ordered, winds and weather [permitting] (and the Consignments for the
Andamans embarked) to weigh your anchor and make the best of your way to Port Cornwallis,
where, on your arrival you are to deliver the accompanying Packet to Major Kyd, oi to the Senior
Officer in Chaige of the Settlement, and attend to all oideis you may receive fiom him for your
future guidance.
I wish you safe and Speedy Passage, and am
Foit William Sir, &ca
21*? August, 1794
To the Commander of the Cornwallis &; to the Superintendant at the Andamans,
dated 25*^ August 1794,
To Major A. Kyd, Superintendant at the Andamans or to the Senior Officer in charge of that
Settlement.
Sir, — I have the Pleasure to acknowledge the receipt of your letters dated the and 20*:''^ Ultimo
by the Cornwallis Snow which imported here on the 2^ August the formei euclosmg your Account
Current for the Months of May and June last, with the Voucheis, together with a list of Bills of
Exchange drawn upon this Government, orders were given for the acceptance of the latter, and the
former is under Audit, in the usual course.
It is only necessary to observe, in answer to your letter of the 20^^ Ultimo, that authority to
equip and employ the Dispatch Brig was given to you in my letter of the 14*^^ July by the Sea
Horse, and that the Sails belonging to the Brig were sent by that Conveyance, but that as the Master
Attendant mentioned that they were m bad condition, and is in the expectation tliat they would not
be found, you have indented for otheis, directions weie given to the Acting Naval Store-keeper to
piovide new Sails for the Vessell, and they will be sent by the present conveyance which will also take
the other Articles you have applied for in your Indents to the different Offices,
I enclose a Copy of Lieutenant Wales’s Sailing Orders and am
Fort William Sir &(*«
21«* August 1794.
1794. — No. XXXII.
Fort William September 1794, Read a Letter from the Military Auditor General.
Miiy AudT Geni 1** of Sept^^
To the Honble Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council &c &c &o Military Department.
Honble Sir, — It is an Established Regulation that all Pay Abstracts shall be accompanied by
,Jdeview Rolls of the different Discriptions of People for whom the Allowances are drawn, but as Major
Kyd generally sends figured letums only of the Artificers on the Andaman Establishment, I beg
Novembeh, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
457
leave to request that he may be desired in future to insert the Peons Names, and to remark the dates
of all casualties as in the Review Rolls of the regular Corps of the Army,
I have the honor to be with the greatest lespect Honble Sir,
Your most Obedient faithful Servant
Mily And" Genl® Office (Signed) John Murray
la? Sept: 1794. Col. & Mil^ And: Gen^
Ordered that Instiiictions be sent to Majoi Kyd m Oonformity with the Recommendation in
the above Letter from the Miliiaiy Auditor General.
1794. — No. XXXHI.
Read a Letter from the Secretary to the Military Board.
Seeley to the Mily Board 6*.^ Sept^ 1794.
!ro Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — Herewith I have the honor to transmit for the Sanction of Government Bill No 59 and
60 Recommended by the Mily Board for Piovisions Supplied by the Garrison Store keeper foi the
use of the Settlement at Poit Oornwaliis, aid of 7 recruits proceeding to that Settlement.
1 have the honor to be <fec.
Agreed that Authority bo given for passing the Bills abovementioned, and ordered that they be
returned to the Military Board.
1794. — No, XXXIV.
Fort William the 29^^ of September 1794. The following Letter was received from Major
Kyd on the Instant, by tbe William Pitt,
Sup^ at tbe Andamans 16*? August 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to Government.
Sir, — Accompanying I have the honor of transmitting you the Account Current of this Settle-
ment, brought up to the present date, with the various voucheis lefened to therein. You will perceive
that every Establishment is paid up to the first of next Month, which I have thought advisable to do
before my departure to Prince of Wales’s Island, iji hopes that they will not require another
payment till my return. Accompanying is a List of Bills I liave drawn on Government for Cash
received into the Treasury here, which is earned to the Public Credit in the Account now sent.
I have the honor to be &ca
Port Cornwallis (Signed) A. Kyd.
15*? August 1794, Sup* Andamans.
Ordered that Major Kyd’s Account Current with its Vouchers, be sent for Audit to the Mili-
tary Auditor General, who is also to be furnished with a Copy of his Letter enclosing them.
Ordered that the Liet of Bills drawn by Major Kyd, on the Governor General in Council be
sent to the Accountant Geiieiai’s Office.
1794. — . No. XXXV,
Fort William 3* November 1794. The following Sailing Orders Dated the 1«* Inst, have
been given to Captain Morgotty Commanding the Drake Cruiser.
To Oapt. Morgotty, Dated 1®.* October 1794.
To Captain Morgotty Commanding the Honble Companys Cruiser Drake.
Sir, — You are hereby directed winds and weather permitting, and the Convicts for the
Andamans being on board, to weigh your Anchor, and make the best of your way to Poii
458
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[November, 1902,
Oorawallis, where on your arrival, you will deliver the accompanying Letter to Major Kyd the
Superintendant, or in his absence to the Senior Military Officer at the Settlement, and having
attended to his directions, with respect to landing the Convicts, jou will proceed forthwith to Bombay
and attend to all orders that you may receive from the Governor in Council theie,
I wish you a safe and Speedy Passage, and am
Fort William (Sig^) [Blank]
19^ Nov' 1794.
The following Letter was written, on the Instant, to the Superintend^, at the Andaman’s by
the Drake.
To Major Kyd Dated !«? Nov' 1794.
To Major Kyd Superintendant, or in his absence to the Senior Military Officer at the Andamans.
Siij I am to acknowledge the Receipt of your Letter dated the 15*** of August transmitting
your account Current and a List of Bills granted by you upou the Governor General in Council for
Cash paid into your Treasury,
It being an Estabhshed Regulation that all Pay Abstracts shall be accompanied by Review
Rolls of the Different Descriptions of People for whom the allowances are Drawn, and as you
generally transmit figured Returns only of the Artificers on the Andaman Establishment, I have
Orders to desire that in future you will insert the People’s names and Remark the Dates of all
Casualties as in the Review Rolls of the Regular Corps of the Army.
You will receive enclosed a Copy of the Sailing Orders to Captain Morgotty who Commands the
Drake Cruizer now proceeding to the Andamans on her way to Bombay, and with it a return of the
Provisions laid in for fifty Native Convicts sent in the Vessel to Port Cornwallis for their Supply
during the Passage,
Fort William I am
of Nov' 1794. (Sig<^) [Blank]
1794. — Ko. XXXVI.
Fort William the 7*?^ November 1794, The following Letter was received, on the 3^
Instant from Messrs Wilson Downie and Maitland, and Directions were given for receiving the
Articles mentioned in it on board the Drake.
Mess'? Wilson Dowme & Maitland dated 3? Nov. 1794.
Edward Hay Esq^ Secretary to the Government,
^ As Lieutenant Wales of the Cornwallis could not receive the following necessaries
for the Bazar at the Andamans when he was last heie which we were desired to send by that Con-
veyance we are very apprehensive that they may be much wanted at that Settlement, and therefore
beg the favor of an order for their being received on board the Diake.
Calcutta We have the honor to be (fee®*
3? November 1794 (Signed) Wilson Downie & Maitland.
175 Maunds Flower.
150 Maunds Sugar,
50 Maunds Glioor.
10 Maunds Dry Mangoes.
30 Maunds Gram.
20 Maunds Mussur Dhall,
10 Maunds Onions.
6 Maunds Garhck.
November, 1902 ] THE ANDAMA.NS IN THE XTIIIth CENTURY.
459
C Mamids Chillies*
2 Mauiuls Ginger,
i Mauud Pepper.
3 Mainids Dauiah [? dtliia].
20 Maiiiids Oil.
1794 , — Ko. xxxrn.
The follow mg Letter was received, on the 4*? Instant, from Lieut, Greene,
Lieut. Greene Dated 4*? NovF 1794.
To Edward Hay EsqT Secretary to the Government.
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of Mr Sub-Secretary Shakespear’s Letter of
yestarda’y, and to Acquaint you that, pursuant to the Orders therein Conveyed the 20 Bags of Dhall
have been Shipped on board the Drake Otuizer as per Accompanying Receipt from the Officer on
board that Vessel.
I have the honor to be &c®
Fort William Garrison Store (Signed) A. Greene officiating in the absence
the 4ti. Novem' 1704. of the Garrison Store keeper.
1704 — Wo. XXXVIII.
The following Letter was written, on the 5*? Inst., to Major Kyd, and dispatched by the Drake.
To Major Xyd dated 6*^ Wot* 1704.
To Major Kyd Superintendant or in his Absence, to the Senior Military Officer at the Andamans.
I atn directed to transmit to you the enclosed Receipt for Twenty Bags of Dhall, put on.
Board the Drake Oriuzer for the use o! the Convicts proceeding to the Andamans, — also a Copy
o£ a Lettei dated the 3>‘ Instant from Mess*? Wilsone, Dovrnie, and Maitland, - and to
acquaint yon that the Commander of the Drake has been authorized to receive Articles mentioned in
It for the Use of the Settlement.
I am &c
Foit William ,
Wovember 1704. SeeV to the Gov*
1794, Ho* XX XlX!.
Fort William 23‘? Wovember 1704. The following Duplicate Letter was received this
morning from the Superintendant at the Andamans by the Brxg WantUus.
Duplicate.
Superintendant at the Andamans*
To Edward Hay Esq*? Soeretaiy to the Government.
Sir - 1 heir YOU will acquaint the Honble. Governor General in Council that I arrived at this
P J lTlt V? S.. H.™ l.f. of W.!,.’. oa
the 22 * of last Month.
The accompanying Letters from M* Mannington will acquaint the Board of the nntoitunate
Death of M* Light which happened on the 20«’»
Unon mv arrival here I found that the Slock of Frovibions for the Settlement was much smaller
fis -tlwr ahnnld bo I have therefore directed the Commissary to make out the necessaiy Indents
snow and Nautilus Brig and earnestly request that they
may be returned without delay with the Amount of their Indents.
460
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[November, 1902 ,
During my Stay at Piince of Wales Island, I took the ntmost pains to obtain infoimation on
the Yarious points recommended to me by the Board, and hope to Lave the honor of peisonally
delivering my Repoit early in the next Month,
I have the pleasure to say that the Settlers here have been much more healthy this season
than the last, altho’ the Kains have been more Severe there having fallen from the 1®^ of
last May to this period the extraordinary Quantity of 123 Inches which is moie than twice
the Quantity that falls in Bengal iii the most abundant Seasons.
I have the honor to be Sii Your Most Obedient Servant
(Sigf^) A. Kyd
Port Cornwallis Snpeiintendant Andamans
10*^ November 1794.
1794. — No. XL.
Fort Wilham the 1®? of December 1794. The following Letters weie leceived, on the
Ultimo, from Major Kyd, Supeiintendaiit at the xindamans, by the Snow Cornwallis, & Circulated
for the peiusal of the Members of Governmeut.^s
Superintendant at the Andamans. 20^? October 1794.
To Edward Hay Esq^° Secretary to Government.
Sir, I have to request you will acquaint the Honbje Governor General in Council, that in
compliance with his instructions of the 21« April last, & those conveyed in your letter of the 5^^
August ; I have obtained every information in my "power respecting the various points therein
specified 29 # # * ^ It is now my intention of proceeding to the Andamans where
I shall not have occasion to stay long, & expect to have the honor of presenting my rcpoit m person
eaily m Dec^^a^ h: Ht *
I have the honor to he
Prince of Wales^s Island (Signed) A, Kyd
20tb October 1794,
Ordered that the Snow Cornwallis and Brig Nautilus be leturned, as soon as possible, to the
Andamans with the Supplies they are respectively to take to that Settlement,
The Commanders are to be acquainted" accoidingly , and notice theieof is to be sent to the
Garrison Store Keeper, Fort Adjutant & Militaiy Board — The Commanders aie, further, to be
asked how many Convicts can be accommodated on each of the Vessels, after receiving the Snjqlies
they are both to carry.
1794. — No. XLI.
Re^d ^ Letter and iIb Enclosure from the Secretaiy to the Hospital Board.
Seo>^y to the Hosp? Board 29*? Nov^ 1794.
To Colin Shakespear Esq^,® Sub-Secretary.
Sit, — lam directed by the Hospital Board to enclose to you the Copy of a List of Necessaries
which they have received from Rob* Reddick Assistant Surgeon to the Andamans, which
they request you will lay before the Governor General iii Council, {e to acquaint him that they bog
leave to recommend that they may be authorized to direct the Puiveyor to fun.i&h the necessaries
required,
J have the honor to be Ac®-
Fort William Hosp^ B‘i Office (Signed) A. Campbell. Sec^y
the 29*ii Novr 1794,
4* [The Letter dated tlie 10^^ November has been already given under the consultation of the Novf where
it is headed as ^ Duplicate,']
29 [The portions omitted ip the above Letter lefer to Prince of Wales’ Island,]
November, 1902] THE ANDAMANS IN 'THE XYIIIth OENTOET.
461
Indent for Necessaries for the use of the Settlement at Eort Cornwallis.
Madeira
... Twelve Dozen
Brandy
. . , Pour
Arrack
... Six
Do
Lime Juice
... Four
I >0
Vinegar
... Six
1)0
Flour
... Eight
Mannds
Oil Mustard Seed
... Four
D?
Sugar
... Eight
D''
Leather Skins No. C*
Port Gornwallig
(Signed) Et Eeddick
Assistant Surg.
10*^ November 1794.
Hospl Office
the 20t? November 1794.
(Signed) A. Kyd
Snpd^ Andamans,
A true Copy
(Signed) A. Campbell
Secry
Agreed that the Hospital Board be Authorized to Comply with the above Indent, &
desired to give Directions that the Articles may be procured, & put up immediately to be sent
in the Snow Cornwallis
The Situation of 2”^^ Ofdcer on Board the Snow Cornwallis having become Vacant by
the Appointment of Eeid to the Jackall,
Agreed that MF Henry Pelham Davies be appointed to it.
Ordered that Notice thereof be sent to M** Davies, & the proper Officers.
1794, — No. XLII.
Fort William 5^? December 1794. Head a Letter and Enclosures from the Secretary to
the Military Board,
Sec^y to the Miiy Board 1«J December 1794.
To Edward Hay EsqT Secretary to the Government.
gjj., — I request you will submit for the information of Government the enclosed Copies
of Indents No. 897 & 98 by the Military and Provision Store Keeper at the Andamans, and
Acquaint him that the Originals have been this Day passed by the Military Board and returned
to the Garrison Store Keeper’s Office with Orders for the immediate preparation of the Articles
for dispatch on Such Ship as Goyemmeiit may be pleased to direct,
I have the honor to be Ae®*
Mill Bd Office (Signed) Isaac Humphrys
1*? Deer 1794.
462
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[November, 1902.
Indent No, 3, Duplicate.
To Lieat* Geo. A, Robinson Garrison Store Keeper
Fort William.
Names of Stores.
Arholes
indented
for
For what pm pose wanted
Admitted
by the
fid
Arrack ... ...
Leagur
1
For 3 Mntbs Subsistence to the
Settlers at the Andamans.
1
Dholl (Hurriah)
««•
Maunds
400
400
Ghee ... •••
D®.
80
80
Gram
...
D?
250
For the Subsistence of the Live
Stock,
250
Paddy
Do
200
200
Rice ... •••
...
D9
1200
1200
Salted Meat (Beef & Pork) Casks
4
For three Months Subsistence to
the Settlers at the Andamans.
4
Salt .**
Maunds
80
80
Wheat
D?
100
100
Port Cornwallis, (Signed) Joseph Stoko©
1®* Nov’f 1704. Oomm^J’y Store & Provis? Andamans.
Passed by the this Day (Signed) A. Kyd
ist 1794, Supt?*^ Andamans.
Indent N® 2. Duplicate.
To Lieut* G. A. Robinson Garrison Store Keeper
Fort William,
Names of Stores.
Articles
Indented
Purposes for which wanted
Admitted by
the Mily
Bd
Dholl
*•*
Maunds
100
For three Months Subsistence to
the Convicts at Port Cornwallis.
100
Ghee
•t* T..
D9
25
25
Rice
• • t
tf» •••
D9
800
300
Salt
#««
.if .f.
DO
25
25
Port Cornwallis (Signed) Joseph Stokoe
1®J November 1794, Commy Store & Pro vis®.® Andamans.
The Tonnage of the Snow Cornwallis and Nautilus Brig not being adequate to that of the
Stores mentioned in the above Indents, Ordered that the following Articles which the Board
understand are Chiefly wanted at the Andamans for early use be Shipped with a Conyenient
expedition Viz*-
November, 1902] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth OBNTUET.
463
Port Oornwallis, Lieut? Wales,
800 Bags of Eioe.
75 Do ofDholl.
24 Maunds of Ghee,
60 Bags of Paddy.
75 D? of Gram.
40 Do of Whiet (s/c).
4 Casks of Salt Provisions.
1 Leagur of Arrack.
125 Bags of Eice,
26 D® of Gram.
20 Maunds of Ghee.
1794. — No. XLIII.
Port William 12*? DeoemBer 1794. The following Letter was received, on the 9^^ Instant,
fiom the Commander of the Nautilus Brig.
Capt. Pimins.
To Edward Hay Esq’*® Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have the Honor to inform yon that the Stores ordered from the Garrison Store
Keeper for the Andamans, amounting to 150 Bags, and 5 Casks, are on board which together
with the Bazar Articles Permitted to go down, will be the whole vre can take and I am sorry
to say we have no room for any Convicts.
I am (he?
(Signed) Pimins
II, 0. B, Nautilus,
1794. — N? XLIV.
Fort William 19*? December 1794. The following Letter was leceived on the 18®? Inst,
from the Secretary at Bombay,
Bombay 28*? November 1794.
To Edward Hay £sq^ Secretary at Fort William,
Sir, — I have had the pleasure to receive your Letter dated the 29*^ Ultimo and am desired
to Acquaint You that the wishes of the Governor General in Council respecting Convicts
being sent to the Andamans will be duly Attended to by this Government
I have the honor to be Ac?
Bombay Castle (Signed) O’ohn Morris Sec^y
26*? November 1794,
1794. --- No. XLV,
The following Minute was received from the Governor General on the [blank] and Circu-
lated to the Members of the Board who Concurred in the Propositions it contained, and the
necessary Orders were issued accordingly.
Gov. Gen*® Minute.
Governor General. By the last dispatches from the Andamans it is known that the
Settlement was very short of Provisions, and altho’ the Indents from thence were Ordered to
be Oomplied with in full, the Cornwallis and Nautilus were not Oompitenfc to Garry down the
464
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[November, 3902.
whole of the Supplies required, in consequence of which the following Articles remain to be
dispatched, in part of the last Indents
Rice ... Mds. 650
Dholl 400
Ghee 61
Salt 105
Paddy 80
Wheat ... .. .. 20
The above Articles may be estimated at a Tonnage equal to about 700 Bags,
There are also about 100 Convicts in the Jail of the 24 Purgunnahs, under Sentence
of Transportation,
A Tender has been made by Captain Copestakes of the Snow Druid (formerly
freighted for a similar Purpose) who will engage to carry down 100 Convicts with their
Provisions and Water for 15 Days, and 1000 Bags of Grain for the Supply of the Settlement for
the Slim of E® 3000, which is the same as was formerly paid him, I propose therefore that
his Offer should be accepted, and that the following Orders should be issued in consequence.
To the Secretary to prepare for the Embarkation of 100 Convicts on the Druid, as
soon as the Yessel may be ready to receive them.
2. To the Garrison Store Keeper to provide and Ship Provisions and Water for the Sub-
sistence of 100 Convicts on their Passage Allowing at this Season 15 Days for their Passage
down
3, To the Garrison Store Keeper, to provide and Ship Provisions and Water for the Sub-
sistence of 100 Convicts on their Passage, Allowing at this Season 15 Days for their Passage
down,
3* To the Garrison Store Keeper to Ship the Provisions due on the Indents already Passed,
and to fill up the Vacant Tonnage with Rice, Dholl & Paddy equal to the 1000 Bags which the
Yessel is engaged to Carry, as a further Supply for the use of the Settlement, and of the Addi-
tional Convicts to be sent there.
/ J. Shore.
, P, Speke.
(. W*? Cowper.
1794. — No. XIiVI.
Port William the 19*? December 1794. Bead a Letter from Captain Copestakes.
Edward Hay Esq Secretary to Government,
Sir, — The Druid will be ready to receive the Convicts on Board, as soon as the Grain and
their Water is on Board, but as Yet I have not seen any, but expect it to day Yiz* a part.
I am
10*? December 1794. Stephen Copestakes.
1796. — No. I.
Fort William, 2nd January 1795.
Secretary to the Military Board.
To Edward Hay Esqre Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have the honor to enclose for the approval of Government Bill No. 178 for
Provisions sent by the Garrison Store Keeper on board the Cornwallis Snow, for Subsistence
November, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth OENTERT. -^65
o£ 30 Convicts Ordered to the Andamans and to intimate the recommendation of the Military
Board that it may be passed transferring the charge to the Civil Department,
I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedient humble Servant
(Signed) Isaac Humphreys
Military Boards Office Secry. Military Board,
29th December 1794.
Agreed that the Bill above mentioned be passed and that Lieutenant Robinson
Garrison Store Keeper be instructed bo present it to the Civil Paymaster for Payment,
1795. — No. II.
12th January 1795.
Similar letter to the above.
1795, — No. III.
Fort Willaim, 19th January 1795,
Read a letter from the Superintendant at the Andamans,
To Edward Hay Esqre. Secretary to the Government.
_ Accompanying I do myself the pleasure of transmitting yon the accounts of this
Settlement brought up to the 1st of the ensuing Month By the last Account Current sent, you
would perceive that there was but a small balance of Cash in hand, I have however by receiving
money fiom Individuals and by giving Notes on my own Agents m Calcutta for part of the pay
of almost all the different Classes of people been able to discharge every expcnce of the Settle-
ments to the 1st of December for which I have drawn Bills on Government according to the
accompanying List. I must however now beg that you will acquaint the Governor General in
Council that a Supply of Fifteen or Twenty Thousand Rupees in Specie Will be necessaiy ior
the next thiee Months Expenditure, half in Gold and half m Silver, and have to request he will
be pleased to direct its being sent by the first Oppoitunity.
The Dispatch Brig being completely repaired and equipped, I have given Command of
her to Mr John Roberts hist Officer of the Cornwallis Snow, Who has been employed in
fitting her out. While at Prince of Wales’s Island I engaged Mr E. Gardiner as an Officer
for that Yebsel with the Pay of a Second Officer as also the necessary Europeans, and I have
fixt her Establishment upon as economical a plan as possible, her expences of every hind are
paid up hy me to the Isl of December, but from that period it probably will be more convenient
for Mr Roberts to indent for Pay and Provisions on the Marine Pay Master in Bengal as is
practised by the other Commanders of Yessels on the Establishment.
A few days ago I sent the Dispatch to Chittagong Conceiving that at this Season of the
Year it is the readiest and cheapest place from which we can draw Provisions and Stock, and
I have written to the Collector of that District requesting he will supply the gram that the
Vessel CECn take, drawing on Government for the amount of its cost which I hope will be
approved of.
Whilo I was at Piiuce of Wales’s Island the GoTernment of Bombay sent m one of the
Company’s Cruisers bound to Prince of Wales’s Island , five European Convicts to be landed
at the Andamans, but tbe Officer Commanding there would not receive them but very pro-
perly referred the Captain of the Oimizer to me. As it struct me that it never was the inten-
tion of the Governor General in Council to send European Convicts to the Andamans, and as
there appeared to me many cogent Beaaons against the Measure, I thought it best to request
the Commander of tho Crnizer to take them hack to Bombay, and now enclose a Copy of the
letter I wrote to tho Secretary of Government at Bombay on that Subject.
I have the honor to be. Sir, Tour most Obedient Humble Servant
(Signed) A. Kyd Supt. Andamans.
Port Cornwallis
20th Novr. 1794,
466
THE INDIAN ANTIQDAEY.
[November, 1902.
Enclosure.
To Jolin Morris Eac^re Secretary to Government, Bombay.
Sir, — Your letter of the SGtli July last by tbe Ship Intrepid giving Notice of five European
Convicts having been sent to the Andamans by Order of the Honble the Governor in Council
of Bombay vas delivered me by Captain Pruen at this place. The Officer I left in Command at
Port Cornwallis where Captain Pruen touched did not think it expedient to leccive the Prisoners
for which he has assigned to me Sufficient reasons, but referred Captain Pruen to me. 1 must
now beg tbe favor of yon to acquaint the Governor in Council that I do not think 1 can with
IJropriety receive these Convicts at the Andamans without the particular directions of the
Governor General in Council and that should he even thiuk the banishment of European Convicts
to the Andamans, a measure in itself expedient it would he necessary for me to represent that
the Settlement is not yet in a Situation to accommodate them but with much convenience, but
I must beg leave humbly to observe to tbe Governor in Council of Bombay that I conceive the
fitness of such sentence of the Court of Oyer and Tei miner has not been duly considered as the
Andamans cannot in any manner he applicable as a place of banishment /or European Convicts.
In all eases of Transportation I presume that two points must be established the one
that there is a strong local attachment from habit, Possession of fixt property , ties of consan-
guinity or afiection, the dissolving of which with condemnation to hard labour constitutes the
Exemplary punishment, the other that the Country chosen for the place of banishment is to
derive benefit by the acquisition of even such bad subjects as was formerly tbe case in the Tran-
sportation of Convicts from Great Britain to its Colonies in North America and at this time to
Botany Bay. In the present case neither of these objects seem to be attended to, nor are they
I conceive attainable I imagine the Sentence does not extend to har’d labor, as to Europeans
in a Climate near the Equator it would be a very rigorous one entailling a certain and speedy
death, if it is not to hard labor, there appears no punishment at all, for it cannot be supposed
that tbe class of Europeans most subject to such Sentences can have cause for strong local
attachments to any place in India and as they would be as well subsisted at the Andamans as at
Bombay and obliged to perform no harder duty, there is no reason why they should not be quite
contented with their Situation, neither can the Country reap any advantage from the acquisition
of such men, they are unfit for hard labour in such a climate, they could be employed in no
Office of Trust, or as Overseers to the Native Jabouiers as it would he placing them in situations
far snj^erior to what they probably left nor could they be made to serve in a Corps of European
Soldiers without giving a j’ust cause of discontent, they could only therefore remain as Prisoners
to be subsisted by Goveinment at a gi eater expence than in any other part of India, as every
Article of Provision must be sent from Bengal and would remain a very great incumbrance and
inconvenience to the Settlement in providing them with habitations Clothing, Medical Attendance
and other conveniences which humanity requires that Europeans should have in such a Climate.
1 hope these reasons will appear sufficient to the Governor in Council of Bombay to excuse me
in his Opinion for objectmg to receive these Men, and that they may Operate with the Court
of Oyer and Terminer to induce it to adopt some more applicable punishment for Criminals of
this class.
I have the honor to be, Your Obedient Servant
(Signed) A. Zyd
Prince of Wales’s Island, Supt. Andamans.
20th September 1794,
Ordered that the Accounts of the Settlement at Port Cornwallis transmitted with Major
Nyd’s Letter dated the 20ih November, be sent to the Military Auditor General for his report
upon them, and that the list of the Bills he has drawn upon the Governor General in Council
be forwarded to the Accountant General,
November, 1902] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XYIIIth OENTDET.
467
Agreed that an Order on the Treasury for Twenty Thousand Enpees payable half in Gold
and half in Silver be issued in favor of the Superintendant who is now at the Presidency, to be
dispatched to the Andamans by the first Opportunities that Offer,
Agreed that Major Kyd be informed that the Board approve of his having given the
Command of the Dispath Brig to Mr John Roberts, and of his Nomination of Mr E. Gardiner
to be an officer of that Vessel with the pay of a Second, and that they [omission ?j with the
Superintendant to lay before them the Establishment he has fixed for her.
The Board approving of the Suggestion that Mr Roberts should indent on Mr Boswell’s
Office for the pay and Provisions leqiiired for the Dispatch subsequent to the 1st of December,
to which Time the Expences of the Vessel were provided for by the Superintendant, observe
that Indents so made out were passed at the last meeting.
Agreed with respect to the Baropean Convicts sent from Bombay that the
Superintendant be informed that the Governor General in Council approves of his
having returned them to that Presidency for the Reasons Stated, and observes that
Instructions sent upon the subject, some time ago, by this to the Bombay Government
will prevent the Transportation of any more European Convicts from thence to the
Andamans.
, 1795. — ISTo. IV.
Superintendant at the Andamans dated 23rd November.
To Edward Hay Esqr, Secretary to Government.
Sir, — I have the pleasure to acquaint you for the information of Government, that the
Ilonble. Company’s Snow Drake arrived here yesterday from Bengal with Convicts but I am
very sorry to find that there is no provisions on Board for them I have particularly to request
that so great a number of people may never be sent to the Settlement without the necessary
precaution being taken for their Subsistence for at least four Mouths, as in our situation at this
time it may be ilie occasion of very serious distress to tbe Settlement I have also to observe
that there were fifty one Convicts landed instead of fifty as expressed by tlie list sent by tbe
Magistrate of tbe 24 Peigunnabs and that there are many of them, Old, Sickly and of classes
of Men very unfit for labor
I have been honored with your letter of tbe 1st Instant, and shall rigidly attend to the
Board’s direction in sending Review Rolls with the names of the different Classes of people
paid by the Publio at the Andamans As I did not at all perceive tbe utility of their [these]
papers, I have heretofoio omitted sending them, conceiving the accumulation of all unnecessary
Papers as an evil winch the Board would Jiave wished me to avoid.
T have now the pleasure of sending you Review Rolls for the Months of September,
October and November the Accounts of which were made up and sent a few days ago.
I have the honor te be Sir Tour most Obedient Humble Servant,
(Signed) A. Kyd.
Port Cornwallis 23rd November 1794.
Ordered that Particular Attention be paid in future to the Supplies of Provisions for the
Convicts sent to the Andamans, and that it bo made the Rule that Subsistence shall be provided
for them for at least four Months as the Superintendent recommends.
Ordered that the necessary directions in consequence be sent to the Garrison Store
Keeper.
Ordered that an Extract from Major Kyd’s letter, relating to tbe Number and State of tbe
Convicts sent in the Drake be transmitted to tbe Judicial Department.
Ordered that Copies of the two last Paragraphs of Major Kyd’s letter be forwarded to the
Military Auditor General with the Review Rolls to which they refer.
468
THE INDIAN ANTIQUAHT.
[November, 1902.
1795. 1^0. V.
Mr. Wood dated 23rd November,
Bead a letter from Mr. David Wood
To the Honble Sir John Shore Hart. Oovernor General in Council, Fort William.
Honble Sir, — It is with great diffidence I take the liberty to address you at this time on
the subject of my situation at Port Cornvallis. The precarious and tempoiar^^ appointment
I have filled, for upwards of four years, and the anxiety I feel on that account, will I hope
apologize for my intruding my case, on 3 our cousideration.
The fifth year is now passing on, since Iieceived the ordeis of the Governor General in
Council to proceed to the Andamans, and execute the Medical duties at that settlement.
During that time, I have filled a place, that lequned constant attendance, and of considerable
labour. A situation, fiom the infant state of the settlement, by no means enviable ; upon
allowances considerably reduced, and, even to the prejudice of my general health. I candidly
acknowledge my acceptance of the situation, unconditionally, but had great reason to hope my
services here, which I understand have been satisfactory to my commanding officers would have
induced the Honble Court of Directors to confirm my rank on tbe Bengal establishment. The
object 1 always looked up to and, for which I voluntanly relinquished an appointment on the
Madras establishment, which, my friends had piocured for me, about the time of my ariival
at the Andamans
The number of Assistant Surgeons appointed by the Honble Court of Directors this season,
for the Bengal establishment, without any reference to the recommendation forwarded two j^ears
ago by tbe Marquis Cornwallis in my favour, fills my miud with anxiety and the diead of being
again thrown upon tbe world, without any piovision, should bad health ever oblige me to
relinquish my present temporary appointment,
I have thus presumed to lay my case before you, in expectation that the peculiarity of it
may induce you to forward another application to the Honble Court of Diiectors or to grant
me rank on the Bengal establishment (until their pleasure is known) as j om wisdom shall best
diiect,
I have the honor to he with the greatest respect Honble Sir Your Most
Obedient and Most Humble Servant,
Port Cornwallis, November 2Srd 1794. (Signed) David Wood.
Ordered that Mr Wood be infoimed on the subject of his letter that tho Governor General
in Council will remind the Honble Court of Directors of the Eecomniendation submitted to
them in the Year 1792 of Mr Wood to be appointed an Assistant Suigeon on this Establishment
and advise him of the Answer as soon as it arrives,
1796, — No. VI.
Bead a letter from tbe commander of tbe Dispatch Brig Captain Eoberts dated 14th
January
To Edward Hay Esqr, Secretary to the GoTerument,
Sir, — Having succeeded by regular rotation m the Honble Company’s Marine service to the
Command of the Brig Dispatch on the Andaman Station, on the First of August last j I have
to lequest you will do me the honor to solicit of the Governor General in Council a Commission
of Captain, hearing date from that peiiod
I have the honor to be Sir, Your Most Obedient Humble Servant
(Signed) John Eoberts*
Agreed that the Secretary be directed to comply with the above application, and to grant
Mr Eoberts the Commission he requests.
November, 1902 ] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth CENTURY.
469
1796. — No. VII.
Fort William 6fc]i Pebrnary 1795.
Read a Letter and its Enclosure from the Secietary to the Military Board.
Eduard Hay Esqr. Secretary 1o the Govercinent.
Sir, — I have the honor to transmit Copies of Letters which have this day been addressed to
the Commissary oi Stoies and Garrison Store Keeper by Order of the Military Board together
with a Copy of the Indent, which was sent with the former, shewing wdiat Articles have been
passed on the Arsenal.
I have the honor to be A:ca
(Signed) Isaac Humphreys Secry, Mily Board.
Enclosure
To liientenant G-eorge Abercromby Robinson Garrison Store Keeper.
,Sir, — The Military Provision Stoie Keeper, in an Indent which has been submitted to
the board, applied foi some Articles not usually knowu on the arsenal Books, you are
requo.sted to indent for them on the agent of supplies
They aie as follows —
Hooks Fishing.
Jnggry.
Knives Common.
LinevS Fishing
ACter procuiing them from Captain Collins be pleased to Ship them on such Vessel as
Ooi oriiment ma\ be pleased to direct
I am &ca
(Signed) Isaac Humphreys, Secry. Mily Board.
Military Board Office, the 31st January 1796.
Enclosure.
Lieutenant William Golding, Commissary of Stores.
Sir, Enclosed I beg to forward to you an Indent No 1073 for Sundrie*? for the Settle-
ment at the Andamans, ot which you aie directed to piepare snch as have been admitted by
the Board tor dispatch, on such ship as Government may be pleased to direct. The Garrison
Store Keeper aviII receive Instructiona to obtain from the Agent of Stores such articles as are
not usually known on the Arsenal Books.
I am Sir, Y'our Most Obedient humble Servant
(Signed) Isaac Humphreys Secry. Mily, Board.
Military Board Office, 31st January 1796.
Indent No. 3.
To Lientenfint W'lliam Golding, Comniissary of Stores, Fort William,
N amea of Stores
Articles
indented
for
For what purposes wanted
Admitted
by the
Board.
Adzes Europe
« •• • • •
12
Carpentois ...
12
Chalk
Maunds
2
Ditto
2
Firmors Inch
Dozen
(>
Ditto ... ».« *•
6
Hooka Fislimg of Sizes
200
For the use of the Settlers..,
-
Jiiggry
.. Mds.
60
For Masonry
470
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Notembee, 1902.
Names of Stores.
Articles
indented
for
For what purpose wanted.
Admitted
by the
Board
Xnives Oommon ...
...
50
Por the use of the Lascars ...
Lanthorns Horn «.•
« «
10
Guards and Patroles
10
Lines Nishing
* * ■
ft
50
For the use of the Settlers
...
...
N’eedles Packing
*e.
*.
50
For the Store Room
60
Ditto Sail
50
Sail Makers
50
Oil Mustard Seed ...
Mds,
50
For Masonry
..
50
Ditto Lintseed Boiled
Do.
5
Painting Public Buildings . , ,
■ m
5
Paint Black
Kegs
1
Ditto
• ft
1
Paint Blue ...
Ditto
1
Ditto
1
Ditto Yellow
...
Ditto
1
Ditto
1
Ditto White •••
Ditto
2
Ditto
• ft
2
Ditto Verdegrease...
Ditto
1
Ditto
• > «
1
Scissars
...
Pairs
2
For the use of the Store Room
• ••
2
Tarpawhns Large and Small (eacli
101 ... ••• ...
20
For the protection of Grain
Stores
and
20
Twine, Jute
Maunds
10
Fot Thatching &c ...
••
10
Indent ISTo.
To Lieutenant William Golding, Commissary of Stores, Rort William,
Names of Stores*
Articles
indented
for
For what purposes wanted.
Admitted
by the
Board
Chissels of Sorts
... Doz.
4
Carpenters
••• **■ ..
4
Files flat large
... Do.
2
Smiths
• ft#
2
Ditto Pit Saw
... Do.
2
Sawyers
••• ■■ ...
ft ftft
2
Nails, 1 Inch
... Md,
1
Carpenters
••• ••• •••
Ift
1
Oil Coconut ...
... Do.
1
Siclegurs & Cleaning Arms
1
Salamoniac...
... lbs.
10
Smiths
10
Saws Pit with Handles
■ fe
6
Sawyers
••• •••
6
Silk Sewing red & hlne of each
2 lbs
i
Bepairs
••• ...
4
Thread Cotton ...
... lbs<
2
Bepairs
••• ...
2
Solder Tm
... Seers
6
Smiths...
...
5
(Signed) Joseph Stokoe, Commissary Stores & Provisions, Andamans.
( igned) Thomas Eamsay Smith, In temporary charge of the Settlement.
Passed by the Military Board this day, 2nd February, 1706.
(To he continued^)
Novbmber, 1902]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
471
A OOMPLBTB VERBAL CROSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON
OR GLOSSARY OP ANGLO-Ii- DIAN WORDS,
BY OHAELES PAETEIDGE, M A.
(Ooniinv^d fiom p, iSS )
Gorge ; s. v. 197, i, 4 times, 783, ii, ann. 1525 :
s. V. Suiat, 664, u, ana. 1612 : e. v. Bafta,
35, u, s. V. 197, i, twice, ann. 1612-13: s, v,
197, i; ann. 1622 and 1670 (twice) : s. o.
197, 11 ; ann. 1680 . » ». Saleinpooiy, 862, li ;
ann. 1704- s. v. Roomanl, 582, i ; ann. 1747:
s. V. 784, 1 ; ann. 1760 ; s. w. 197, ii, s, » Pan,
846, 1 ; ann. 1764 and 1818 • s. v. 197, ii.
Con , ann. 1572 . s. ». Comorm, Cape, 184, u.
Coriander ; ann. 1554 : «. «. Biinjanl, 87, i.
Corind j ann, 1 666 : a. v. Corundum, 200, li.
Ooflnga , s, V 197, u, s. «. Godavery, 802, i.
Coris ; ann. 1705 • s, «. Cowry, 209, li.
OoTjfi ; ann. 1525 ; «. v. Gorge, 197, i,
Oorjaa ; ann. 1525 : a. ®. Snrat, 664, ii.
Oorjas, ann. 1644 : s. t>. Gorge, 197, ii.
Cork ; e. v. 197, ii ; ann. 1726 • s. v. 197, li }
ann. 1803 : s. v. Dissave, 246, ii.
Oormandel , a. v. Coromandel, 200, i, 4 times.
Oormandoll ; s. v. Coromandel, 200, i.
Cornac ; e. v, 197, ii, ann. 1781" a. s.Nair, 471, i.
Coinaca , ann. 1685 . a. «. Comae, 198, i.
Oornaca, a. v. Comae, 197, ii.
Oornacas , ann. 1712 * a. o. Comae, 198, i.
Corni de’ Qreci ; a. v. Bendy, 63, u.
Oomiole; ann. 1506 : a. «. Cambay, 115, i.
Comix ; ann. 1200 ; a. ®. Grab, 300, i.
Commeeter ; ann. 170^ • a. ». Scavenger, 606, n.
Coroooro ; ann. 1774 a. v. Garacoa, 122, ri.
Ooromande, ann. 1588: a. v. Oliinapatam,
778, i.
Coromandel; a. «. 198, i andii (twice), 199, i
and 11 , both twice, 200, i, 3 times, 784, i, twice,
8. V. Bengal, 64, i, see 108, ii, footnote, a, «.
Ohinapatam, 158, li, a. o. Ciroars, 170, u, a. v.
Coast, Tbo, 171, ii, a, ». Ooleroon, 181, i, a. ».
Onddaloie, 215, ii, a. v. Paotory, 264, i, a, v.
Godown, 291, ii, see 332, ii, footnote, a. v.
Jaggery, 340, u. a. Kahnga, 372, ii, a. ®.
Mabar, 401, i, see 413, i, footnote (8 times),
a. p.Milk-busb, 434, i, a. v. Mussoola. 461, i, a. ».
Navait, 476 , i, a .®. Negapatam, 476, ii, a. «.
Orissa, 492, ii, a ». Sarong, 602, i, a. w. Scav- I
enger, 607, i, a. «. Oanhameira, 771, ii, a. «.
Dengue, 789, i, a. ». Pattamar, 842, i ; ann.
I 1296 : s V. Paii(3araai, 508, ii j ann. 1330 . b,v.
Mabar, 4-01, ii; ann. 1340; s, v Oudh, 494,
11 , ann. 1510: s, u. Tenassenm, 696, i ; ann.
1563 . s. w. Sandal, 597, ii ; ann. 1606 . 5 . i\
Synam, 674, i, ann. 1613 : 8 w. Compomid|188,
I , s. V, Klmg, 374, i, ann. 1614. 5 . z?. Balaghant,
38,11, ann. 1648. s. Suttee, 670, i ; ann,
1673* 5 . V. Patna, 520, i, ann. 1681: s. v.
Karsmga, 474, ii ; ann. 1711 : s. y. Bnneus,
97, 1 ; ann. 1750-60 s. v- Cash, 128, li, ann.
1759; s. V, Chnckler, 167, i ; ann. 1760:
s. V, Candy (a.), 120, i, $, v, Mannd, 432, i ;
ann. 3763 s, v. Pettah, 533, i, aim 1770 :
<u Pariali, 516, i ; ann. 1774 • s. v. Sling,
642, ii ; ann. 1779 ‘ s, v, Buddlia, 91, i , ann.
1782: 8. D. Malabar (B), 413, li; ann. 1796 ;
s, V. Gnmgam, 288, i , ann. 1809 • s, 'u. Factory,
264 , 1 j ann. 1825 ; 5. o. Sandal, 598, i ; ann.
1860 : s V, Catamaran, 133, i, s, v. Doney,
250. 1 . s. V Pattamar (b), 521, i, s. v. Snake-
stone, 644, i ; ann, 1868 : s, v, Kling, 815, i.
Coromandel-ebony , a. Calamander Wood,
310. 1.
Coromandell j ann 1613 : g. w. Dungaree, 255, i,
Coioraandella ; ann. 1691 ; s, Winter, 740, li,
Coromandel wood \ s, v, Calamander Wood,
no, i.
Coromandyll ; s, v. Coromandel, 200, i.
Ooromondel ; s. v Coromandel, 200, i.
Goromoria, ann. 1696 : s, v. Sandoway, 598, i.
Ooron j ann. 1616 : s. y. Deccan, 233, ii,
Gorpoial Forbes ; a. v, 200, i , ann, 1829 : s, v.
200. 1.
Corral ; s, u. 200, ii, 4 times, 784, i, s. 2 ;.Keddali,
364, i ; ann. 1270 • s. v, 200, ii; ann. 1404 :
s. y. 784, i; ann 1860 : s. v, 300, n.
Correa ; s. 2 ?. Bandel, 44, i, s, v, Biiggalow, 94,
II , 8 V, Topaz, 863 ii.
Ooxregidor , ann. 1567 : s v. Mocuddtim, 435, i,
Ooisair ; v* Gentoo, 280, i* 8 v. Grab, 299,
11 ; ann. 1516 • s* v. Honors, 321, ii j ann.
1540 : s. Mandarin, 421, i.
Oorte ; s. v. Corral, 200, ii.
Corn 5 ann. 1623 : s, w. Goss, 203, ii, twice.
Corumbisj ann 1644* ®. v. Bandaree, 43, u.
472
THE INBIAH ANTlQIJART.
[Novembee, 1902
Commcul ; ann 1835 : s. v, Poon, o47, i.
Corundum ; s, z>. 200, ii.
Oorvetta ; s. e?. Grrab, 299, ii.
Coivina, 612, i, footnote , ann 1720 s,i\ Seer-
iisb, 612, 1.
Corvus , ann 1200 and 1690 : v Grab,
300,1.
Coryphaena Boiado , s, v. Dorado, 250, ii
Coiypbaena hippurus , s, v Doiado, 250, ii,
2h, 1.
Coiypha umbiacnlifera , s, v. Talipot, 679, i
CoS; ann. 1623 : s v, Coss, 203 ii, twice , aim,
1638 . s. V. Baioda, 53, i
Gosacchi, ann 1618 • s. v Cossack, 203, n,
Cos Assam , s. v Gooch Azo, 191, ii.
Gosbeaguo; s,v Gosbeck, 298, i; ann, 1673*
s, zj. '‘Gosbeck, 298, i.
Oosbeg; ann. 1727- s, v. Gosbeck, 298, i.
Cos Bhaar , ann 1726 * s. i\ Gooch Behai, 191, i.
Cose , aim. 1590 s, v. Runn, 585, i, twice, s. v,
Saligram, 593, ii, $. v, Surath, 666, i, twice ,
aim. 1784 . s. v Sikh, 633, ii
Oosmas ; 245, u, footnote, twice , ann. 645 s. v*
Oalyan, 114, n.
Oosmas Indicopleustes , ann. 1859 : « i\ Dinar,
245. 11,
Cosmi; ann. 1566 . s, v, Cosmin, 201, ii.
Cosmt, ann. 1585 . s, v, Cosmin, 201, ii.
Oo&nnm, ann, 1516 and 1545 • s. v Cosmin,
201, 1 , aim, 1613 . «, v. Cosmin, 784, i.
Cosmin, t\ 200, ii, 201, i. twice, 784, us v
Bassein (2), 54, i, ann. 1546 5. v, Dagon,
226. 11 , ann 1570 s v. 201, ii, twice, anii.
1586 s, V, Negiais, 477, i, ann 1587 . 5, v.
201, ii
Cosmym , ann. 1554 . s, v, Cosmin, 201, i.
Cospetir , 5. V, 201, ii, twice, 784, i, s, v Guj-
putty, 308, i, see 373, n, footnote; ann 1553
s. 27. 202, 1 , twice , ann, 1758 • s. v, 784, i,
twice.
Coss ; s. V, 202, i, 784, i, s. v Cuouya, 21 S, i, s v,
Gow, 299, 1 , s. V Khass, 366, ii , aim. 1340
and 1612 * s v. Dawk, 232, i , ann 1614 * s v
Jask, 346, i, twice, ann. 1048 6. Coss,
203, n; ann. 1683 : s i\ Juiibdai, 357, ii,
ann. 1706-7 s. v, Pindairy, 539, i, anu.
1766 s. V Snnyasee, 662, i ; ann. 1785 s. v,
Ghurry, 285, i ; ann, 1788 . v Nuggurcote,
483, 11 , ann. 1813 s v, Kitmutgar, 371, i, i
aim. 1866 • s, v, Tumlum, 7 j 7, n.
Cossack, s V 203, ii, 784, i, a i\ Bydo Foi&e,
105,1, s,t\ Pmdaiiy, 538, i, ann. 1366 and
1618 : s ij. 203, ii , aim 1813 s v 784, u •
ann. 1823 5. i\ 203, ii , ann. 1825 \ v,
Pindany, 539, i
Cosbadass, ann. 1683 s Mootsuddy, 448, i.
Cossae, s, i\ Piece-goods, 536, i , anu. 1785:
s. V. Piece-goods, 535, ii.
Cosseikee , aim 1823 « i\ Cossack, 203, ti
Oosse , ann 1666* 9 v Coss, 203, ii * aim.
1763 s i\ Cutcha, 223, 1 , twice.
Cossebhes , aim. 1659^ s v Cassowary, 131,
tv\icc,
Gossembazar ; ann. 1752 s v Bandanna, 43, 1 ,
Cosset, ann 1G90 s. v, Cossul, 204, 1 ,
Cossid ; V 204, i, 784, 11 , ann. 1682 and 1803 .
s V. 204, i.
Gossim Ally , ann. 17C6 r Sunyilsee, 662, 1
Cossimbazai , 5 v. 204, 1 , 784, 11 , s. /. Pactoiy,
264, 11 , aun. 1727 s, r Muxadabad, 403, u,
ann. 1748 s, i\ Bnxeriy, 104, u, ann. 1755 :
sv Buxeny, 769, 1 , v, Piitriee, 840, u;
ann, 1761 s. v Black, 765, ii.
Cossumbazar, ann. 1686* s, i\ Jezya, 811, i.
Cossy ; ann. 1781 . s ?». Bheesfcy, 70 , 1
Goi^sya , s. i\ 204, 1 , 784, u, v. KhEisya^ 367,
1 , 6. Orange, 490, i
Cossyah, ann. 1789 • 5. v, Cossya, 204, n , ann.
1790 s i. Co&sya, 784, n.
Cost , aim, 1563 5 . v» Putijhock, 505, 1
Costa da Poscaiia, ann 1644 s v Tuticonn
721, ..
Coste , ann 1676 * s. v, Gow, 209, a, twice,
Costi, ann 540* s v, Zedoary, 747, n,
Cobfciere, ann, 1343 s. v. Lac, 381, 1 , 4 times,
Costo , aim 70-80 s, v, Koot, 375, a, ann. 1343:
s. z Candy (Sngai), 12u, 1 .
Costo dulce, ann. 1584 s v Koot, 375, ii.
Costiim, s V Koot, 375, 1 , E. C. 16: s, v.
Koot, 375, 1
Oostuma , ann. 1340: s v Dowann, 240, a,
Oostumado , ann 1708-71: 5 z?. Custom, 787 , li.
Gostus; s. V, 204, 11 , s. v, Jobtick, 354, 1 , 5 . y!
Koot, 375,1, 5 , V Putchock, 5G4, 11 , twice;
aim 80-90: 5 Indigo, 334,1, ann. 90*
« V Bdellium, 57, 1 , arm. 1563* s. z? Root,
375, II, s y. Putchock, 565, 1 ; arm, 1631:
5 . y, Putchock, 565 , 1
Oostas dulcis , ann. 1711 « Potohock, 565,
Oostafc indious, ; t. v, Patehoek, 564, u.
NOVEMBER} 1902,]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
47S
Costus verus; s. v, Putchock, 564, li.
Cot, 8. V. 204, 11 , 4 times, 784, ii,5. v. Compound,
188, i ; ann. 1678 and 1690 : y. 205, i, ann.
1780 : 5 . V. Buggy, 95, i; aim. 1824 : s v,
•205, i.
Cota ; anil. 1554 : s. Cowry, 809, li, twice.
Cota Malmulco, ann, 1553: s.v- Cotamaluco,
785, i,
Cotamaluco; s, v, 784, ii, s, v. Madremaluco,
821, 11 , ann, 1543 and 1553 (twice) : s. v.
785, 1.
Cotao ; s. u. Cotton, 786, i.
Cototi, ann. 1759: 8. v, Cateoku, 133, ii, s. v,
Hurtaul, 328, i,
Cote Oaungrah ; ann. 1809 i s. v. Nuggurcote,
831, i.
Coteka , ann. 1633 . ». v. Cuttack, 224, i.
Cotia , 8. V. 205, ii ; ann, 1552 and 1602 ; s. y.
205, li.
Co ton ; 8 V. Cotton, 785, i.
Cotone ; s. y. Cotton, 785, i*
Ootoneaster acuminata , a, v, Rowce, 583, ii.
Cotoneaster bacillaris ; v, Rowce, 588, ii.
Cotonei ; 8, Cotton, 785, i.
Ootoxa; ann. 1588 : 5* v. Xercansor, 868, i,
3 times.
Cott ; ann. 1673 : a. v. Cot, 205, i ; ann. 1683 :
y. Gentoo, 280, ii ; ann. 1685 and 1688 :
8 i\ Cot, 205, 1 ; ann, 1689 : a. y, BicMna,
70, ii ; ann, 1711: a, y. Got, 205, i ; ann.
1747 : a. v. Bandeja, 760, ii; ann. 1794; a, y.
Cot, 205, i.
Cotta ; a, y. 205, ii.
Cottah, ann 1784: a, y. Cotta, 205, u.
Ooitewanicn ; aim, 1651 : a v, Pisang, 540, ii.
Cotton; a. y. 785, i, twice, a y. Beiramee, 61, i,
s, y. Khurreef, 814, i; ann. 1343 : a. y,
Beiramee, 61, i ; ann 1498; a. y. Bengal, 64,
li; ann. 1510- a. y. Beiramee, 61, i; ann.
1644 : a y. Opium, 833, u ; ann. 1653 : a. y.
Goodry, 802, i ; ann. 1680: a. y. Bulgar, 96,
i, 8, V, Moonga, 824, ii.
Cotton-tree ; a, y, Seemul, 610, li.
Cotton-Tree, Silk , a, y. 205, ii.
Cotton-works; ann. 1573 : a. y. Muslin, 459, i.
Ootwal ; a. y. 205, li,
Oou ; ann. 1553 : a. v. Cospetir, 202, ii.
Ooucal, ann. 1883 ; a. y. Orow-pbeasant, 214, li.
Ooucee ; ann. 1537 : a, y, Ooss, 203, i,
Coucke ; ann. 1585 ; a. v. Ooook Bekar, 191, i.
Oouckin, ann, 1727 . a. y. Quilon, 570, ii.
Ooulaba ; ann. 1793 * a. y. Bungalow, 99, i.
Coulam ; ann. 1516: a. y, Gael, 108, i, a. y.
Guardafm, Cape, 306, i ; ann. 1553 : a y.
Travancore, 714, li, ann, 1572 . a. y. Quilon,
570, 11 ; ann. 1666 : a, y. Factor, 263, i.
Coulam; ann. 1516 : a. y. Quilon, 670, i.
Coulandi ; a. y, Pandarani, 508, u,
Coulao , ann. 1572 : a. y. Quilon, 570, ii,
Coulao ; ann. 1516 : a. v, Sambook, 596, i ; ann,
1 643 : a. y. Pagoda, 600, ii ; ann. 1552 , s. i\
Anckediva, 20, ii , ann. 1572: a, y. Cran-
ganore, 211, li.
Coulees ; ann 1630 : a. y. Gentoo, 280, ii.
Coulete ; 5 . Pandarani, 508, li.
Couley ; ann. 1785 : a. y. Cooly, 193, 1 .
Couli; ann. 1759: a. v. Sepoy, 614, i; ann.
1790 . a. y. Ckullo, 780, i
Conkes , ann. 1630: a y. Cooly, 192, ii, ann
1727: s. y. Cooly, 193, 1 ,
Ooulis ; ann. 1791 : a. y. Cooly, 193, 1 .
Counsellor ; a. y. OounsiHee, 786, i.
Counsillee ; a. y. 785, 1 .
Country; a, y, 206, 1 and ii (twicej, 785, i, a.
Beer, Country, 60, 1 , a. y. Europe, 262, 11 , a. ?
Scavenger, 606, ii, a y. Rogue’s Rivei, 849, ii ,
ann. 1420* a y. Ginger, 287, 1 ; ann. 1516:
a. y. 206, 11 ; ann. 1554: a, y. Salsetie (a), 595,
i , ann 1582 a, v. 206, 11 ; ann. 1619 . a. »-
206, li, a, y. Masulipatam, 429, 11 ; ann. 1685:
a. V. 207, 1 ; ann. 1711 . a. y. Rogue’s River,
850, i; ann. 1747: a. v, 785, 1 ; ann. 1750-
a. y. Skroff, 630, n; ann. 1762: a. y. 207, i,
ann. 1753: a. y Capass, 772, h; ann. 1760
s. V Turban, 719, li, ann. 1775; a. y. 207, i,
ann 1782 • a. y. Sepoy, 613, ii, a y. Leaguer,
819, 1 , a y. Nuzzur, 833, i; ann. 1793 and
1809 (both twice) . a. v. 207, i; ann. 1810
a. y. Toon, 710, ii ; ann. 1817 : a. y. 207, i ; ann.
1826 . a. y. Country-Captain, 207, i, twice.
Country almond ; a, y. Country, 206, ii.
Country-born, a. r. Country, 206, i, s y. Remol,
576, ii.
Country-Captain ; a. v, 207, i.
Country Captain , ann. 1769 . a. y. Country,
207,1, ann. 1792 and 1825 (twice) : a. y.
Country-Captain, 207, i.
Country gooseberry ; a. y. Country, 206, ii.
Country harness ; a. y, Country, 206, i.
Country hemp , a» Sunn, 661, li.
474
TEE INDIAN ANTIQUAET.
[Notumber, 1902
Country hoises ; s, z;. Country, 206, i.
Country potato , 8 . v. Oountiy, 206, li.
Country saffron; 5. v. Country, 200, n, s* v*
Saffron, 589, i ; ann. 1563 , s. v. Saffron, 589, in
Country ships , s i\ Country, *206, i.
Coupan, ann. 1705 . 5 . Kobang, 374, i, t^ice,
Coupang ; ann. 1768-71 8, v, Kobang, 815, i.
Ooupele, ann. 1399 s, v, Siwalik (c), 641, i.
Coupole ; ann. 1800 : s. y. Oojyne, 487, ii, twice
Courge ; s, v. Gorge, 197, i,
Counes , ann, 1683 : s, v. Corny, 209, li, s. v.
Maldives, 418, ii; ann, 1727* s, z’. Cowry,
209, n, 210, 1 ; ann. 1753 : s, v. Cowry, 210, i.
Oourim ; ann. 1586 : s. v. Cowry, 209, lu
Courh, ann. 1681 : s. v, Vidana, 738, ii,
Cournakea; s. v. Comae, 198, i; ann. 1726 :
8 . V. Oornac, 198, i.
Courou; ann, 1665* s. v. Lack, 382, ii, twice;
ann. 1690 . 8 v, Crore, 214, i.
Course ; s. v, Goss, 202, ii, 785, i , ann. 1583
s, V 785, i; ann. 1615: a. v. Ohittoie, 157, ii ;
ann. 1616* s.t\ Ooss, 203, i, 4 tunes, ann.
1672 8 V, Banyan-Tree, 50, li.
Courtalluni ; 8 zj. 207, i.
Coutewael; ann. 1648 . s, r. Oazee, 137, i.
Covado ; s. Covid, 207, ii,
Ooveed ; ann. 1672 and 1760 • s. y. Oovid, 207, ii.
Ooveld ; ann, 1672 : s. z?, Covid, 207, li.
Covenanted ; a. y. Factor, 262, ii
Covenanted servant ; s. y, Dustuck, 257, ii.
Covenanted Sen ants; 8, y. 207, i; ann, 1757.
8, y. 207, 11.
Oovcrynianil ; aim, 1780. s. y, Cobia Manilla,
173, II.
Covid , 3. y. 207, h , ann 1720 (twice) and 1760
8, y, 207, II.
Covil; 8. y. 207, ii.
Covit; ann 1794: a. y. Covid, 207, u.
Cowan ; ann. 1791 : s. y. Cowry, 785, li, twice,
Cowcolly , s, », 207, 5i, 785, ii.
Oowmg ; s, y. Dumbeow, 254, iu
Oow-itch , 8. y. 208, i.
Oowle ; a. 208, i, twice, 785, li; ann. 1611 ;
8, y. Naisinga, 474, ii; ann. 1672 • s, y.
Bavildar, 806, ii , ann. 1680; s, y, Canhameira,
772, 1, s V. 785, ii , ann. 1688 : 3 . y. 208, i ;
•ann. 1719; s, v. Mosque, 452, ii; ann. 1800
and 1804 : s. v. 208, i.
Cowlers ; ann. 1638 : s. y. Cooly, 192, ii.
Cowl-staff, ann. 1638 : s» y. Cooly, 192, n.
Cowp^tn; ann, 1599 : s. v. Tael, 675, ii, twice,
Oowicy, ann. 1672: s, y. Oowiy, 209, ii,
Cowiie, ann. 1833 : s. i\ Cowry, 210, i, ann.
1883 3. y. Cowry, 210, ii.
Cow'ry, 8, V 208, i (^3 times) and ii (G timeb),
209, 1 , 5 times, 210, i, footnote, 210, n, and
footnote, 785, ii and (2), s, v. Poicelam, 548,
1 and 11 , 3. y. Pun, 558, i and ii (twice) , ahn,
943 and 1020 (twice) • 5. y. 209, i ; ann,
1030; 8, y. Maldives, 418, i, ann. 1346 s. y.
Coir, 180,11; ann 1350 5 . y. 209, i (twice)
and 11 ; ann. 1554 : s, y. 209, ii, s y. Porto
Piqueno, 550, i, twice , ann 1662. s, v Naga,
469, 11 , aim. 1683: s. y. Pun, 558, ii , ann.
1747 8, y. 210, i, twice , ann. 1749 . s. v
785, 11 ; aim 1759 : s, i\ Sunnutl, 661, ii ,
ann. 1760 : s. y Gorge, 197, ii, s. y. Pun,
846, i, 3 times, ann. 1762, 1770, 1780 and
1786 : 8 y. 210, 1 , ann. 1791 : s y. 785, ii,
twice, ann. 1803. s. y. 210, i; ann. 1823
s. V. Dumice, 254, ii, ann. 1865 s y. 210, u.
Cowry Divahs , ann 1080 s, y. Maldives, 418, i,
Cowryes , ann. 1683 . s, y. Cowry, 209, ii.
Cow’s tail , ann. 1827 . s, y, Chowry, 779, ii.
Cowtailed cow ; ann. 1774: s, y. Cow tails, 210, n'.
Oow-tailed cow' ; s. y. Chowry, 165, ii, s, y. Yak,
744, i[, ann. 1774; a. y. Oowtails, 210, n.
Cowtails ; s. v, 210, ii, 785, ii ; ann. 1528 : v.
Siwalik, 641, 11 , ann. 1665: s. y. 785, u ;
ann. 1774 and 1784 s, v 210, ii
Cow-tails , 8 V Chowiy, 105, n, .9. y.Yak, 744, i ,
ann 1664 s. i Cowtails, 210, n
Cow Tails , anil 1784 s y. Cowtails, 210 n.
Coxwam , s. y Caksen, 110, i.
Coye, anu 1616* s. v Haiakiri, 312, u.
Coylang , aim. 1726 : s, i\ Qinlon, 570, lu
Coyne; ann. 3300 s, y. Fara.'-li, 266, n.
Coz , ann. 1711 ; s, y. Gosbeck, 298, i, s, y.
Hummaul, 327, i ; aim. 1825 . b v, Gosbeck,
298, 1.
Gozbaugue; ann. 1752 and 1825 . «. y. Gosbeck,
298, 1.
Cozbeg , s V, Gosbeck, 802, ii , ann, 1630 : s, v
Gosbeck, 298, i, 3 times.
Oozida ; ann. 1554 : s, y. Arrack, 26, ii.
Crab’s eyes ; s. y. Euttee, 587, i.
Oran; s, y. 210, ii,
Orancanor ; ann 1535: y Cianganore, 211, ii,
Oranchee ; s. y, 211, i, ann. 1878 : s. v Palkee-
garry, 506, ii.
November, 1902 ]
MISCELLANEA.
475
Oranchio, s. v, Jatka, 362, ii.
Oiiiuuo, ann. 1343 : s, v. Sugar, 655, ii.
Oranganor ; s, i\ Cranganoio, 211, i , ann.
1572 : s, V, Cranganoie, 211, u, s. v. Quilon,
570,11, twice; aim. 1578: s. v Bamboo, 4],
1 , ann 1672 : 6. v, Paulibt, 521, ii.
Cranganoie, 211, i and ii, s v, Faaory, 264, i,
s V, Shinkah, 627, i, seo 627, ii, footnote,
aim, 1806 : s. v, 212, i.
Cranganoi mm , ann, 1510* s.v Sbmkali, 627, n
Grangolor; ann. 1G14. s v, Ciaiiganore. 211, ii
Cranguanor , ann 1554 * s. v, Cranganoie, 211, ii
Cianny, s. v 212, i, 785, n, s. v Coolcurnee,
191, n, 8 V* Curiinm, 217, n , aim. 1348 . s, v,
Nacoda, 469, i, s, v Tindal, 703, ii , ann. 1793 •
fi. V, 212, 11, ann. 1810 * a. v. 212, d, s. v
Dufteiy, 254, i
Crany; ann. 1834 a. Cianny, 212, u.
(To he Conttnued)
MISCELLAITEA.
INHERITED POWER OF CURING DISEASE OR
CAUSING EVIL IN THE PANJiB
BY H. A ROSE,
Superintendent of EthnogTapliy t Pa'ijjab,
The Baldclies have aeveial sub-diviaions, wbo
can stop
Gurchanis . Division Durkani . j^y
Sub-dwision Bajani. a J
Division Loshan reciti ng
” Sub-diviaion Jabmni aad
Division Jaakani.
' Sub-division. Girani. toucliingthe
Division wound, and
Sub-divisioni Sbabmam ’
.. ,. Oh .tar. they used to
U a V e t li e
Legharis
Khosas
power of bewitchins tba arms of tlieu- cnemiM
the BaldoUndvia, HctuEam saye -
uiaaiethe Levitieal section of the Bi^tis and
cnaidiaus of Pti Soliri’a ahnne, thonghthey have
admitted a Guiohant to a shaie in the guardian-
ship Befoie an expedition eaeli man passes
under a yoke of guns (or swords) lield hy men
of the Nfithanl section They cam charm gums
so that the ballets shall be harmless and get (or
chum) a shaie of all ciops grown in the Bu^i
country.’ The Usianas of Klitti Bhiiia in Kiila-
chl TahsU have similar poweis
ilumeious Path&n sections also have similar
poweis In Mhsi KhM, m Ddra Isma'il Kh4n,
the descendants of Murat, of the MM Kh61, o^
oxire burns hy applying their spittie to the
wound, and leoitmg the formula, ‘Bi sui-j-Zte-w-
Balmdn-ir-Bahvm.’ The power was conferred
by a flmdustani fagtr. The Khwaja Khel
received a simUar power from an Indian /a 2 «r.
and can cure pam of any kind by hlowmg
in a piece of salt or sweetmeat and giving
it to tlie patient Among the NiA-zJs is a sept,
called Sarang, who cure jaundice hy blowing on
wrains of white jiw<vr, which the patient eats.
This power was bestowed hy Mi&n Khwfiija Stoib
of MMn B&gh, at whose shrine is a sarinh tree,
and by eating its leaves on the sanhrdnt of
Baisd.kb one becomes immune fiom TLshtornariu
(a disease) foi* as many years as one has eaten
leaves The tomb also lias a general power of
healing. Anothei Niazi sept, the Michan Khel,
IS descended from Michan Bdb^, and has three
sub-septs, the Badni, Goikt and Ak^Kh^ls, which
have varying degrees of power to cure hydro-
phoTbia and snake-bite, and visits to the tomb
of the BdiwA. also secuie immunity fiom snake-
bite The Bnra Khel of the Bhitanni compiises
SIX or seven families claiming Sayyid descent,
but believed to be Mullagaurs, who can avert the
enemy’s bullets in war, and the Sh^ki sept
can cure any disorder if seven members of tbe
sept pray for the patient and spread a thddar or
sheet, over him. This sept is paid foi its services.
In Tank is a sept called Tdib, ncai Gamhild, also
claiming Sayyid descent, but probably of Bhitanni
origin, who can cause rain by their prayers,
and avert misfortunes. Among the Gandapdr
is a Musd-zai sept winch cures cataract, and
another sept, called Bui a, cures pains by stiik-
mg tbe part affected with an iron implement.
Three visits must he made. A thhd sept, the
Ibrazdi, can enre a disease called dwr, by blow-
ing on tbe wound two days, the cuie resulting ou
the third Among the Babais is a sept, Akhvlnd-
zdi, of the Bawan-zaisj who can cure snake-bite
and hydrophobia t they wi'ite a charm in thiee
wooden vessels, wash off the writing with water,
and make the patient drink it This must be
done by them gratis, bnt the caipenter who makes
the bowls may be paid, and an essential condition
is that no other treatment, before or after, may
be tiled. The Ushtardna Pathdns, by origin
Sayyids, can give immunity from weapons in
battle, and tbe Han-pdl sept of the ShiiannU
have a similar power, and claim a similar descent
Finally, some of the Qasrdnis practise divination
from the shoulder-blades of goats, and take
augurieB from the cries of birds.
476
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[November, 1902
VarioTiB other tribes have similai septs with
these curative poweis. The Shekhs of Gandi
*Umr Khan in Tahail KulSicbi cure ulcers by
reciting a charm and touching the pait The
Alahar Jafcs in Bah^walpOr can cure sore throats
by rubbing salt with the ashes of cow-duug on
the patient’s neck The cure is instantaneous,
and the belief said to be geneial in the Punjab
I'he Gauglis of Nhdn BeU have a similai power
A Hindu Aiora of the Ohugh g6t can cure chuk
or pain m the loins by pushing the auffeier
fiom behind If a Ohugh is not on hand, it is
sufficient to go to his house and rub one’s back
against the wall. Ohugh may be deiived from
cThuhy because the tube has this power, but per-
haps the idea is simply that a Ohugh has power
over cli%k. Imitative jnagie finds scope in the
following rite — If youi fi[eld be suffeiing from
mwid or blight, call in a man named Mai or
Mfila R§.m and drive him from the field, beating
him with shoes a iergo Then as MfiU luns away,
with lamentations, so, too, will the blight depart
The Doa section of the Arords have also an
inherited power of curing a sprain in the back
01 loins by touching the part affected.^ The pain
called chuh may also he cured by this section
which uses the following charm 'Dw sith hmi,
ph‘&tl6n Ixhd'ii dari, hhanni ehil (waist) haTendd
sdrV The charm is read over a cloth and this is
then applied thrice to the part, a push being
finally given to it to expel the pain The power
was conferred on Sdth Haii, the ancestor of the
section, hjfaqirs. It is also said to he essential
that the patient should go straight home without
looking back. The power is exeicised gratis
But these poweis, though most common in the
south-west of the Pan]dh, are by no means con-
fined to that aiea For instance, the Pathals of
Ph^phil Rdja Ram in Jh^lam cure boils on
children’s heads giatis, by first filling the mouth
with salt and then spitting on the soie, and the
head of the Pasw^l Gfl 3 ar 8 at Jakkai in that
Distiict cuies a skm disease which causes
baldness by pulling out a single hair He
practises on one Sunday in the month and must
not accept any fee, because that condition was
made by the faqir who conferied the power some
geneiations ago. Thus, too, the Khatris of the
Asii section at SankhdtrA m Sidlkdt can cure
snake-bite by lecitmg charms and touching the
person bitten with dreh leaves Among the Jats
the Salehna of Sidhwan in Tahsil Zafar^vdl can
cure ulcers by admmisteiing pepper ohaimed by
them on a Sunday oi Tuesday Sadhfi Ram Dds
confeired this power on them In Patidla the
Bat Khatiis of Bhiwanigarh cme enlarged
glands by touching them with a pen dipped m
ink And the males of the Sungal got of the
Banids of the same tract can cure sores by touch-
ing them with salt Among the Sonkhld Rajputs
of Una Tahsil the descendants of one Sangfi have
the power of curing small-pox by inoculation
The power was conferred by SL/aqii The Ndgid-
na or Nangidnd (the play on the woids ndg, snake,
and nangd, naked, causes constant confusion in
behefs) of Shdbpfir are also believed to be able
m cause injury The popular derivation is from
nag, because they have that power. The Ghiraths
have a section, called Rib did, which has heredi-
tary power to inflict evil
The above instances of hereditaiy supernatural
01 supeinoimal powers have been collected in the
Panodb It would be of mteist to know if similar
septs or clans exist in other parts of India, and
what explanjj,tion8 arc given of the transmission
of the power from father to son
CHEE-CHEE,
Hebe is a quotation of some importance for
the etymology of this word, from The Times
■Weekly Edition of May 16, 1902, Supplement,
p, iii , in an article entitled Personal Bemintscences
of 8t Pteiie CMarhnique) * —
“ Here the Chee-oliee, or patois, was 'nigger-
Prench,’ indeed the most common of the two
patois throughout the Leeward and Windward
Islands, and still the language of the hack popu-
lation in St, Lucia and in Dominica ”
Now Chee-chee is, according to all authori-
ties, an East-Indian word, denoting the language
first, and then the personality of the East-Indian
NOTES AND QUERIES.
half-caste But is it after all one of those words
belonging equally to the Bast and Weet v
If so, a new etymology will have to be sought,
for It
R C Temple
CORRUPTIONS OP ENGLISH
Hingain — Angle Jeon.
Ante, YoJ XXX. p. 320. I quoted an instance
wheie the English term angle-iron had become
hanglmg in the mouths of Indian buildera. But
I have smeebeard hingain, which has a very Hindi
look about it, and is far away from the original.
B. O TumpIiB
> A child boinfoet foremost can oare nain in tha In™, h.., v.oW.il. j. j, , —
ef the Dud Ararie .o born f la Hmsf. tMe eootion of the Ar5rf. may not W^hl^M
December, 1902.] THE SUKHITASAMKIETAJSTA OF ARISTMHA
477
THE SUKRITASAMKIBTANA OF ARISIMHA.
TKANSIiA^TED FEOM THE GEBMAN OF THE LATE PEOFESSOB G BUHLEE, C I E., LL D , 7IE2T]s’A
BY E H, BUBGESS, TJHDEE THE DIREOTIOH OF JAS BUEGESS, CI.E., LL D.
[The paper, of wliicli the following is a translation, appeared in the Sit sung sherichte of the
Imperial Academy of Sciences of Vienna (Vol. OXIX., 1889), and some copies of it were
struck of in a separate form, chiefly for distribution to friends.^ There are many scholars, both
in Europe and India, who are interested in the subject of the paper but are not familiar with the
German language ; to them the iollowing translation is oflered in order to make us contents
accessible — J. B,]
I N my Report on the Searoli for Sanslnt MSS.y 1879-80, p. 5, I announced the discovery of
a historical poem which bears the title Sukritasamkirtana, and was composed hy
Arisimha in honour of his patron, the Jama Vastup^la, who served the Yaghela prince EAnaka-
Viradhavala of Dholka and his son Visaladeva as minister from Vikrama-Sanivat 1276 to
1290 or 1297, Although since then, hy the publication of Somesvara's KirUlaumud^ the most
important source concerning the origin of the power of the Vaghela dynasty of GnjarSt, has
become generally accessible, yet a discussion of the contents of Ansuhiia^a poem will not be
superfluous. For this touches on several details about which Somesvara is silent, and gives new
and in part valuable accounts ot other incidents. The manuscript which I have used for the
iollowing examination is No. 302 of my collection in the library of the India Office. This was
copied in August 1880 from the same original in Ahmadabud from which No. 415 of the
Dekhan College Collection of 1879-80 was taken , and it was then carefully collated with.
No 411 of the Dekhan College Collection of 1880-81, It is therefore, — with the exception of
the confusion between the sibilants, between a and ra and n, as well as ta and tha, — pretty
free from errors, and the text is almost throughout easily intelligible.
The cliaractor and arrangement of Ike work.
Tlio Snkritasamkirtana is, as the inscription of each canto intimates, a or
artistic poem, composed according to the rules of prosody, and it contains 11 Sargas with 553
versos Five verses at the end of each Sarga are due not to Arisimha but to Amarapandita.
It says, I. 45 — “ In this work which Arisimha composed, Amarapandita wrote these four
kbt verses canto by canto.’' The number refers to the preceding four verses 42-45, and the
iiCth, which is repeated at the end of each Sarga, is not reckoned. These verses have no close
connection witli the contents of the preceding parts The first three either contain general
piaibOH and blosbiuga upon Yastupala or mention inoi dents not described by Aiisiiaha. The
lourlh always names Arisimha as the author of the work and praises his poetic skill.
Tim titles of the separate cantos are as follows : —
X, Ohdi)oihutLinvayavarnam, Description of the Ohapotkaba dynasty (of Gujarat],
4(5 verses ; principal metre- Yasantatilaka.
Xi. ChauluhydmmgavainmKi, Description of the Ohaulukya dynasty (of GnjarEt),
5G verses ; principal metre; Upajati.
III. — Mantriprakdia, Appearance of the ministers, 67 verses ; principal metre:
Anuslitubh.
1 The Gorman original it. acoompanied by the Sanskrit test of tho passages that are translated m this paper.
478
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[December, 1902.
lY. — Dha'imopadesana, Instruction in the holy law, 49 verses, principal metie:
Hathoddhatu.
V, — Saihgliaprasthanai Departure of the (Jama) congregation, 55 verses, principal
metre . Vam&astha
YI. — Surgodayavarmna^ Description of the sunrise, 40 verses , principal metre '
Malini.
YIL — Batrumjoyadaisana, Visit to Satrnmjaya, 48 verses , piincipal metre . Svagata
YIII. — 'M-N emidarsana^ Visit to (the shrine of) the divine Neminatha, 48 verses,
principal metre* Piamitakshara.
IX. — Shadntmanimia ^ Desciiption of thesis seasons of the year, 56 verses , principal
metre ‘ Drutavilambita.
X. — Purapravesa^ Entrance into the town (Dholka), 47 verses , the metres vary eveiy
two verses or still more frequently
XL — Enumeration of Yastupfila’s buildings, 41 verses ; principal metre * Yasantatilaka.
Besides the metres already mentioned, the following also occur in single verses * Arva,
Indravajiil, Upendravajra, Pushpitagrd, Manjnbhashini, Mandakranta, 'Sardulavikridita, Sikha-
rini and SragdharA. Amarapandita usually begins his first verse in the metre with which
Arisimha ceases. In spite of the pains both poets have taken with the versification, it often
happens that the first and third foot of a verse stop in the middle of a simple word. And
although; the really distinguished poets often use the weak csesura by ending the first pddas
of a half verse wdth one part of a compound, yet they avoid dividing simple words. This abuse
first occurs in later poetasters. The more difiacult feats of art, like Pratilomunuloma, Gomu-
trika, etc., neither Arisimha nor Amarapandita has tried. On the other hand, there are numerous
anuprdsas or alliterations, and — although more seldom — even yamahas or rhymes. As for the
diction, one easily perceives the zealous striving to vary the turnings of the classical models and
to find new expressions or figures. The result is not a brilliant one, however, and the SuJmia-
sa^hklrtana nowhere rises above the level of the mediocre. At some points one may doubt
whether the authors are quite sound in grammar. Once, 1. 44, the MS. gives the form asisnapat,
and again YIL 38, masnapat. It is possible, however, that these are clerical errors In another
place, YII 43, there is the mcorrect iormprahldbhta. One peculiarity is the abrupt commence-
ment of the poem which has neither an introduction nor a long mahgala. The mangala is
represented only by the word 'Si i with w'hich the first verse begins.
The author and his time.
All that we learn from the poem about Arisimha is that his father was called Lavanya-
siihha, YIII. 48, or Lavanasimha, X. -b. The latter is, of course, the form really used m
ordinary life. We may further infer from the whole manner of representation that the poet
belonged to the Jama sect. Since his own and his fathers name both end m mdta, it is
probable that they were both Rajputs. We learn something more about him from his assistant
Amarapandita or Amarayati, whose full name is Amarachandra, and from the later Prahandhai>
of the Jamas, Amarachandra, pupil of Jinadattasuri, was the author of a senes of works,
among which the Bdlabhdrata, published in the Fandit oi 1869 ff,, the * instruction for poets/
called KdvyaMpalatd (JCaviklsM), and the KdvyaLalpalatapanmala^ have been known for
a long time. In the introduction to the second work he says that the aphorisms in it are
composed partly by himself, partly by Arisimha. It is said there, I 2 * — ‘‘Whilst I esteem
a That the thud work, a euper-commeiitary to the second, comes from Amarachandra himself, it says at the end
of K^iyakalyoMQi, I, 5 , etachlich'klolokfavarn^6,n^m meMntar&ni havisamayoddhara'ii^iXm inatkTitahHyalaVjpalatiU
parimalQjj juaySini,
December, 190f2,] THE SUKRITASAMKIETANA OE AEISIMHA.
479
the Kdvttdrdhdsyd of the excelleat poet Ansimha, who, like the full moon, cuuses the great
ocean of the nectar of poetry to swell, on account of extempore composition, I shall comment
■upon the aphorisms composed partly by me, partly by him ” 3 Eiom this it follows, first, that
Arisimha wrote a handbook of poetry with the title Kaviidrahasya, and, secondly, that the text
oi the KcwyaLulpalald was written by him and Amarachaudra in common*
More IS contained in Rrijasekhara’s Frabandhahosha, in which the thirteenth part is
dedicated to the poet Amarachandia. It is nai rated there that Amarae^andra, pupil ol
d'lnadattas'CLri, received the charm called Siddhasdi asvata fioin an unnamed Kaondja^ e,
from a man who bore the title poet-prince Thiougli the proper use oL the same, Arnarachandra
compelled the goddess of eloquence to appear to him, and obtained giace tioin her to become
a perfect poet, honoured by all piinccs. He then wrote the hrsc and second of the above-named
works as well as the C/ihandoraindmltt the SvifUauttndvali^ the KcddLaldpa, and latci, ‘upon the
word,’ 2 . e , at the desire of a patron, the Ka ush hagai ila Pachna^ the 'Sdsfra called Padmdnanda*
Ilajnsekliara farther records that Arnarachandra, after various adveutmes, arrived at the court of
Yisaladcva, king of Dholkfl, and won his favour. Once, it continues^ the king asked him
* Who IS thy teacher m the fine arts ^ ’ Amara said ‘ The poot-prince Arisimha/ ‘ Then
bring him to me to-morrow morning ’ (answered the king) The following moming Amara-
chandra led the poet before the king. The king sat leaning on his sword and asked ‘Is
this the poet-prince ^ ’ He answered • ‘ Ora/ Then the king said . ‘Eecite something suitable
to the occasion/ Thereupon Arisimha recited four verses in which he praised Yisaladeva’s
sword. The prince was so chaimed that he bestowed a permanent appointment and a high
salary upon the poet. Soon afterwai’ds the salary was doubled because he sang m a masterly
manner of a blade of grass which the king held in his hand.
Like the records of most of the Prabandhas, this one also contains, besides what is
undoubtedly correct, much that is not so. In the first place it is true that Amaiachandra wrote
a work called Padmdnanda. Peterson found it and bought it for the Bombay Government (see
First Report f p. 12G, Ho. 285), Fiom the extracts given there from the Cambay Library MS., it
appears that it bears also the title JinendraoJiarita and is a MahdMvya, containing 12 Sargas
(cf, also Peterson, loo. cit. p. 58).
The statement, then, that Arisiihha was the teacher of Amarachandra m the fine arts
agrees wiih the contents of the above second verse of the KdvyaJcalpalatd, The reverential
way m which Amarachandra expresses himself in his verses about Arisimha speaks for the
same thing : —
1. 45, — “Arisimha, a lion for his elephant-like opponents, composed this work, which,
like the glances of the ever-gracious Vastupala, dispenses rivers of nectar.”
YIIL 4-8. — “ This woik, a tiood of beams from the moon of the face of Lavanyasimha’s
son, which draws ofi the swarms of bees from those waterlilies, the faces of the unworthy,
produces mighty waves in the milk-ocean of fame ©f the excellent minister and prince
Yastupala/’'*'
Only a pupil speaking of his teacher, or a client of his patron, would express himself thus.
* See Aiifreoht, Catalogus cod, B M BiU BodleimWf p. SIO** In the beginning of the second PSda, MS,
No. 119 of my colleotion has matvd instead of natvd, and I translate accordingly. Compare also Bhandtirkar, Report
on the Bearch, etc., 1883-84, p 6.
* The swarms of bees are the admirers, who formerly hung upon the lips of the bad poets, but now turn to
Arisithha,
430
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Decembes, 190S
On the other hand, the Frahandlia is incorrect in stating that Amarapandita and, through
him, Arisiraha came to the court of Dholka only during the reign of Yisaladeva, circa
Vikrama-Samvat 1296 to 1318. For soon after Tisaladeva’s accession VastupAla lost his high
position and died, as Narachandra had prophesied, m the Vikrama year 1298 ^ From the
it is apparent, however, that lu was written when the minister was m the
zenith of his power. This is proved, for instance, by two verses at the end of the first and
second cantos —
I. 42. — Daily, illustrious prince of the council, Yastupala, the Brahmans cry blessings on
you ‘ Long may you live * ’ — the hard princes ‘ May you attain the age of Brahma ! ' — and
noble women . ‘ May you never grow old and be immortal ’ ’ But I will also say something :
*May you rejoice in your life as long as your far-ieachmg fame dances m the sky ’’’
II. 52. — “ Heavenly (wishing) cow, (paradise) trees, (wish-fttlfillmg) precions stones ’ ¥/hy
hide ye yourselves in the tottering rocks of the divine mountain (Mern) P Adorn the earth ;
nobody demands you I May the illustrious minister Vastupala alone live for ever ’
It is hence certain that both poets stood m close relation to the minister who served
Visaladeva’s father, and their connection with him, according to the last verse, is scarcely
doubtful. For when an Indian poet praises the geneiosity of his hero in the above manner, it is
a certain sign that he has either experienced the same or hopes to do so. There are, however,
a number of other passages which make it still clearer that Amarachandra and probably also
Arisimha belonged to Vastupala*s suite of poets which the Prabanclhas often mention The
next verse, II. 54, ought to suffice to convince the most incredulous. It says : — “ Poverty has
resignedly deserted so completely those men who continually rejoice in praising Yastupala that
she, indolent m spite of the command of the gods, does not even cross the threshold of their
neighbours’ houses.’’ That is to say, in simple prose, that the singer and other poets were
well paid by VastupMa If one must accept from this that Rdjasekhara places the prime of
Amarachandra and Arisimha too late,® it need not therefore be concluded that they had no
connection with Yisaladeva. It is very possible that they kept themselves in favour at the
Court of pholkS, after Yiradhavala’s death and the fall of Yastupala,
As to the exact date of composition of the poem we need not be content to ascribe it
merely m general to the period of Yikrama-Samvat 1276-1296 or 1297, during which Yastupala
occupied his high position. It will be seen later, from the comparison of his statements
concerning Yastupala’s buildings with the inscriptions, that it was probably written about the
Vikrama year 1285. It is probably some years jounger than the Khtihaumudi, The
SuhntasmnLi7'ta'na seems never to have found much esteem even with the Jamas. Neither
Rajasekhara in the F'tebandJiakosha, nor Jinaharsha in the VasiupdlaGhainta, quotes it, although
the latter gives long extracts from older sources. Both follow Some&vara’s EMthaumudi^ the
greater fame of which put the poem of the less distinguished Arisimha m ^the shade. Its
author Arisimha is perhaps mentioned in Sarhgadliara’s Faddliati, where a verse of a certain
Arasi-Thakkura, No. 76 (Peterson’s edition), is mentioned, Arasi stands for Ansi, and is
a quite correct Prakrit form of Arisimha (see Ueber das Navasdliasdnhachanta, p. 39), which
IS still frequently used in Gujarat. The identity of the two persons is, of course, by no means
proved by the similarity of their names, but is only a possibility
^^KiThUmwdt, pp svm-iis, FrahanLlhalosha, p 288 - jvamrufflCi.c 7 ui ^6dUastCmmimrt
s^mtraimiitram avaptdrafn cha jayamiasimhahMshata I
vabah Sr^Nw-a£hani3,'uiiinhU‘imaladlwrMi.h IJST varshS BhMrwga&a iadt IS) dtnS cUvMmwnammavd
tctyamuUu/i \
Vfmitnn 139S sfoargO^rohanam hhavisliyati n.
8 As a farther proof of this, it may be mentioned that the Cambay MS. of the Padn'idncmda-Kdnia was wriUea
m the Vikrama year 1297.
DBOBittBBB, 1»02 ] THE SUKBIl'ASAMKiaTANA OP ARISIMHA.
481
Kotes on the history of the Chau<Jas and Chaxtlnhyas.
The first Sarga, which contania the geuoalogy of the OhSpotkata or Chaiidii kings, gives the
following names : —
I. — Vanar&ja
II — Yogaraja
III. — Ratnadxtya
JV. — Yairisuhha
V. — Kshemarfliia
VI. — Chamunda
VII. — Bahada
VIII. — BhhlDhata
Vcises 1-26
„ 27-28
„ 29-30
„ 31-32
„ 33-34
„ 35-36
„ 37-38
„ 39-41
The verses dedicated to these kings contain almost nothing bnt conventional flatteries in
which no historical events are mentioned. Tauaraja and Bhtihhata are the only eroeptions.
As regards the first, it is mentioned in verse 9 that he founded the city of Afliahilapataka
or Anhilvad, and verso 10 that he built there the temple of Pancbasara-PArsvanatha. Both
statements are found in most of the later Jama Frabandhas, and are therefore of no special
interest. On the other hand, the statement, verse 41, that BhflbhatB ruled the earth long,
18 of some significance and also the arrangement and number of the Ohinda kings. For both
entirely disagree with the statements in Krishnaji’s RatnamdU, m some MSS. of Merqtuhga’s
PrabandhaehmtdmarU,^ and in later works, like Jinamaudana’s KumdrapdUcharUa, Jinaharsha’a
Vaititpdlaoharita, and DharmasAgara’s Frmaehamparikshd,
' All these works recognise only seven instead of eight OliSndft kings, whose succession
differs from the above, and they ascribe to the last a reign of only seven years. On the other
hand, onr list is almost identical with that contained m Merutnhga’s Tkerdmli? and in the
Bombay edition of the Pi ahandhaehintdmani, pp. 85-38.6 In the Therdvali there are differences
only with regard to the names of the seventh and eighth lungs The former is called not
Bflhada, bnt Thaghada or Gbagbada, and the latter not Bhtibhata bnt Pflada. Pfiada is
doubtless a olericaTerror for Ehttyada or Bhflvada, which is the usual Apabhrarasa form for
Bhflbhata in the PrabandJm. Instead of Thaghada or Ghighada, Bftghaija is to be r^,
which may be the same as BAbada if the original form of the name be E5ghavabhala.i« The
edition of the Prabandhackmtdmani has the form Akada, which differs still more strongly.
On the other hand, it gives for Bhflbhata the form BbAyada,” which one espeots.
The reii^n of this last prince extended to 19 years according to the Therdvali, whUst the
Prabandhachinidmam edition gives even 27. The latter number would, of course, a^ee best
with the expression chiram, ‘long.’ In comparison with the
tions of Krishnflii (which, moreover, have been printed from bad MSS.) the statements of
the Therdvali have hitherto received no consideration. The narrative of the seven Ohanda
kings, the last of whom is said to have been mnrdered afte r a seven years reign by Mblaraja,
, 290 of my eoUeotion and Bhat Dfiji’s MSS., Joan Bo Sr. R A. Soc., Vol IX. p. 157.
■ a KTsie ! ediHou Also the narrative wHcb follows in the text shews that the MS.
which forms the OMndi fang a name which comes very
ftear the given in tne puoi TWa muoli mav be said for this division,
, teidafairtrdhar ttocfaih. hy wh.oh to th^m vers^^^^ sTeto . and oleo that the word
tlmt we gain (oLpare ihavamalla). would he quite a smlahle epithet for
lhada, whiob might stand for the bansKtm An \ ^ ^ ^ that the peet would have
?Wnpr^?SLtl“«l the namehadnothe^nnwith vd. Then the ocrtainly cmnmpt f orm.
Thtghada and Ghdgha^a tend to prove that the initial was a consonant.
11 OrBhtyaga^a,
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[December, 1902.
his sister’s son, and of the Ohaalnkya prince BAji, is unhesitatingly accepted, though it contains
the absurdity of RSp’s marriage having taken place and his son having grown up, withm
these seven years.»a It is plain from Arisimha’s statements that the Theidvali does not stand
alone in its representations, but rests upon older ti-aditions. Since Kiishnaji’s RainamMd is
perhaps as old as the &ukntasa Air tana, the two contradictory accounts of the OhSnda kings
existed at least in the thirteenth century, and probably earlier still It must he left to the
future to establish their real history when authentic documents are found. For the present
we must be content with the conclusion that the version current in India, through Forbes’s
Mds Mid, has no particular claim to he received and was not unoontested in the older tradition.
The notes about the Chanlukya kings in Sarga II. are considerably fuller. Of the first
king liaiarAia it is related that he particularly venerated Somau&tha, and it is said, verse S:
Which hero (Mfilaraja), plainly proving his veneration, prostrated himself every Monday
before SomanUtha and obtained great splendour and fame from the hot flames out of the eye
on the forehead of that god.”
Possibly Arisimha knew the absurd legend of the Prahandhatkinidmam, p. 43, according
to which Mfilar9]a made a pilgrimage every Monday to SomanAthapattana near Verfival, until
the god, to please the king, settled first nearer Anhilv&d in Maijidall or MAndal, and at last
came even into the capital. Mularaja’s worship of Siva is proved besides by his presentation
of land. The following verse 4 seems to refer to the erection of the TripnrnshaprAsAda in
AnhilvAd. From among the military undertakings of MfilarAja, the victories over Bftrapa
and Iiaksha, king of Kachh, are mentioned. The former is made a general of the king of
Kanjrakubja. Of the next king Chftimmda, vv. 8-9, Arisimha has nothing positive to say.
On the other hand, a victory of TaUabharAja over the king of MAlvA is celebrated in verse 18,
and in verse 14 the remark is made that Vallabha had the hiruda of Jagajjbampana, which does
not occur elsewhere. The Kirtikautnudi, which also mentions the probably apocryphal victory,
II. 11, gives him the hiruda of Jagatkampana. It says of DurlabharAja, vv. 15-16, that he
was very modest, and was ashamed when his court poets compared him to Krishna. In the
Kirtikavmudi also Durlabha is praised for this virtue. Of his successor •RTitina i. Ve are told
oifiy that he conquered the celebrated king Bhoja of DhArA. This statement agrees again
with that of the Ktrbhaumudi, H. 17-18, and also with those of the later Frabandhas, whilst it
does not occur in Hemachandra’s Dvydsraya. BMma’s son Karpa, vv. 20-23, is praised for his
beauty, mentioned also by Hemaohandra in the Prasasti to his Grammar, verse 17 in the
JZuteWM and in the Kirtikaumudi, U. 21. Then Arisimha states that Kama oonquered’the kiuo-
of Malva and brought home from there a statue of NUakantha or Siva. It says verse 23 • —
“Who (Karna) conquered the king of MAlvA with his army and truly brouiit with him
Nilakanthaj the fame of him for whom the number of paths through the river on the head of
this god was multiplied, be extended in the three worlds.”
Most Frabandhas and even Hemaohandra’s Dvydsraya mention no kings during Karna'a
reign. The latest discoveries, however, shew that this silence is by no means justified. Bilhana’s
drama, Kar^sun^ri, which was found by Paudit DiirgAprasAd and published in the Bombav
Kavyamdld, speaks of a fortunate war with the Muhammadan princes of Sindh and GhasnJ
SmceBilhanawasm A^hilvAd durmg Karna’s reign, and probably made an unsnooessful
a empt to become the court poet of that king, his statement deserves credit. Then SomeAvara,
Ansi^a s contemporary, narrates, in the Suraiho/sava,!^ found by Dr. Bhandarkar, that hia
uS 1 raised by thehouse-
ruffht fl p!!’ ^ f owg^ator. The resson why the ParamAra prLe’s priest
sought to destroy the Chanlukya ruler was that the latter had invaded the dominion
» I first drew a^ntion to this atrocious noMeass ra the Inctioa Vol. VI uu 181-183
» %or{ on the 3«orch.eto., 1883-84, p. 20. * v. vi. pp. 181-183.
December, 1902 ] THE SUKRITASAlSIKIRTANA OP AEISIMHA.
48S
of Malva. Somesvara then without hesitation confirms Arisimha’s assertion, and we may
accept it as a fact that the feud between Mdlva and Gujarat did not rest during Karna’s reign.
Of Jayasimha’s deeds it is related, vv. 23-38, that his cavalry bathed their horses in the
Ganges (v. 32), that the ‘air-walker Barbaraka’ carried him about in the atmosphere (v, 33),
that he took prisoner Ya&ovarman, king of Dhar^ (v. 34), that he had the tank called
Siddhasaras dug (v, 85), and a high pillar of victory {Itirtistamhha) built (v, 37). All these
points are sufficiently known. It is only of interest that Barbaraka has here, as also in most
of the other ’Prahandhas, become a purely mythical being. Verse 36 speaks of Jayasimha’s
worship of his mother, and alludes indeed to the narrative {Prabandhafihintdman% p. 139),
according to which the king, at the request of Mayanalladevi, remitted a tax imposed on
pilgrims going to Soman^thapattana by the officials at BAhuloi^a.
Verses 39-43, referring to Eumd^rapMa, first praise the favouring of the Jaina religion by
this king, who abolished the confiscation of the goods of tradesmen dying without male heirs,
and caused vihdras to be built in every city.^^ Then his victories Over the Jafigale^a, i. e.,
Arnordja of SftkanoLTbhari or Sambhar, and over the KauhkaQ.a emperor, i. the Kadamba
king Mallikftrjnna, who ruled over the Eohkai?. (Ktrhlcaumudh II. 47-48), are celebrated.
With respect to the latter, Arisiihha gives a note which contradicts Somesvara’s reports, but
shews on the other hand that the representation of the later FradandliacMntdmani is correct.
It says, verse 43 ; — ** What is wonderful in this strong one*s (KumSrapala*s) conquenng even
the Jihgala princes, seeing the ruler of the marshland, the Kaunkana emperor, was defeated
by his very tradesman (banij) ?
Soraelvara, in the fCaumudu ascribes both victories to the king himself, in the Prasasiioi
Tejahpllla’s temple at Ibfi (vv. 35-86) on the other hand, the first is ascribed to the Paramara
Ya&odhavala and the second to his son Dhftravarsha. Merntuhga, on the other hand, records
in the Prabandhachmidmani, p. 201 ff,, that the Srimffil-V§.ni& Amrabhafca, son of the counsellor
XJdayana,^® advanced twice against the king of the Kohkan. At first he snffiered defeat, but in
the second campaign he is said to have slain Mallikarjuna.
Kumarapala’s successor is called in verse 44, Ajayadeva instead of Ajayapftla. This form
of the name is also found elsewhere (see Ueber das Leben des J. M. Bemachandra, S. 55, note 6).
Like all Prahandhas, the BukntasaihMriana mentions with praise that the king sent him as
a tribute from Sapftdalaksha in Eastern Efijputana, a golden mandaptka, a little ornament
in the form of a mal^da^a or pillared hall. Not less known is the victory which (v- 46)
Aiay adeva’s son MfHarftja II. gained over the Turushkas, i, e., over Muhammad Shfthabuddin
Ghorl. The Muhammadan authors (see Elliot, History, Vol. II, p. 294) confirm this information,
which is found also in the Priihvirdjavijaya {Kakmir Report, pp. 62-63).
Much more important is that part of the work (Sarga II. 48-57, Sarga III. 1-62) which
follows next, relating to Bhlmadeva II., representing his relation to LavapaprasAda and
his son Vlradhavala, the of DholkS, and stating how Vastupftla became minister to the
latter. Arisimha gives an account here, which differs markedly from Somesvara s narrative in
the Mriihmmudt It will therefore be as well to give the moat important verses of this part
word for word: — • • -ui..
II. 48. Now his (Miilaraja’s) brother, the illnstnous Bhlmadeva, whose evincible,
terrible arm, like the post of a gate, destroyed all his enemies, wears the amulet of the Sphere
for which the shores of the ocean furnish the pearls. , « 3 rui 1
49. His whole life long he held fast to the reflection : ‘This seat of the gods (Mount
Mem) ought not to disappear through my liberality, which lasts bnt for a moment, -
1* See Biihler, Vdb&t das Zeben det J, M, Eemachandra, Ss. 39-40
» See Ueber das Leben desj M Wemachandra, S, 9 and note 28.
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[Dccembbb, 1902
and so he abstained from uprooting the golden mountain (Mem) in order to distribute gifts
of gold.
11. 50. That beggars always experienced his liberality we hear from the songs of the
pleasure-seekers (nymphs) who settled m the neighbourhood of his palace on the gold-
mountains terraced for pleasure, in the belief that these were spurs of Mount Meru.
51. Bhima the hnsband of the earth, whose entire riches had disappeared through
continual and too liberal gifts, — whose brilliant glory had departed, whose kingdom was bit
by bit violently devoured by the barons, — ate his inmost heart out in long-accumulated cares.
III. 3. All at once, the prince, whose whole possessions had become small, saw in a
dream at the end of the night a glorious and splendid god.
12. Thereupon the god poured upon the lord of the earth, who was as it were the root of
the creeper of his love, the nectar-waves of hia eloquence as folloi^s * —
13. “ I, thy grandfather,!® king Kumfl/rapSla, who have won the bliss of heaven through
the laws of Arhat, am come because I love thee in thy misfortune.
14. ** Son, I will give thee a prond governor of the kingdom, through which thou obtainost
great glory, as fire does by wind,
15. ‘‘The great-armed Arnor^a, sou of the illustrious Bhavala, was an elephant in the
forest of the Ohaulukya-stem, an eagle for the serpents, his enemies.
IS. “This man of adventurous spirit, who was the cause of my glory, was made by me,
whose heart he won by his courage, lord oi the city of Bhimapalli.
19. “When evil counsellors opposed thee, this strong one made thy accession the means
of repaying my favour for ever.
20, “His son is Lftyanyapras^da, whose arm, brandishing the sword — one would think
it was his tongue — prepares to destroy his enemies in fight/’
23. “If thou make this ornament of the sphere lord of all {Barvesvara) thou wilt become
the husband of Fortuna and rest m happiness like Yishnu in the Ocean.
24. “ He has a son Vlxadhavala, who for the sake of the battle wishes to perform again
the oath of the descendant of Bhrigii (Parasnratna) to destroy the Kshatriya-race.’’
27. “ Give this strong-armed one, whose shining toe-nails have become jewels on the beads
of hostile kings, the rank of heir to the throne {yauvardjya)^ and thyself wilt rule yet a long
time,
28. “ iStill more^ save thon the Jaiua-faith which helped me to attain unhindered to the
fields of heaven, and which now almost sinks into the Kali-(penod)
29. When the king heard this, he embraced smiling the lotus-feel (of the god) as if he
wished to hold in his hands the Fortuna that lives in the water-lilies.
30. Honouring him graciously, the god, lovingly attached to him, laid his hand which
resembled the Lotus, the house of the Kamala, on his head.
31. When in the morning the sound of the trumpet announced the sunrise to the ruler of
the world, sleep, which closed his lotus-eyes, departed, like the night which closes the eye-like
water-lilies.
32. When the prince saw with astouibhod gaae the light of the lamps, (he said) : * There
is indeed visibly a god! ’ and then quickly he loft his bed.
„ 83. Then the hnsband of the earth, who had accomplished the duties of the morning,
visited his hall, whose thick buttresses of jewels streamed forth rich splendour.
35. The ruler caught sight of the devoted barons among the company, shining dike sparks
of their courage,
36. The father and the son whom the god pointed out, the king anointed lords over all,
with his eyes which were like nectar-jars.
« If KumSiapaia calls himself Bhlma’s grandfather, the expression, as is often the case with the indication of
grades of relationship, is very likely only indefinitely need. For Kumftrapilla was, according to all the Prdbandhas,
the great-uncle of Bhima, whose grandfather’s name was Mahlpflla (see Forboa’s M$ MaU p. 168 ).
December, 1902 ] THE SUKBITASAMEIRTANA OF ABISIMHA.
485
III. 37, Therenpon the king directed joyfully this graciOQS speech before the nobles to
LavanyaprasArda : —
38. “ Through thy father, the terror of his enemies, I was set up (as lung) m this king-
dom; do thou therefore increase my diminishing prospeiity.
39. “ Accept from me, thou great in war, the rank of a loid over all, Vlradhavala, who
shines in virtue, shall be my successor ”
40. Thus requested by the king, himself worthy to be entieated in a matter in which
they ought to have been the suppliants, the two spake joyfully : ‘ Your Majesty's command is
law to us.’
41. Laying his hollow hands together as if he held m them the fluttering Butterfly
(Fortuna), Viradhavala turned again towards the husband of the earth (and said) : —
42. ‘‘ Master, I am in need of an adviser ; without one, the brave lion springs at the
thunder-cloud, taking it for an elephant and supers a great tall.
43. ** Give me such a counsellor, distinguished by extraordinary virtues, acquainted with
the use of weapons, with books, with the acquisition of wealth and with battle.”
44. Greatly delighted by this speech, which was like a stream of nectar poured out to
invigorate the liana-(creeper) of his happiness, the master of tho world thought a little and
then said ; —
45. “ Once upon a time was Chandapa, fiery in his splendour, a branch of the ever- fresh
liana of fame of the distinguished Pragvaf^a lineage, a servant (of the king) in this realm.
47. “ His son, named Ohandaprasftda, was furnished with skill and affability, . , .
49. “ To him was born a son named Soma, who flooded tho firmament with his glory,
50. “ Who had no master but king Siddha and no god but the lord of the Jinas.
51. “His descendant Afevarfija made the universe splendid with his glory; he who
accomplished seven pilgrimages to escape the seven hells.
53. “ His beloved wife was Kumfi-radevi, who, though tho first among the Jina-believing
(women), worshipped the husband of Gauri,
54. “ To these two were born three sons, whose power made thoir enemies trcmblo . . .
55. “First among them, Malladeva is famous as a treasury of wisdom , he who obtained
autocracy in his kingdom by tho will of his preceptor.
56. “ His younger brother is tho wise Vastupala, a dwelling-place of the fine arts, whose
feet the later-bom Tejahp&la daily worships.
57. “ These two, like wands to whirl about the ocean of deeds, like paths leading to
conjunction wifcli Fortuna, I will givo you for counsellors ; but they protect their friends.”
58. As Viradhavala rojoiced at this speech, tho husband of the earth called to these two
sons of one mother, who bowed their heads, (and said) :
59. “May you, who alone have crossed the ocean of state affairs, be clothed with the
dignity of counsellors of the great Viradhavala,
60. “ His courage will attain to sight, if you serve hina as eyes ; unceasingly vigilant may
he trample down all my enemies.
61. “Y'ct more— may you two, who hang on the feet of the Jina-prince, like bees on
a lotus, glorify the faith in the lord of the Jinas ; this great wish of king Kumdrrapftla, which
ho entrusted to me in a vision, must of necessity be fulfilled.’*
62. When the king had given these instructions, to which a good invisible god called out
his approval — falsoly taken for tho echo from tho vault of the audience chamber, — he gave
over tho two to tho heroic Viradhavala,”
If we compare this narrative with that given couoerning these events by Some^vara in
the Kirtikaumudi, a considerable diHoreuce, especially in the r61e allotted to Bhima II,, is
unmistakable. According to Somesvara’s representation, the GfirjararEjalakshmi, the Foituna
or protcotrobB of the kiogs of Gujarat, appeared in a dream to Lavanaprasdda, the Ranfi of
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[December, 1902.
Dholk^, and called tipon liim, with the help of his son, to save the kingdom which had fallen
into decay in the unskilled hands of Bhima.^^ Somesvara further states that he himself was
called before Lavauaprasada on the following morning and asked concerning the meaning of the
vision. He convinced his master, he assures us, that he was appointed by Providence to save
his fatherland and induced him to obey the command of the goddess.^^ Thereupon Lavauaprasada
entrusted to his son the execution of the duty laid upon him.^® A short time afterwards,
Vastupala and Tejahpala were appointed his ministers.” Jf reject the mythological
additions in this record, which Somesvara, as a good court poet and artist, held himself bound
to pnt in, it merely says that Bhima was a weak and unskilful ruler, and that Lavauaprasada
and Viradhavala made use of his w^eakness in order to Jonnd a kingdo-m of their own. To this
understanding we are led particularly by the circumstance, that Somesvara, in the desciiption
of the kings of Anhilvad, expresses himself by no means respectfully concerning Bhima II.,
when he says {Mrtilcaumudu IL 61) . — “Powerful ministers and barons gradually divided
the kingdom of this young and foolish (hdlasya) ruler,” and elsewhere again {ibid^ II. 4)
he gives the king tlie same not very complimentary epithet hdla. On the other hand,
there is nowhere a question of Lavaijaprasada’s service, and in tlie numerous inbcriptions
in the temples built by Yastupala s,iid TejabpAla on Giinar and Abu, and m other places, any
mention of the suzeiain of Gujarat is entirely wanting On the other hand, in the Girnar
inscriptions, which were wiitten V -S. 1288, ten years before Bhima’s death, Viradhavala receives
the title of Malidrdjddlm dja, as if he were an independent ruler. Such a disiegard of the forms
which Indian etiquette prescribes for vassal-piinces and their servants, shews that Bhima did not
stand in gieat esteem at tlie court of pholkA, and that he was not poweiful enough to force from
LavanaprasMa and Ylradhavala tlie respect due to him. In spite of this it was probable, before the
discovery of the SuJcntasamMrtana, that Somesvara’s account did not quite correctly represent the
tiue relation of his master to Bhima II, For Meiutunga says m the Prabandhachintdmani, p, 2&0
(Bombay edition), quite clearly, — ’Srtmad'-BMmadevardjyacliinidhdH VydglirapalUya-Bmhketaprand--
dhak h'imad-AndkanandanaJi srt-Lavanaprasddas cMvmw rdjyam chakdra,^^ — ‘ the administrator
of the illustrious Ehimadeva, the illustrious Lavaiiaprasrida, son of the illustrious AnAka (Arnoraja)
surnamed VAghr^ipalliya (YAghelA), ruled a long time/ This note led me m my first discussion
of Somesvara’s works {Indian Antiquary, Yol. YI 187 ff) to suppose that Lavanapra&ada was
for a time in Bhima’s service, and that he only later, — when Bhima’s folly, to this day proverbial
in Gujarat, his arrogance and extravagance, convinced him that there was no help for it, — undertook
to found a kingdom of his own. As the date of this defection, I thought proper to fix the Yikrama
year 1276, in which, accoiding to the GirnAr inscriptions, Vastupala was appointed mmiater.
Arisimha’s account, which, coming from a contemporary^ possesses as much authority as Somesvara’s,
confirms only a part of these suppositions, whilst he makes it necessary to modify anotlier part of the
same. We learn from him tliat Bhima II., through lus inability to keep the vassals in order and
through various difficulties, was forced to seek help and support, and that he himself cliose his relative.
The choice was prompted partly by Lavanaprasada’s personal qualities, the description of which agrees
with that of other sources, partly through his father Arnoiaja’s having (v. 18 above) already done
important service to ElumArapA.la and having been helpful to Bhima lumself in obtaining tlie throne
(vv. 19 and 38 above). The title Barvekvara^ ‘Lord over All,’ winch LavanaprasAda, according to
Arisimha's lepxesenlation, received, has much the same meaning as Meiutuiiga’s expression
rdjyachintdkdnny and hints that Lavanaprasada’s position was a very independent one. The further
statement that Viradhavala was at the same time named heir to the throne (Yuvaidja), takes for
granted that Bhima had no sons. Nor do the Prabandhas make any mention of such. It must,
w KMUcaimudi, H 89-107. is Ktriilcaumudi, 11. 83-86, 108-113. Jo KMikaumudt, II. 114-115.
20 III 61 : coinp.are also II 112, where Somesvara accentuates to his lord the necessity of
appointing capable advisers.
21 The edition and MSS. of my collection write, evidently inoorreclly VyCtghraipallka'ih. Lava!na:pra8dda!> i<^
the reading of I 0. L, B. S. MS No 296, instead of the LavanasdhaprasO.dai of the published edition.
December, 1902.] THE SUKRITASAMKIRTANA OP ARISIMHA.
487
however, be remarked also that neither is Viradhavala’s appointment anywhere mentioned In any
case it remained without practical consequences, for Viradhavala died several years befoie Bhima
Also, in the statement that Bhima gave the brothers Yastupala and Tejahp^la to his JSarvesvara for
counsellors, Arisimha stands alone. Somesvara says nothing particular at all as to how the two
Jainas acquired their dignity. In the third Saiga of the Eit hlcaumudt he gives first a desciiption of
their genealogy which agrees with that given by Arisimha (vv 45-66 above) and adds (vv. 51 and
52) that the two at once occurred to the prince who desiied to win able men : he considered their
great qualities and then sent for them. Further on, his address and VastupaJa's answer are given
m full, without, howe'^^'er, affording any possibility of learning anything from them of the earhei
circumstances of the latter. The later Prahandkas, Rajasekhaia’s VastypalapradaTidha and
Jinaharsha’s Vastupdlacharita^ state that the brothers had come accidentally to Dholk^ on their leturn
from'a pilgrimage to Satrumjaya, and were immediately engaged by Lavanaprasada and Viradhavala
who had ]ust seen the supernatural appearance mentioned by Somesvara, These statements, like a
great deal more, seem to be borrowed directly from the Kiitihaumudi and aie hence of no value,
Somesvara’s representation is, however, certainly defective, foi he leaves it uuceitain how Yastupala
and Tejahpala had so distinguished themselves that Lavanaprasada could take them for suitable
instruments for his plans. On the other hand, if one accepts, as Aiisimha hints (vv. 57 and 59
above), that they had both been already in the royal ser\ice, this difficulty disappcais. The
probability of these statements is also supported by the cncumstance mentioned by Somesvara
III, 14) and by Arisimha (v. 50 above), that their giandfather Soma had held a high position
under Jayasimha. In the case of the brothers having been m loyal seivice, howevei, Bhima’s con-
sent was naturally necessaiy to their entering LavanapiasAda’s seivice Thus we must declare
Arisimha’ s account to be the moie worthy of credit. We can only doubt whether Yastupala
received his appointment at the same audience at which Lavanaprasada was appointed 5c5rym’«?cc.
The date of the former event is fixed, as already mentioned, by the GirnAi insciiptions, where it is
repeatedly said that, from the [Yikrama] year [12]76, in Dholka and other cities, he sealed “affairs
with the seal ” ^2 The acceptance of Arisimha’s statements makes it, of course, necessary to i eject the
suppositions cxpicsscd on a foimei occasion {Indian Antiquary, loc cit,) that the appointment of
Yastupala and TejahpAla marks the period when Lavanaprasada dcscited Bhima and began to found
a kingdom of his own.
The new discoveries made since 1877 render it doubtful whether the Sai vesmra or his son
ever was unfaithful to his master. It appears lather as if Lavanaprasada, in his lolation to the latter^
although he piactically ruled independently over the southern part of the Gurjara kingdom, yet
conducted diimsclf at least ouiwaidly as a vassal, and that Professor V. A. Kathvati is quite justified
in coiuparing23 Jug relation to Bhima with that of tho Maiatha Peshvas to the court of Saiara.
Of special significance foi this point is tho Lekliapamlidsikd^^ discovered by Dr. R. G. Bhandarkai,
which, us he correctly acknowledges, was composed iii the Yikiama year 1288, that is, twelve years
after Yastupala s appomtment as ministei and duimg Phima’s reign This little work gives
formula! for letters and documents of different kinds Among the latiei there is a gift of land, dated
V,-S. 1288, in which the MaMmandaUsvarddUpath ‘the gieat overlord of the tributary princes,’
Rana LavaiiyapiasMa, is named as giver. Before liis name stands the whole genealogy of the
Cliaulukya kings of Anhilvad, and it is remarked that, by the grace of his master Bhima II„ he
possessed the Khetahdkdrapathalm, Hhc district of Eaira’^s Then the same work contains, as
22 Aufi, Iteporis of Western India, Vol II p 170. VastupftU calls himself m this, and in oonospondmff
passages m other luuoriptions, HarvOiVara , liis brothei, on the other hand, Mahdm&tya
SB KirUkaumtidl, p xxv Report on Search /or Banshd MSS , 1882-83, p. 28 if and p. 222 If.
55 This should bo wriitoii p 223 for hhelithMpathahe, and p 224 for JchetalcadhdrOpatha'ke, As in other
passages of tho formulary, tho espross.on is incorrect For dhdra originally corresponded approximately to the*
modern zillA and pathaka to tfllukri. Moreover, similar rorabinatiouH qf tho two o?pros.6iionB ajjo found in real
prosentatumH of land in later tinioa.
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THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY,
[December, 1902.
an example oE a state treaty, an agreement of the same date between the MaKdma'ndalesvara Rana
Lavanyapi asada and Simhana (Simghaua), the Malmdjddhirdja of Devagni, in which both contract-
ing paitieb respectively promise to respect the other’s boundaries, to keep peace and to help each
other. Although the fnbt oi thcbu two documents is evidently nothing more than a formula,
and of the &econd uolliing can be certainly piovcd as to whethei it is a copy of a leal treaty, yet
then* value lomaiub coiisideiable. Then, as the authoi of the LehhapanchdsiJcd was a contemporary of
Lavanaprasdda, wc may take for granted that he describes the political relations in general correctly.
We may behove him on the one hand that m the Vikrama yeai 1288 Lavanaprasada was authoiised
to make treaties \Mth foreign princes and conaequentiy possessed a high degree of independence. On
the othei hand we must admit, that if Lavanaiirasada at that time made gifts of land, he employed
the Loim oidmaiily used by tributaiy piinces and acknowledged the overlordship of Bhima. If this
be collect, theie can be no question ot a defection on the part of Lavanaprasada, at least until V.-S.
1288. The lelation must lather have been as Arisiihha gives it. Lavanaprasada stood higher than
all other luleis of disti lots, and governed the kingdom of his master m the strength of thetiusb
eommitted to him. However ties and high may have been Ins position, he had not become a lebel.
The confiimation, which Ansimha’s statements receive through the LehhapanchdhM, make it advis-
able, in the repiesentation of this period of the history ot Gu]aiat, to trust him moie than the
insinuations of Somesvara.
In concluding the discussion of this part of the Suhritasamldrtana, the mythological clothing
must still be mentioned. In the treatise by Zachaiiae and myself on the Navasd/iasdnlcacharita,
p. 48, 1 shewed that the court-poets often deemed it suitable, at crises ni the history of their heroes,
to make the gods actively interfere. When Ansimha then makes the spirit of Kuiniirapjlla descend
from the fields of heaven to move Bhima to the appointment of LavanaprasMa as his Sanwhara,
it IS not difficult to see what moved him to make use of this deus ex machina. Kumarapfila was
well known as the adherent and protector of the Jaina faith After his death a Brahman reaction
took place under Ajayapala; and though Ajayapffia reigned only a short time, the Jaina sect seems
not to have regained its former importance under his sons Mfilar^ja and Bhima II. Only when
Vastupala and Tejahpala became ministers in Dholka, did it again raise its head. Both belonged to
one Jaina family and were filled with great enthusiasm for their religion. They spent a great part of
their rich incomes on the erection of temples, asylums and benevolent institutions, so that at least the
outward lustre of the name of the Jaiiias was restoied, Arisiihha tiied to unite the two piosperous
periods of his sect by icpresenting Kumarapfila as the intellectual origmatoi of the second. In doing
so, he has not refrained fiom putting words into king Bhima’s mouth which he certainly never spoke,
when he makes him call upon Vastupfila and Tejahpala (v. 61 above) ‘ to glorify the belief on the lord
of the Jainas.’ According to all we know of Bhima, he favoured exclusively the Brahmans, and
especially the Saivas, to whom he made many presents. To excite Vastupala’s enthusiasm fur his
faith was, however, absolutely unnecessary.
YastupAla’s pilgrimage to Satruziijaya and GirnAr.
In the fourth Saiga Arisimha turns to the description of the suhrita or pious works of
VastupALa, by which he adorned the Jaina religion. Fust he mentions shortly that Viradhavala,
with the help of his minister, soon ‘conquered the ocean-girt earth * aud put down all wiong and
violence (vv. 1-7). Then he relates how in that happy time Tejahpala came to his brother, praised
his successes, and advised him to keep in mind the king’s command aud support the Jaina religion
(vv. 8-13). VastupAla agreed and declared he would at once visit his spiritual director to heai his
preaching and begin his works of piety according to his advice (vv. 14-26). On this occasion the
succession of the monks of tlie WAgendra gaclxchha is gone over, which, since the time ot
Cliap.dapa, had served the family as spiritual advisers. The names are precisely the same as
those lu the of TejahpAla’s temple on Mount Abu^C: — (l) Mahendrasuri (vv. 15-16);
Ktrtikaumudif App. A^PP 9-10,
Dbcrmber, 1902 ] THE SUKRITASAMfCIRTANA OF ARISIMHA.
489
(2) Santisun (w. 17-18), (3) {a) Anaiidasuri and (b) ADiaiasiui (who received trom king
Jayasimha the title of honoui vydghramuhau, ‘the young tigeis,’ because even in early youth they
were able to withstand proud disputants resembling fiery elephants (vv. 19-2]) ; (4) Haiibhadrasun
(vv. 22-23), and (5) Vijayasena (Vastupala’s spiritual counsellor, vv. 24-26). Next we are told
how Vastupala went into the monastery with his brother and offered his homage to Vijayasena.
The sermon following by the latter (which fills vv. 33-43) commends, as the most meritorious
undertaking, a pilgiimage, and extols, as happy above all others the scmngJiddhipcttif the leader of pious
pilgrims The consequence is naturally that VastupAla resolves to undertake a pilgrimage of the
congregation to the holy places in Kafchidvad
The fifth Sarga then describes (vv 1-6) the preparations for this journey VastnpAla, it says,
sent letters to the believers m every town to invite them. He visited personally the monks in the
monasteries and invited them respectfully. For those who responded he cared m every way. Who-
ever had no carnage, he gave him one ; whoever wanted provisions for the journey, got them; and
for those who had no servants he provided them. Medicines and physicians also were not forgotten,
so that those who sickened by the way might have assistance When all pieparations were complete,
he had himself solemnly consecrated by his Guru as Samghddhipati, and set out ‘suirounded by a
wonderful army of carnages’ (vv. 7-8). In veises 10-13 the names of some distinguished monks who
took part in the pilgrimage are mentioned — Narachaiidiasuri, Jmadattasuri ot the VayaUgachcha,
Santisun of the Sanderaka gachcha, and Yardhamanasuri ‘ the sun of the Gallakas.* In KAsalirada,
which IS probably identical with the modern Kasandra or Ktlsandhra near Gamph,27 a halt was
made, and (v, 10) a great festival was instituted in the temple of Rishabha. Of other stations by
the way nothing is said. The Saiga closes with the arrival of the pilgrims at the foot of Mount
Satruihjaya, where Vastupala pitched a great tent-camp (v. 41) and distributed rich presents,
especially of provisions, to all in want. He cared not for himself, it says, until he had assured
himself by means of his heralds that no one wanted anything.
After, m the sixth Sarga, a conventional description of snmise, whicli in a Mahdldmfa must not
be wanting, there follows m the seventh the desciiption of tiio ascent of tlie mountain and tho
festivities engaged m there. The ascent took place on the morning after tho arrival. The first shrine
which ilie pilgrims reached was that of the Yaksha Kapardin (v. 12). Vastuinlla ofTeied his homage
and celebiated him in a song of praise (vv, 13-16). Then he hastened to the temple of Adinatha,
whithei the jjilgnms followed him in crowds (v. 17). Still covered with tho dust of the way,
VaslAipula f(‘ll down outside before the lord of the Jamas (v. 26), and praised him in a hymn
(vv. 27-33), Only then did he purify himself, the pilgrims foil. wing his example, and then he entered
the Chaitya with tiiem amid the performance of dances and song'! (vv. 34-37). Thereupon he washed
the image, as the rule prescnlied. with salTron-waler, rubbed it with musk, and wreathed it with
flowers. Tlu‘ pilgums burnt at the same time so much incense that tho temple was wrapped in tliick
darkness. And at last the drdtrika was performed, numerous lamps being swung to and fro before
tho statue (vv. 38-42) Tlie following verso 43 tells us that the stay on the mountain and the
worship lasted (‘iglit days 33 Then the prince of counsellors, after bestowing lich gifts upon the
monks, descended from Mount Satrumjaya, performed the ansjiicious ceremonies for the journey and
longed to bring his homage to tho divine Ncminatha on Girnar,
Instead of ‘tank/ iltalia ooonra lutho Pr/lknt, so that K.lHadraha would correspond exactly to the
Sanskrit ICikihrada, Tho fTirth(‘r oorrnption oonformH to tlio rules of Onjarfltl phonetioB. Kasandra hep (see
’Xtig Surr. Mav»t 72'* 14' Jl long and 22*'a0' N lat., pretty nearly on the direct route from
DhoM to Pftlitlln&. In the text Kfisahrada is called a paUana, ‘ a town.* The modem Kfisandra la a village of
about 400 inhabitants.
This notct found also in Jinaharsha’s ra^ujpdiflchonta, has a partioolax interest, because Jama piigntciaiieTer
pass the night on the nioiiutam now.
490
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[DjEOBMliBB, 1902^
According to Sarga YIII, 1, the procession did not go directly to Jun^adb, but first to Deva-’
pattaua or Soxnanditlia on the south coast of Sorath, ‘There he, who possessed terrible power,
worshipped the conqueror of Kama, the (god) characterised by the moon, he who is beautiful to look
upon,* %, 8iva-8omanatha Soon, however, the ocean, ‘pure through its shell-mark and blue as the
mcKrawz Zfl-stone,* reminded VastupAla, by these its qualities, of Nemmatha (v. 10), and drove him to go-
further. Mount Baivataka (Girnar) came in sight, and it seemed to the minister as if the creepers of
its woods, swayed by the wind, performed a joyful dance in honour of the arrival of the holy con-
gregation (v. 11). This sight inspired Vastupala to a song of praise (vv. 12-16). After his arrival
he had a Camp pitched at the foot of the mountain and celebrated the arrival by a festival. On the
next morning the pilgrims ascended Girn^r (v. 28). The description which now follows of the
worship of N’ft wiT nA.t’hft (vv. 29-42) is only a repetition of the scenes in the temple of Admjitha. In
conclasion, it says that the halt on Girnar lasted, like that on Satrumjaya, eight days. It is worthy
of note that VaslupAla, on leaving, is said to have offered his homage to the Brahman gods Amba,
Samba, Pradyumna, and the rest, who had temples on the mountain.
The ninth Sarga is, like the sixth, a purely poetical addition without any historical element
whatever. It gives a description of the six seasons, which the prmce of the wise, whose wishes were
fuMlled, saw on the slopes of the mountain.
The tenth Sarga is occupied with the return of the congregation from Girnar to Dholka.
Immediately after the descent Vastupala gave the pilgrims a magnificent banquet and distributed
rich gifts among them (vv. 1-5). Then he set out for VftmanaBthall, the modern Vanthli, on the
way trom Junagadh to Devapattana, and made a solemn entry into the town. Foimerly it was
forbidden to Jama pilgrims to enter the city, Vastupala, however, bad ** the godless writing ** destroyed
(v. 6), Concerning the further course of the journey, all that is related is that m every village incense'
was offered to the Tirthamkaras (v. 7). When the procession reached the neighbourhood of DholkA,
not only Vastup Ala’s relations, but also Viradhavala, with the citizeus, came out to meet him. In
the midst, between the Elna and his brother Tejahplla, “ like a Siva represented in the manner of
the Tripuiushas” (v. 11) he entered the town amid the praises of the bards (vv. 14-29) and the
passionate expressions of joy of the women (vv. 81-42).
Vastupd-la’s pilgrimage is mentioned in the inscriptions m his temple on Giinar as well as
in Somesvara’s KirtikauniudS. The insciiptionsS^ state quite briefly that “ Vastupala, in the year 77
(V.-S. 127 7), attained the dignity of a SamgliddMpati or head of the congregation by the giace of the
illustrious over-god of the gods, who, m consequence of the mighty working of the festive pilgi image
undertaken to Satrumjaya, Ujjayanta (Girnar) and other shrines, revealed himself.” Someavara, on
the other hand, dedicates the whole of the last Sarga of his poem to the pilgi image, and his
description of it agrees on the whole with that given by Arisimha. Y et there are the following
differences. The halt in Kasahradais pot mentioned. It is said on the other hand (Kit IX. 19, 20),
that the route followed by the minister could be traced by means of the restored old temples of the
Jinas and the freshly dug tanks, as also that the pilgrjms offered homage in all the temples to which
the procession came. On Satrumjaya, Vastupala stopped according to Somesvara (Ktrt, IX. 36), only
‘ two or thiee days,’ In spite of this, it is said immediately before (IX. 30-36) that he presented a
flag of yellow- white stuff to the temple of Adiudtlia, that he built two temples to and
!Pd>r&yand*tha, and had a large tank dug. It is not doubtful that the last two notes refer to a later time.
Further on, m the course of his report, Somesvara (IX. 66-69), places the visit to Girnftr before that
29 J. Burgess, ArcJiaolog, Survey of Wesiem India, No. 2 ^Memorandum of the Antiquities at Dabhoi, etc.,
p. 22, 1.4 fE„ p, 23, 1, H flf., etc., and Arch Report, Western InAia, Vol. 11. p. 170, — Bom. 77 vareke Sri-Batrwfigayto-
liayaihtwgrahhritimaMtht'haydiroBtavapTabMv&virhMta srimaddev^dhidevaprasCldAaOditasamgM - dhipatyena
. . Bri-Vastupdlem Tbe same date V. S, J377 is rightly given by Morutunga in the Frdbandhaehintdmmt,
Becembrr, 19020 THE SUKRITASAMKIHTANA OF ABISIKHA.
491
to Devapattana or PrabMsa (IX. 70-71), He states also that Vastupala was ‘many days’ on
Girnar, and that m Devapattana he worshipped, besides Siva-Somanatha,3o the Jama Tirthamkara
Chandraprabhu. Probably this contradiction is explained, in that two visits to Devapattana took
place. Ansimha hints at this when he says the pilgrims went to Vamanasthali on their return-
jonrney. Vamanasthali or Yanthli lies about nine miles south-west of Girnar and on the direct
road to Devapattana, Whoever travels by Vanthli on the return from the Girn&r cannot readily take
any other way afterwards towards the mainland of Gnjar^t than that which leads from Devapattana
first along the south and then along the east coast of the peninsula, This seems to have been in
early times the ordinary route for caravans and pilgrimages,^^
Vastupaia’s buildings and pious institutions.
The eleventh and last Sarga begins with the statement, that Vastupftla, after he was made lord
of the town of Stambhatlrtha by Viradhavala, began to build temples (hit tandni) which resembled
embodiments of bis fame on earth, and in verses 2-34 forty-three buildings, lestorations and insti-
tutions of different kinds are enumerated. This list is much more modest than those which occur
m the later Prabandhas of Eajasekhaia and Jmaharsha, It contrasts also advantageously with the
absurd boastfulness of the Girnar inscriptions, m which it is said 3^ that VastupHa and Teiahpala
caused new places of religion (dkarmasthdndm), i. e,^ temples, asylums, abodes tor the performance of
perpetual vows, tanks and so on, to the number of ten millions and also caused very many
restorations to be made. Ansimha gives the following details : —
I. — In Anahilapuri or Anhilvd.d<Pd>taQ ; —
1. The restoration of the temple of Panchlsara-PArsvanStha which Vanaraia (p, 481 above) had
caused to be built (S, XI. 2) With this agrees Jmaharsha m the VastupdlachaiitaYll 66 , where
it IB added that the building took place when Vastupfila visited Patan alter a battle against the
Muhammadans at Abu, which he won by the help of Dharavarsha of Cbandravati Muhammadan
authois mention nothing ot attacks upon Gujarat in the first hall of the 13th century At the same
time it IB possible that during or after Shamsuddiu Altamsh’s expedition against Ranthambor,
A, D. 1226,3* parts of the victorious army may have come as far as Ahu and attempted an invasion
of Gujarat. If Jinaharsha’s note be correct, we may perhaps accept that the restoration of the temple
in Aphilvcid took place m the year A, D, 1226 or 1227,
II. — In Stambatlrtba or Cambay : —
2. The erection of a golden, u a gilded, flag-staff and knob on the temple of Bhime^
(S. XI. 3) The Vasiupdlachani^t (IV, 720) gives the same note, and has, instead of the vague
Icefu (liteially “ banner ), the plainer expression dhvajadanda
3. The erection of an Uttdnapafia before Bhatcaditya and of a golden wreath on his head
(S. XI. 4), The Vastupdlachanta, IV. 719, speaks of an TJttanapada ('?) m the temple of Bhab-
fcaditya. The technical meaning of Uttdmpatfa is unknown to me.
4. The excavation of a well in the temple-grove {pujanavana) called Vahaka of Bhatfcarka
(S. XL 5).
r>. The erection of ^nandapa or vestibule overlaid with stucco {sudhdmadhwa) before the
temple of the sun-god called Bakula (S. XI. 6). The Vastupdlachanta (IV. 721) speaks of a
rahgamandapa or painted vestibule before the temple of Baknlasv amide va.
so The worship of 8iva, unfitting for a Jaina, is also admitted by Jmaharsha — F. Char, VI 535.
In the VastupAlachariia, VI 515 if , the way is more minutely described and the stations between Satruraiaya
and Girnfir are. (1) Tfiladhvaja or Taifljfi, (2) Kotman or Kodmai, (3) Devapattana, and (4) Vamanasthali
or Vanthalt.
«s Arrh. Raf Western India, Vol 11. p, 170, 1, 5, transcription.
»» Blhot, Bisiory of India, Voh II. p. 324.
492 THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY. [December, 1902
6. The restoration of the mandapa and of the temple of Siva-Vaidyanatha (S. XI. 7). The
VastupdlaGharita (VI. 718) says more plainly 34 : — “The temple of the god Vaidyanatha, together
with the mandapa, he made new again to the everlasting safety of his king.”
7. The erection of high-walled enclosures for the sale of sour milk (taha, S, XI. 8) Both
Somesvara (Kirt, IV. 17) and Jmaharsha (V.Ghar IV, 716) mention this. The uchcJiaihpada or
vedtbandha must, as Prof. A. V. Kathvate m the notes to the Kirtihaumudt says, have been erected
for the purpose of protecting the waies from contamination by people of low caste.
8-9, The election of two asylums {npdkayas) foi Jama monks (S, XI. 9). Somesvara {KM.
IV 36) speaks of many paushadliasdlds, which Vastupala caused to bo erected in Cambay
10. The erection of a dnnkmg-hall with round windows (gavdhsha) on two sides (S, XI. 10).
Somesvara (KM, IV. 33) again speaks of many such.
in. — In Dhavalakkaka or Dholka * —
11. The building of a temple of Admatha (S. XI 11). According to 7. Cbar III 457, this
temple was called Satrumjay^vatara.
12-13. The erection of two asylums (updsrayas) for Jaina monks (S. XL 12).
14 The restoration of the temple named Ranaka of Bhattflraka (Biva) (S. XI. 13).
15, The construction of a vdpt or a square covered water-reseivou (S, XI. 13),
16, The erection of a pump-room (piapd) (8. XI. 14).
IV. — At Satrumjaya near Paiit^nd. : —
17, The erection of an before the temple of Adindtha (8. XL 15); compare
y Char. VI. 630.
18-19. The erection of a temple of the Jma of Ujjayanta, i. <» , of Nemin^tha, and of a temple
of the Jina of Stambhana, u 6., of P^rSvaniitha (S. XL 16). Somesvara (Ktrtikaumudt IX. 81-33)
and, Jmaharsha (V. CliMr. VI. 631-632) also mention both temples, and the former calls the two Jinas
by the usual names.
20 The erection of a statue of the goddess Sarasvati (8. XI, 17), Neither Somesvara nor
Jmaharsha mention this. It is, however, probable, for Vastupala says, in the Girn^r inscriptions, 3^^
that he erected in Girnar a prasastisaliita-Kasrmrdvaiara-Satasraitmiirh,
21, The erection of statues of his ancestors (8. XL 18) ; compare also KMihaumudt, IX. 34,
and F. Char, VI. 633. According to the latter passage, these statues, as well as those named
further on, were set up m the temple of Parsvanatha. This statement agrees with the actual state
of things found in TejahpAla’s temple on Abu, where the statues stand in an annex {laldnaha,
Ki?tikaumudh App. A., v. 61) to the right of the adytum.
22. The setting up of three statues on elephants : his own, that of Tejahpala, and that of
Viradhavala {S, XL 19), With this, Jmaharsha ( V, Char. VI. 633-634) agrees entirely ; Somesvara
(Kirtihaumud% IX, 35) Says the three personages were on horseback, which is certainly a mistake,
23-26. The erection of sculptures representing the four mountain summits consecrated to
Avalokand, to Amba, to Samba and to Pradyumna (8. XL 20). Jinaliarsha says (F. Char,
VI. 631) that these sculptures were found in the above-mentioned temple of Neminatba.so The
four peaks might be those of Mount Girnar, now named after Amba, Gorakhnatli, Dattdtreya, and
Kalik^ Mdta : compare also the GiniAr inscriptions, Arch, Bur, Rep, W, Tnd, loc, cit, 1, 6, and
above p. 490
Vatdandikoisya d^asya mandiraih mmda/goitafcm \
Breyase mjabMlhartus tene yena ^M^nar na/vam II
55 Arch 'Report W, Ind , loc Git, 1, 6.
TatrdmhMvaloha^dSdmbapradyumnasdMuVliih I
Saha RaivatatiTihendor aiau chaiiytm asiltrayai ||
Becembee, 1902] THE SUHRITASiMKlE'!?ANA OP AEISIMHA.
m
27. The preparation of a ioram before the temple of the Jinapati, t, e., probably of Adinatha
(S. XI. 21), Jmaharsha (/^. Char* VI. 629)®^ sjpeaks of a tot ana over the western door of the
tndratnandajta, which last stood before the temple of Adinatha.
28-29, The erection of temples of Snvrata of Bhngupuia or Broach and of Vira of Satyapura
or SAchor (S. XI, 22).38 Jinaharsha (K Char, VI. 656-658) says the two temples stood right and
left of the temple of AdinStha, and that the first was built for the welfare of Yastupala’s fiist wife
Lalitadevi, and the other for the welfare of the second, Saukhyalata or SokhukA.
30. The erection of a prishthapatta^ i. <3., of a tablet, behind the statue of Jina (Adinatha ?)
of gold and precious stones, which seemed to give the statue a halo {hlidmandala) (S. XI. 23).
31. The raising of a golden ioram (S. XI. 24).39
V. — In the neighbourhood of Padaliptapura or —
32. The excavation of a large tank S. XI. 26), mentioned also by Some4vara
(^Kirtikaumudtf IX 36) and by Jinaharsha ( F. Char* VI. 677). In the latter passage it is added,
4;hat the tank lay near Vagbhatapura, the place built by KumErapala’s minister V^gbhata, and bore
the name of LalMsarah in honour of Vaatup^la’s first wife,
33. The erection of an asylum {tiphhraya) for Jaina monks (B. XL 27).
34. Of a pump-room {piapd, S. XI. 28)^
VI. — In the village of ArkapAlita or AnkavAliya ; —
35. The digging of a tank {taddga, 'S. XI, 29). Jinaharsha (F, Char, VI, 690) adds, that
Vastupala had this tank dug for his own welfare. According to the same author, he erected in the
same place a pump-ioom for the benefit of his mother, a sattra or alms-house for the benefit of both
Ills parents, and further, a temple of Siva (purabktdo devasya), and a rest-house for travellers.
There are several villages m Kathiavad with the name of Aiikavdhya. Probably the one meant
here is that which lies eastward from Bhimnath, 71® 59' E. long, and 22® 15' N.lat, (Trigonometrical
Suivey Map, KiUh. Ser. No 14) on the river Ltlld. There is a large tank, and the village lies on
the old road from Dholka to Satiurajaya.
VIL — On Mount Ujjayanta or Girnflr • —
36-37. The erection of two temples of PaisvaiiAtha of Stamhhana and of Adinatha of Satium-
jaya (S. XL 30). Those two temples are mentioned lu the Guuai insciiptions (A?c7i. Rep. W, J.
Vol. II. p. 170, 1, 6) first among the buildings erected there. Jinaharsha (F. Char, VI 695')
speaks only of the temple of Adiuatha.
VTIT. — Ii‘ Stam'bliana'^'O : —
38. Tlie lofitoration of the temple of rjirsvaiiatha which was adorned with statues of AdinAtha
and Neminutha (B XI. 31). Jinahaislia says (F. Char VI, 518) that VastupAla deposited 1,000
ilUidras in the troasary of ParsvaiuUha for the purpose of the restoration, not that he himself had
at done,
39-40. The erection of two pniTiivrooms (prajtd) near the temple of PAisvanatha (S. XI 32).
IX. — In Darbhavati or Dakhol ; —
41-42. Tlie placing of gold capitals on the temple of ('Siva) VaidyanAiha, because the old
ones wore carried oil by th(’ king of Malava^ and the erection of a statue of the sun-god (B, XI, 33),
Jinaharsha moiUions these ( K Char III. 371), but ascribes them to Tojahpdla.
rraiyaplndt atjalath ckandrahalMianUmtaih 4
latretulrama.nlrtVii laaaii I tot anti vyarirachai It
^8 SAchor new ln*lon{'H to Jodiipur m RftjpuiA»A, and hos to tlio North-East of TharAd, It is still a holy place
of tho Jamas and fannjits for it'^ toinplo , it is in 25® 11* N. lat., 71 ° 55' E, long:.
In VOMO 25 Ui(' author says that ho would bo ahlo to deaonbo all tho buildiupfs oraoted on tho Satrumjaya,
*if tho orofttor Had f'lvoii huu ft plftoo m tho firmamoat like the toaohor of tho goda (the planet Jupiter) ^
Tina placu liy, iif, h often moutioned m tho PraSatidkas, on the river Sedhl or SHedhJ, and thus in the eastern
part of tho 'proaiml ctdlu* torato of KhedA. Potorson'a identification of it with Stambhatlrtha or Cambay {77l.^rd
Report, p. 26) 14 iniLonahln, for tho ShedM is moro than 30 milea distant from Cambay, and Stambhana is named
along with Stambhatb-tlui in f.he rStrnAr inscriptions. [Stamblmna is an old name for ThAmna on the SedhX, 10 miles
south- wc«t from TluwrA lu \naud tAlnka, lat 22* 43' N , long. 73® 9' B, — J. B.]
m
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY-
[Decjembeb, 1902.
X. — On Mo\int Arbuda oi Aba : —
48. The building of a temple of Malladeva (by whom may be meant Malhdeva or Mallin^tha)
for the benefit of his brother Malladeva (S. XI. 34). In the F. Char VIII. 76, it is stated that the
temple for the benefit of M^ladeva was built on Satrumjaya. Since only one temple of Nemindthar
built by Tejahpala, is found on Abu, and its position makes it improbable that a second ever existed,
the mistake may be on Arisi±ha’s side.
In this list of Vastupala’s buildings the restorations of Brahman temples, as well as of the
decoration of such buildings, have a special interest. They prove, as does also his worship of 'Siva-
Soman^tha in Devapattana (p. 491 above), that he was no exclusive Jaina, but was lather lax in his
religious views, and thereby confirm some hints in the later Frahandhas on this point (see K^rtikaumud^^
p. xxii,). The reason for his lax view may have lain partly, as Professor A. V. Kathvate says, in. the
passage quoted, in his familiar intercourse with the high priest Somesvaia and other Bi&hman
savants, but may partly be due to his position at the Brahman couit of Dholk^, The latter is hinted
at by Jinaharsha also He adds apologetically, on mentioning the worship of Siva-Soman^tha
in Devapattana, that Yastup&la performed this act to please his kmg.^i He also says further on, that
the minister, ‘at the command of his master/ prepared a mwadamdld^Qv ‘ skull-cham’ or ‘tiara,.'
adorned with rubies, for Siva. These well-authenticated pieces of information have their signifi’cance
in the judgment of cases wheie something similai is stated of court Jainas, as, for instance, of
Hemachandra,^3 in works less worthy of credit.
The second interesting point in the catalogue is the mention of only' two temples on Gtirnar.
This shews plainly that the great threefold temple, which now forms the principal ornament of the
mountain, was not yet finished, perhaps not yet begun. The date of the six inscriptions, identical in
their first paits, in the Yastup^lavibSia, is Yikrama-Samvat ]2b8, PhSlguna sudi 10, which, according
to Jacobi’s calculation, Indian Antiquary^ Yol, XYIL p. 151 f., corresponds with 3rd March
A. D. 1232, The SukritamhlMana must therefore have been written before that time, and we
must not put its authorship earlier than Yikiama-Samvat 1285. Prom a comparison of the list of
Vastup^la’s buildings in the KiftiMumvM it is further clear that the latter work was written a little
earlier than the BukntBaxhahiriamM For in the Kirtihaumudi the buildings on Satrumjaya are
mentioned, but not the two temples on Girnar.
Notes on Yastupala's warlike deeds.
While Arlsiriiha, true to his plan, sings only of the sulcnias — the pious deeds of Yastupdla,.
Amarapandita endeavours to acquaint posterity also with the heroic deeds of his patron. He evidently
knows of only one, the victory of Yastupdla ovei Sariigramasimha, the son of Sindhurflja, who
seems to have been a petty vassal-prince or village chief in Vabakfipa near Cambay, and over his ally
Sahkha, He says, I, 44 : “ They call him a Jama ; but the illustrious minister Vastupdla is devoted
also to Siva, He washed the master who wears the form of air (z. e., goes naked) with the water
of ahiniiig fame which he took from Sankha,” Further, VIII. 46 : Thy sword, illustrious
Vaatupala, beautiful in rising and brandishing, valiant in deed, defeated in the world that
Saingramasiniha.” And X. 46 : “ Thy glory, 0 Vastupala, which shines by thy victory over
is like ihe moon in the sky, since the spot in it is certainly the face of Smdhuraja,
which was blackened by his deep shame,”
« K Char TI BS5-536 . —
33r Viradhaval^idfii ^asv^tagaihtoshaheiave I
Someivarem tadAna^clia maniri nAnAvidfidrohanaih II 685 U
FarendrAdg^ato mmiti SomanAthamaKehtuh 1
Mdmhyakkachitdih mundcm Aldm aycm aMra/yat n 63S \\
See Veher das Lebsn des Jdina^JSdhnches, Sm>achandraf S. 27 f.
Dbobmbeb, I90S ] PROGRESS OP EiOAYATIONS AT? PATNA.
495
Vastupala’s feud with SaiiigramasiTiiha and Sankha is related at length by Somesyara in the
Ktrtihaumudiy I V-V , and Somesvara also is unable to report any other warlike deed of his friend.
Since, then, we possess two eulogies, which, although otherwise independent of each other, mention
only this one exploit, we may conclude that the accounts in the later Frahandhas of the numerous
lieioio deeds of Vastupala and Tejahp^la, m the beginning of their career, deserve no great confidence.
In conclusion, it may be mentioned that Amarapandita twice addresses Vastupd.la by the name
of Vasantapaia. This was his poet-name, under which he wrote the Flarandrdyandnandalcdvya^
which 1 found in Anhilvad m 1876,^3
REPORTS MADE DURING THE PROGRESS OF EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
BY BABTJ P, C MUKHABJI.
(Continued from p. 441.)
REPORT No. II. — JANUARY, 1897.
The promising results of the work in December 1896 were sustained during January 1897.
The excavations at Kumr&har and Jamundi Dhih brought to light valuable structural remains
and relics, chiefly teira-cottas at the latter place.
I.
At Jamuna Dhih. on the West of the Bankipore Railway Station, and on the south bank of the
old and now dried-up bed of the Sohan, a channel of which used to flow at the spot in ancient times,
I commenced work m the beginning of January (see Plate 11,). In a few days I exhumed several large
vases (ndndB) and some walls, made of large bricks, on the east side of the mound. On the north
sude, where I began excavating a week later, some rooms and more ndnds were brought to light ; and,
continuing the woik during the whole month, other rooms and several walls projecting in different
directions were traced out, the ndnda or 3 ars appeanng everywhere. In the last week of the month
J commenced tapping the north-west corner , but beyond some uninteresting vessels and terra-cottas, no
arcbitectuial remains wore found. As to terra-cotta figures and vessels, several were discovered. The
terra-cotta figures consisted of horses and other interesting playthings. The vessels were innumer-
able, exhibiting some graceful forms. Regarding stone-work, innumerable fragments of stools and
pestles and mortars (sU46d1id) were recovered, as also several round stones, between 3 and 4 inches
in diameter. As to fragments of sculpture, a defaced base of statue, and a half circular slab, which
showed some peculiar ornaments, and the back of which was rounded, was brought to light.
On a close examination of the mound I found that it was not aBdja’s fort, as maiked in
Dr. Waddell’s map. It appeared to be the site of a village thnt at first had mud houses (which
accounts for the raised level of the land), where, during the period
of the Mauryan Emperors, the villagers, chiefly Gaw^llts and
potters, becoming a httle richer, built brick and tiled houses.
The large bricks, about 1' 6'' X V 0" X 2*^ or 3*^, and the great
numbers of the ndnds and other vessels lead to that conclusion.
On the north-east corner of the mound is an elevated spot
dedicated to Gaurayy^ D6vt, containing a statue of Gauri Shankar,
rather defaced, which shows the goddess seated on the lap of
the four-armed Mahad^va in the style commonly seen. Here
I secured a statuette of a Devi, about 3 inches in height, seated
on a lion, and holding in her right hand a lotus, and in her left
a vessel (Fig. 1). These relics show that there was a temple
here. The ndnds weie used for feeding the cattle, and the larger
ones for storing the produce of the fields. I also obtained some
metallic relics (chiefly copper), consisting of some coins (maddlm
sdt)f and square pieces, a few diminutive sticks called stlai for
applying surma to the eyes, and a knife in iron ^ all very much
injured by age.
A copy of the work is m the Bekhan Oollegro Collection of 1875-77, No. 751,
496
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY*
[December, 190i2,
II.
At Kallu Talao, Kumrahar or Kumbharaj, originally known as Ndmapfir, I exposed
more walls and rooms on the west side and the south-west corner, the fragments of the A&6ka
pillars appearing everywhere, — so much so that in one room the mud floor was faiily covered with
smaller pieces of it. Assuming that the oiiginal position of the great pillar was somewhere betvFeen
the exposed vihttra (monasteiy) and the Dargah, I commenced excavating on the north erle oE the
latter, towards which I was also working from the western portion of the vihdra which I had
exposed. No inscribed fragments were found In the new digging at the Dargah I exposed two
walls, running west to east.
LATER WALL,
ORAiN
JEl.E’VAT/QU,
^ LAT^R WALL
ORA/Af SECT/O/V.
111 .
At the Chaman Taldo I drove two tunnels under the
highest mound in order to follow the double wall, six feet in
thickness, which comes from the west. It appeared to be a
large drain, once emptying its contents into the tank. Over and
at right angles to it was built another double wall, at which place it
had gone to ruin. Wherever the latter structure had fallen down,
all the bricks had been taken out and removed for subsequent
building purposes, only a few bricks being left at the edges to
tell its tale. East of and parallel to it was found another wall.
On the east side I also followed the dram by driving a tnnnel ;
but ou this Bide the drain terminated aftei a short distance. The
two parallel tunnels, following the two sides of the drain, went
west about 25 feet, where I ]oined them, I also commenced
excavating on the south and north sides of the mound, in order
to determine the nature of the original structure, of which the
dihris is now turned into a Muhammadan graveyard. See
sketch-plan with rough measurements in Plate III, attached,
IV*
In the garden of the headman of the village, where I reported in December 1896 the finding of
a portion of a large wall, 10 feet below the present level of the ground I exposed a buck terrace,
about 200 feet east of it, at which place I found also two fragments of the A&6ka pillax'. About
20 years ago hexe was discovered a very mteresting Buddhist statue, which is now woishipped as
Burukhid. D§vi by the villagers of NawHt614,i
V.
On the south of the village of Eumrfi,har I discovered a log of sal-wood in a new well,
19 feet below the present level of the field. It was dug out in pieces, amidst sandy clay, bluish and
whitish in colour, the silt found only in the bed of the Ganges, Most probably a poition of the
wood-work to which it belonged is still in situ. The importance of this find will be understood, if it
belonged to the ancient palisade of Pataliputra, described by Megasthenes. Since palisades have
also been discovered on the north of Kumrahar, as reported by Dr. Waddell, this village, with the
extensive dibris^ around it, represents the site of Pataliputra, as he assumes very lightly.
There is a tradition, still remembered by the oldest of the villagers, that this was the town of
Nandalall (evidently the Nanda king), about 3,000 years ago.
Ou the east of the village I dug a trial-trench in the compound of a Gawfila’s house, and found
only a little fragmentary wall and terrace, about 8 feet below the surface. The excavated earth here,
as elsewhere, consisted of brick and rubble. Terraces were also exposed at several places , but working
at their edges I could not trace any walls. This fact shows that the bricks of the walls have been
removed long ago, perhaps about a thousand years before the present land surface was formed.
VI.
On the ^outh of the village and near the well, at which place I found the remains of an ancient
block of a^j-wood, I saw slight signs of a wall in anoth er well, known as Kh&vl KiX^JX ; and here
1 Drawn and described it in mj seoond lie^ort in 1894 .
Djscbmbeb. 1902.] PROGRESS OP EXCAVATIONS AT PATNA.
497
I dug deep into the soil, down to about 20 feet, and exposed what I at fiist supposed to be the
portion of an ancient bastion. Clearing it all round I found that the circular wall did not, however,
continue towards the north-east and south-east; but on its west face, two reservoirs or cells, about
6 feet square at about 10 feet down, and 5 feet square at 17' 6" below the piesent level of the ground,
were traced out. The slope of the bastion wall, of which 12'^ 6^" remains now, from the bottom
upwards, is 1' 4' on its western face. On its east and north-east face are other walla at right angles
to it, of which I did not clear the northernmost. On the south of the cell is a terrace and a little
bit of a wall at about 6 feet below the present ground level ; and on the south-east corner is a large
jar or about 10 feet below.
SECnON.
SK£T€/f PLAN AND SECT/ON CE ^XCAVATfON AT XHARf KUAN^
East of It, at the place marked with a cilOSB m tlie sketch-plan (Pig. 3), and with dots on th«
section, I exhumed ft great numhet of vet y interesting bricks (Pigs. 5 and 6). I at ftrst thought
that they must have belonged to a structure close by, for which I searched, but could not find. The
bricks commenced to appar at about 8 feet, and terminated at about 16 feet below the present
grouud-levcl.
They were loUghly placed in irregular layers ; bdt though 1 carefully worked ffom the sides,
1 could find no architectural form, nor a kiln ill which they might have been burnt* Two hricks of
the semi-cii‘cular form ^cre also discovered on the west of the wellj and more might he exhumed. The
most interestmg rsKc found among the large number of bricks is a fra^ent of an Alika piU«
(Pig 4:\ at 10 feet below the present level of the ground, as also a flat piece of stone. The bricks
are vW large and of different forme (Fig. 6). One is curved, being limited by two concentric (^veS,
of which the ends have been ottt m the radii. One is about one foot square and 2| inches m thietoess.
Idome are rectangular, varying fiom 1 foot to 8 inehes m width and from 6 inches to 8 inches m
thickness, the length being generally 1' 6^ The most intererting, however, the s^lmdxical
bricks, the like of which 1 have not seen elsewhere in India. They are from 1 5 to 1 9 m length,
and from 6' to 7« in depth, and from SJ' to lOf in width. These seid^lmdncal hncte are of two
sorts : One, the section of which is less than a semicircle and the breadth about lOg inches (Pig. 6).
498
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[Decembee, 1902
Tils otlxcr cl&ss has a cxoss-sectioEj Tiyhicli is moie than a semi-circle j their bleed th is about 91 inches.
Of the formei class, one has a coinei boTelled off, as shown in the sketch (Fig. 6) ; half of it is
bioken length-wise. While on the subject of bucks, I would mention another peculiar brick with
ail ogee section, found in the south-west room of the mMra, I exhumed at the Kallu TalEo (Fig. 7).
Among the number of bricks in the deep excavations at Ixhuri Ivuaii I found some pieces of jlaster
which show cornice and othei linings.
8 /-
* ^ A ^ ^
fftOM KHAfii KOAN»
BRtCK FRQMKALLU 7ALA0,
A A AA *
CORNiCE PLASTER FROM JCJ/AR/ KUAN
VII.
On the west of the village of Eumrdiliar, and in the h’oJd'Jj
I examined all the wells, new and old, and in many of them
I detected remams of walls. In a mined one, I commenced
excavations and exposed some thick walls. On the east of
Kumr^har are also extensive ruins and a big tank, now dried up.
About half a mile west of KumiAhar, and on the east, liank of an
ancient tank, iiow' know'ii hy the name of Wans ‘All KMn^S
Tank, is a high mound, now covered with Muhammadan giave^.
Thinking it to bo a Bliuddhist stilpa^ I began excavating its
western face, and exposed both Muhammadan and anterior
Hindu walls. It was most interesting to sec the ditTereiit layers
of dehis, one above the other. The excavation showed a ahU
(tlight of steps), which WAiis ‘Ali Khan repaired about hundred
ycais ago, with two octagonal bastions at the two ends. See
sketch, Fig. 0.
nil.
IKorth of this tank is the high road, to tie north of which is a small bnok^ficld. On the road-
side, where the buck-makers had made a deep pit in order to obtain clay, they exposed the old bod of
the channel of the S6han, which used to How here in ancient times, as evidenced by the deep layer of
yellowish sand — whence the Sohan was called by Sanskrit writers Hira^ya-balm, the goldon-armecl.
Towards and underneath the road ditch is visiblo a large portion of a wall, made of largo Imck^.
A Kttle north of the hricMeld is the railway line, and about 200 yards still further north is the
Buland Bagh, where Dr, Waddell locates a mMra. The importance of this bit of wall will
therefore be understool
('i'o he continued.)
fXCAVAT/OA/S AT PATNA, 1897 . him jlati^u^ry
PLATE JJ],
500
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
[December, 1902.
4 Loluliio Ajanbahu Samaya
5 Kanhpatti Samaya ...
6 Akhetak Birbardan Katha
7 Nahar Raya Katha ...
S Mewixti Yugal Katha
9 Huseu Katha
10 Akhetaka ChOka Varnan
11 Chitrarekhii Sama ya . , .
12 Bhola Raya Samaya...
13 Salakh jnddh Samaya
1 4 Inchchhini V yfih
15 Mugal juddh Praatava
1 5 Pundira dihimi V yah
1 7 Bhumi supan PrastaTa
18 Bdli dan Prasfcdva ...
19 Madho Bhat Katha ,,,
20 Padmayati Vyah Samaya
21 Pntha Yyah
22 Holi Katha
23 Dip Mai Katha
24 Dhan Katha
25 Shashivrata nSm Prastava
26 Deyagiri Samaya
27 Rewa tat Samaya
28 Anangpid Samaya
29 G-haghar nadi ki larai
30 KarnCiti patra Samaya
31 Pipa juddha Prastava
Deobhbbb, 1902.] OHAPTBRS OF THE PRITHIRAJ-EASO.
501
»4
a>
WQ
Kames of Chapters
ii
a®
n .
§ o<
. • CQ O
ia
1 «■
§’S<t
a
Asiatic
Society’s
MS.
as
S
'o
1
32
Samarsi raj or Indrawati Vyaheja
...
33
32
32
62
32
33
Indravati Vyah
...
«•*
... t
i3(841
33
33
29
33
33
Si
Jait Eava joddha
...
€
.. t.
!4(85)
34
34
30
34
34
35
Kangura juddh
...
• ••
• a £
15(86)
35
35
31
35
35
86
Hansavati Yyah
...
..A
56(87)
36
36
32
36
36
37
Pjlhar Rai Samaya
...
.. \
57(38)
37
37
33
37
37
88
BaruQ Katha
• ••
58(39)
38
38
84
38
38
39
Soma Badh
...
' <
«•« <
19 (40)
39
39
35
39
39
40
Pa]]{ina clihogana Prasitlva
•••
• •a
40(41)
40
40
36
40
40
41
Paj]una Ob^lukya Prastava
*•«
a ••
41 (42)
41
41
37
41
41
42
Chand Dwanka Gaman
...
• mm
12(48)
42
42 ^
38
42
42
43
Kaim^s ]uddha
««•
...
43(44)
43
43
39
43
43
44
Bhima Badha
« a *
...
...
44(45)
44
44
40
44
44
45
Sanjogitti puiba Katlia
• ••
...
...
45 (46)
45
45
41
45
45
46
Sanjogita Vinaya Mangal
« • •
...
-
46 (46)
46
46
42
46
46
47
Shu^lc Yarnana
...
46(47)
47
47
43
47
47
48
Bdluka Rai Samaya
...
47(48)
48
48
44
48
48
49
Pang Jagya Yiddhvans Pras/tSva
...
48(49)
49
49
45
49
49
f)G
1 SanjogiiS iiem Prastava
...
« •«
49(50)
50
50
46
50
50
51
Pratliam Hansi juddha
•i*.
• «
50(51)
51
51
47
51
51
52
Dwitiya Hansi juddha
...
»■«
• • •
• ••
...
52
48
...
...
53
Pajjun Mahoba
...
,51(52)
1 52
53
49
52
52
54
Pajjdn patiaab juddha
...
...
*««
52 (5S;
) 58
54
50
53
53
J>5
Samant pang juddha
*P0
0m4
, 58 (64
) 54
55
51
54
54
r>6
Samar pang juddha
1
.54(55
) 55
56
52
55
55
57
Kaimusa Badha
...
-
55(56
) 56
57
58
56
56
58
Durga Keddr Samaya
•
00
, 56 (57
) 57
58
54
57
57
59
Dilli Yarnana
• 0
. 57 (58
) 58
59
55
58
58
502
THE INDIAN ANTIQIJABY.
[Decembee, 1&02*
Serial
Number.
Names of Chapters
Beanies'
Order
<5* t3
fl
at
OQO
JO
'1 0
l-s^
r*+
K-ffiS
a®"
or
st
■§ Son
ns
*0
iff
§§•
60
Jangam Katlia
«»•
58(59)
59
60
56
59
59
61
Shat ritu Yarn ana
..
• •«
• ••
60
61
57
...
60
62
Kanavajja juddha
«•»
...
59 (60)
61
62
58
60
61
63
Shuka Oharitra
...
60(61)
63
63
59
61
62
64
Akhetak Chakh Shrap
•••
61(62)
62
64
61
62
63
65
Dhirpundir
• « *
62 (63)
.
64
65
60
63
64
66
Y ivab Samaya
...
63 (64)
ft*a
6&
1
67
67
Bari LarM ,,,
...
••
64(65)
65+66
67
63
64
65
68
Banbedh ...•
• ••
•••
65(66)
67
68
04
65
66
69 ;
Rayauast
66(67)
68
69
66
68
Doubtful
Chi
%pier8.
«
1
AlhSLTJdat ...
•••
1
...
...
' 21
2
Birbliadra
f
«*»
• •I
,68(69]
1 ...
...
...
’ 671
...
St
Karheda Rupak
...
1 ...
...
28
—
• a •
E.XTBACTS FROM THE BENGAL CONSULTATIONS OF THE XVIIIte
CENTURY RELATING TO THE ANDAMAN ISLANDS.
BY SIR RICHA.RD C. TEMPLE.
(Cmttnued fiom 470, )>
1796. — No. Vin.
Fort William 20tli February 1795.
Read a letter and its enclosure from the Superintendant at the Andamans,.
To Colhn Shakespear Esqr,, Sub Secretary,
Sir, — I hare received your letter of the 19th of last Mo-ntli with an order on the Treasury
for Twenty Thousand Rupees to be dispatched to Port Oornwallis by the first opportunity.
I have now the pleasui^e of Complying- with the Governor General in Counoirs desire hy
■feransmitting the Establishment that I fixed for the Brig Dispatch. I beg you will inform tlu'
Governor Qeueral in Council, that Vessel on her Passage from Port Cornwallis towards
Chittagong to which place I before acquainted bun 1 bad sent her experienced long Calms and
I This name is 8:iv0u m the index attached to the Manuscript, but the chapter itself, bemgf at the veiy end of
the third .volume, is and seems to ha\e been lorn oil by some one.
December, 1902.] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIHth OBNTTJHT.
503
Violent Currents, till her provisions and Water was nearly expended when the Commander found
it necessary to bear up for Bengal; as there was a Great quantity of the Provisions indented for
not yet conveyed to the Settlement I immediately requested the Garrison Store Keeper, to load
the Dispatch, and have now the pleasure to acquaint you that she is ready to sail — on board
of this Vessel I have Shipped Pive Thousand Rupees for the immediate use of the Settlement,
and shall send the remaining p'art of the Cash in my hands on the Sea Horse and Nautilus
both of which Vessels will soon be ready to sail with Provisions and Stores*
I also beg leave to acquaint you for the Information of the Board that the Cornwallis Snow
is anived from Port Conawallis, having left that place on the 15th of last Month, and I have the
pleasure to say that the Officer in command there acquaints me that the Settlers are at this Season
very healthy, and that four Convicts who had absconded, have returned of themselves in
a Miserable Starving State and two of them Severely wounded by the Natives, which
gives hope that this example will deter any of them from attempting so dangerous an
experiment again.
I have the honor to be &ca
(Signed) A. Kyd, Superintendant Andamans.
Calcutta 6th February 1795.
Establishment of the Honble Company’s Brig Dispatch.
1 Commander @ Current Rupees
1 Officer @ Ditto
1 Gunner @ Sioca Rupees
4 Quarter Masters @ Ditto
1 Serang
1 Tindal
1 Cassab ... ...
12 Lascars
1 Cook
2 Captain’s Servants ...
1 Officei’s Servant ...
875 pr Month
100 pr Month
40 Ditto
25 each
15
12
10
7 each
8
8 each
3
(Signed) A. Kyd.
Agreed that the above Establishment fixed by the Superintendant at the Andamans, b»
approved, and oidcred that a Copy of it be sent to the Acting Marine Pay Master for his
Infoiniation.
17^16. — No. IX.
20fch February 1795.
Read the following Letter and its Enclosure from the Commissary of Stores,
To Edwaid Hay Esqr , Secretary to Government.
— I herewith have the honor to forward a Dist of two Bills of Lading for Stores shipped on
the Sea Horse Lxeutonant George Thomas Commander for the Andaman Islands*
I have the honor to be &ca
(Signed) William Golding Commissary of Stores^
Fort William 19th February 1795.
504
the indlajt aetiquaet.
[Dbcbmbee, 1902,
Enclosure.
List of Stores dispatched by order of Sir John Shore Bart. Governor General in Council, on the
Honble Company’s Brig Sea Horse Captain George Thomas Commander for the Andamans; and
goes consigned to the Commanding Officer there.
Fort William 19th February 1795.
riles \ Bound
lifailB Tacks or Pump Country
Screws Iron 2 Inch
Ditto 1 Inch
Docks Door Iron
Belt Leather Pouch
Vices hand
Locks Door Iron
Pad Ditto
Chissela Firmer
Files Plat
Ditto Pitsaw
Seissars
Solder Pewter
Silk Sewing
Thread Cotton White
Nesaudal
INeedles Packing
Sail
Iron Wineplate,
MU one Hangoe box
in one Ditto
^in one Ditto
in 6 Bundles
72
10000
864
864
12
12
1
12
24
120
2
Pairs
Seers
Do.
Do.
Do&
2
o
5
2
1
5
Oil Mustard in 13 Casks with Iron hoops
60
60
. G
ManndslC. 38,
Maunds 50, ~ -
Ditto 1. - -
in one bag
in one Cask with 4 Iron hoops
in 3 ditto ditto ditto
Mannd
Ditto
Ditto
Ditto
1 .
1 ,
3.
5.
Tow
iNetts Pishing large in 3 Bales..
IjTails Europe 2d. •*,
Chalk
Oil Oocouut
Oil Lmtseed
Tarpawlms Small in 4 Bales
Twine Jute in 6 Ditto
Lautborns Horn in One Mangoe Chest
Package.
Bags Gunny
Boxes Mangoe ...
Casks with Iron hoops
Chests Mangoe
Gunny Chuttios
Ifails Europe, lOd.
Okum
Rope Jute Lashings
Twine Bengal ...
Charges Shipping Sonat Rupees 2.3.2.
(Signed) William Golding, Commissary of Stores.
Ordered that a copy of the enclosure in the above letter be sent to the Superiutendant the
Andamans.
20
10 , - -
XO
4
5
• ••
...
*««
17
• f f
* 7 *
«•* •«*
3
20
■ *.
...
... Seers -
00
...
,,, Ditto -
8. -
• «.
... Skains
10
• ••
Seers -
1. 8
DECJastBEB, 1803 ] THE ANDAMANS IN THE XVIIIth OENTimr.
506
1796. — No, IX. (a)
Fort William 6tli March 1796,
Bead a Letter from the Supenntendant at the Andamans.
To Edward Hay Esqr., Secretary to the Government.
Sir, — I have to request that you will acquaint the Governor General in Council that the Lee-
hoard a Schooner, belonging to the Honble. Comp., has just arrived from Port Cornwallis, The
accompanying Letter from the Officer Commanding there will aqnaint you with the reasons that
induced him to send as Prisoners the Frenchman suspected as a Spy and the
Commander of the small Pegu Vessel which conveyed him there.
From the private accounts I have had from Lieutenants Eamsay and Stokoe of this
Circumstance it appears to me that, they had just grounds for acting as they have done, Altho* from
an Examination of the Prisoners as well as from their papers that have been transmitted to me it is
very doubtful whether the Frenchman made his appearance there with any evil intention, As however
Antoine Charles Oimetere, the man in question has been disimgnished during this war, several
daring enterprizes doubtful if justifiable by the rules of War ; I will beg leave to sfcate what I have
been able to collect from his Papers and from the Conversation I have had with him — Oimetere
appears to have served in the French Navy during the whole of the last war, and obtained the
rank of Lieutenant — on the 3rd of July 1792 He makes his appearance, as Captain of the
Ship L’ Auguste Victoire fitted out at Pondicherry, evidently for Commercial Purposes as
appears by the Commission or Passport granted Mm by Monsieur Defresne Commandant of
Pondicherry and Messrs Mottel and Fontaine Commissaries, which Oommissions or
Passport appears to me equivalent to those granted by other Governments to Trading Vessels, but by
no means analogous to what is termed a Letter of Marque nor mdeed could be, as it was granted in
the time of profound Peace.
It appears that he navigated the Indian Seas in Commercial persuits till the 6th May 1793
when, being obliged to put into Coringa Bay m very bad weather with his Ship much damaged he
heard oE the war, between Great Britain and France, when he immediately boarded and Seized the
Phoenix Ketch of Calcutta the property of Mr Tyler, Sailed for Bimlipatam, Here
finding the Dutch nation was also engaged in the War, and his own Ship being at the point of
linking be shifted his Crew with every thing of Value from her to the Phoenix on which
he sailed for Pegu, where he arrived on the 6th of July — It does not appear by any of his
Papers, when he left Pegu^ but by the accompanying letter from Mr Tyler, I find he sailed for
Tarray where his Ketch was seized by the Government of that place.
Oimetere appears again at Tan ay on the 15th of March 1794 in command of a small Priva-
teer named La Fortune ou la Mort, with a Crew of 12 men, from whence he sailed to Mergui,
and on the 8th of the same Month, entered the Port in their Boat in the Night, boarded and carried
offtlie Penang Skooner, of Prince of Wales^s Island, commanded by Bichard Thompson
which Vessel it would appear was carried to the Coast of Pedier and sold — Here I lose sight
of Oimetere, till by a Journal of his own Keeping he embarks on hoard of a Grab Snow at
Nancowry in the Nicobars, that was taken on her Voyage from Surat to Siam with a rich Cargo
by the French Privateer Eevenge ; On board of this Prize he seems to have been employed as
Second Officer, and on the death of the Captain as first, — After repeated attempts in opposition to
the Monsoon to make their passage to Mauritius they weie obliged to bear away to Pegu and arrived
at Basseiu in the end of October.
From this time I have only to depend on his own Account, He says that, they endeavoured to
Equip and Provision the Grab at this Port m order to proceed on their Voyage to Mauritius, that
the Captain and him having been engaged in some Oounterband Commerce were detected and Seized
508
THE INDIAN ANTIQDAET
[Becembes, ISOS’.
I wist It was itt my power to give yon any more mteUigence m part of the said Grab it certamly
should wilhngly be sent from
Sir your very Obedient Servant
(Signed) John Taylor of the Ship CommOToe.
Bassein 20th January 1794,
To the Honhle Captain Turner or the Naeoda of the Grab Snow that was taken off
Pulo Verella by the Bevenge Privateer Pulo Penang.
Enclosure No* 3,
Mv Dear Sir — The Ferson you mention is the same man who carried off the Ketch
Phoenix belonging to mo from the road of Coring He proceeded with her to Bimlipatani
a Dutch Settlement not knowing that Holland was engaged m the War, but on findmg no Safety
there he immediately directed hia course to Pegue, where he found protection and encouragement
foi a time but whether the representations I made to the Minister alarmed him or not, he sailed from
thence taking with him Several of his own Nation upon another piratical Cruize of which the
•Mmister of Pegue made some mention in one of his letters to the Governor General, I think m the
words or to the effect following. “ Mr Tylers Eetcb is now at Tavay, she was cut off Oonnga
bv a Frenchman named Oimetere, from Tavay he manned his Boat and proceeded m the night to
Mergee where he cut off a smaU Schooner from Penang, belonging to Captain Thomas
Wolff.”
The Governor of Tavey Stopped my Ketch and sent a party to Seize the Frenchman, hut
Cunetere and his associates got clear off with the Schooner, and as I understood had gone to the
Nioobars since then I have not heard of him, tho’ I know to a certainty that some of his party
earned a Vessel to and arrived at the Mauritius.
I have also lately understood that some of the same party have been seen here, but tho’ I have
faffed m ascertaining the fact sufficiently to enable me to identify their persons, yet I do not doubt it.
Mid I think it may be well worth yonr enquiry, as it would not be so difficult to a few such fellows to
aurpnze some rich Men Vessel bound out of the River.
Yours very Obediently
(Signed) Geo. Tyler*
Monday 2nd Marcli 1796.
Major Kyd
Agreed under the oircnmstances stated in Major Kyd’s Letter of the 4th Instant, that
Monsieur Antoine Charles Cunetere, he detained in his present Confinement, till further
orders and that the Governor General be requested to give the necessary Directions to the Town
Major’ accordingly instructmg him further to apply to major Kyd, for Monsieur Cimeterres papers to.
keep them under his Charge to he referred to if Occasion should lequire.
Agreed further that the Portugueze be discharged from his present Confinement,
and that the Superintendant at the Andamans be instructed to send him back to that place, by the
•Nautilus, considermg him at largo, and to give oidms for releasing his Vessel],
Ordered that Major Kyd be directed to deliver over the Leeboard to the Master Attendant,
nd to the Master attendant to receive Charge of the Vessel till she be sold, and that the Vendue
Master be directed to dispose of her and her Stores at pubUc Auction, and that reference be made
to the Master Attendant with respect to the compensation that ought to he made to Mr Leok & the
Quarter of the Drued who conducted the Schooner from the Andamans to OaJoutta.
(To he contin%ed,)
Decembbb, 1902 .]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON
609
A COMPLETE VEEBAL OEOSS-INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON OE
GLOSSAEY OP ANGLO-IITDIAN WOEDS.
BY CHAELBS PAETEIDGB, ILA.
(Continued from. p. 475.)
Crape ; «. v. 212, ii, 3 times,
Crassa; ann. 1430 : «. v. Qmlon, 670, i.
Grease; e. v. 212, ii, tvnee, 786, i; ann. 1850-60:
». V, 213, ii.
Crease, To ; «. v. Crease, 213, li.
Greased ; s. v. Crease, 213, ii.
Credere, Del ; s. v. 213, u ; ann. 1813 • *, v,
213, u.
Creek Hongs ; ann. 1882 ; s. v. Chop, 161, i.
Crehgo; ann. 1498: e. v. Shereef, 626, i.
Creole ; s. v. 213, u, 786, i, a. v. Castees, 132,
n; ann. 1782: s. v. 786, i; ann. 1830 : a. v.
Home, 820, h,
Cr6ole ; *. ». Creole, 213, li.
OrSpe , s. V. Crape, 212, u
Crese ; ann, 1586-88 : s. v. Crease, 213, i.
Creseau, s. v. Kerseymere, 365, i.
Crespe ; *. ®. Crape, 212, li.
Cress ; s. ®. Dam, 228, i ; ann. 1727 : a. v.
Crease, 213, i.
Cresset ; ann, 1686 : a. v. Crease, 213, i.
Crete , ann. 865 . a. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i.
Cnadas ; a. «. Creole, 786, i.
Criadillo a. v. Creole, 213, ii.
Griado ; i. v. Creole, 213, ii.
CriadoB ; a. e». Creole, 786, i, twice.
Cric; ann. 1690: a v. Grease, 213, i,
Oncke, ann. 1580 • a. v. Crease, 218, i.
Giicopus, s. p Green Pigeon, 302, li.
Crimea ; a. v. Buxoo, 103, i.
Criollo ; a. V. Creole, 213, n, twice.
Gns ; a. v. Crease, 212, ii, 213, ii, 786, i, twice ;
ann. 1515. a. ».;Crease, 786, i, twice; ann,
1552, 1602 and 1610 : a. v. Crease, 213, i ;
ann. 1770 . a v. Crease, 213, ii.
Crisada, a. v. Crease, 213, u; a. v, Cncuys,
215, 1.
Crise , ann. 1 584 : s, A Muck, 14, i ; ann.
1686 •. a. p, Snttoe, 669, i.
Crises ; ann. 1572 : a. p. Grease, 213, i, a. ».
Malacca, 416, i; ann. 1634: a. v. Crease,
213, i.
Crisocola ; ann. 1563 : a. v. Tincall, 703, i.
Cristapa ; ann, 1672 : a. ». Naik (c), 470, ii.
Orisses ; ann. 1591 : «. ». Crease, 213, i.
Grocheteurs ; ann. 1610 : a. p. Boy (b), 84, i.
Grockadore; ann. 1705: a. p. Cockatoo, 175,
1 , 3 times.
Crocodile; «. p. 213, li, a. p. Alhgator, 8, li,
5 tunes, a. p. Burrampooter, 101, li, s. ®. Mnggnr,
456, 1 , s. i>. Plymg.Pox, 799, i, twice, s, p.
Gayial, 800, ii ; ann. 943 and 1013 : g. p
SindlbCr, 685, i ; ann. 1552 and 1568 . a. v.
Alligator, 9, i; ann. 1578 . a. p Bamboo, 41,
1 ; ann. 1590 : g. v. 213, ii ; ann. 1691 and
1596 • g. V. Alligator, 9,i; ann. 1598 : a.v
Cayman, 136, i; ann. 1611 : g. p, Mnggnr
456, 1 ; ann. 1672 : g. p. Cayman, 136, i ;
ann. 1673 • g. p. Alligator, 9, i, g. p. Gnana,
304, i ; ann. 1769: g. p. Seychelle, 618, i-
ann. 1780 : g. p. Gnana, 304, li ; ann. 1809:'
g. P. Gavial, 800, ii ; ann. 1879 and 1881 i
g. ». Mnggnr, 456, i.
Crocodile-fish ; ann. 1611: g. p. Mnggnr, 456, i.
Crocodillos , ann, 1613 : g, p. Alligator, 9, i,
Crocodilo ; g. p. AUigator, 8, ii ; ann. 1631 • a.p.
Cayman, 136, i.
Orooodilus biporcatus; g. Mnggnr, 456, i, g p
Gavial, 800, li.
Crocodilns gangetions , ann. 1809 : g. p. Gayial
800, 11.
Croco Indiaco ; g. p. Saffron, 589, i.
Croons hortulanns ; a. p. SafiSower, 589, i.
Crocus sativns ; g. p. Saffron, 589, i.
Croiser; s. p. Kerseymere, 365, i, twice.
Crongolor; ann. 1516: g. p. Granganore, 211, ii.
Crore ; g. ». 213, ii, twice, g. v. Lack, 382, i, see
843, li, footnote ; ann. 1315 . g. p, 214, i,
4 times ; ann. 1690 : g. p. Sircar (e), 638, i,-
ann. 1594: g. ». Lack, 382, i; ann. 1757:
g. V. 214, 1 ; ann. 1790 : g. p. Cash, 128, li,
g. P. Canteroy, 772, i ; ann. 1797 : a. ». 214,
1 ; ann. 1808 : a. p. Dubber, 268, ii ; ann.
1879 : g. p. 214, ii, twice, g. p. Lack, 883, i,
twice, g. p, Hiryina, 481, i.
Crotalaria ]uncea ; a. ». Sunn, 661, ii.
CrotcLey ; g. p. 214, ii.
Cron ; ann. 1609 : g. p. Crore, 214, i, twice.
Crow-pheasant ; a. v. 214, ii ; ann. 1878 and
1883 : g, p, 214, ii.
510
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY
[December, 1902.
Orul^ ; ann. 1608 s. v, Deccan, 238, ii.
Crusaders; s. v. Chicane, 146, ii.
Crusades , s, y. Lemon, 391, ii.
Crusado ; ann. 1498 * s v, Malacca, 415, ii|
3 times,
Cruse, ann. 1598 s, v, Goglet, 292, u.
Crusna; ann, 1688 . s, v, Godavery, 291, i, ann,
1553 : s, V, Hidgelee, 814, ii.
Cruzado ; s, v, Budgrook, 92, i, v. Pardao, 838,
ii, twice, 839, i, footnote, 839, ii and footnote
(8 times) ; ann. 1497 : s. Malum, 418, n ,
ann. 1498: ». v, Benjamin, 65, ii, twice,
s, V, Fanam, 266, i, s, v. Pegu, 525, i, v,
Tenasserim, 696, i, ann, 1502: s, v. Batta,
762, ii, 763, i ; ann. 1507 : s. v, Batta, 763, i ;
ann. 1510 * s. v, Pardao, 840, n, 3 times; ann.
1511; s. Batta, 768, i; ann, 1539 : s. v,
Mace (b), 404, n; ann. 1540: fi. Tael, 675,
ii, a. V, Xerafine, 867, u , ann, 1554 : v,
Batta (b), 56, 11 , twice; ann. 1568: s, v.
Opium, 489, 11 , V. Tola, 707, ii, ann. 1574 .
8, y. Pundit, 660, ii; ann. 1591: s. v. Boy
(b), 83, 1 ; ann, 1644 : a. v, Doney, 250, i ;
ann. 1675 ; a. y. Xerafine, 743, u.
Cruzado d*ouro ; s, y, Pardao, 888, ii,
Crysed; ann, 1604: a. y. Crease, 213, ii.
Orysesj ann. 1598s s. y. Crease, 218, u
Orysna ; ann. 1525 : s, y. Jacquete, 389, ii,
Orystna ; ann. 1525 : a, v, Jacquete, 339, ii,
Otesiphon; s, y. Teak, 693, li.
Cuama; ann. 1616 ; a. y. Pangara, 509, ii; ann.
1727 • s. V. Sofala, 646, i.
^uaquem , ann, 1526 : a, Suakin, 858, u
Cuba; 5. y. Papaya, 511, ii,
Cubeb ; s. v. 214, ii ; ann. 943 : a. y. 214, ii ;
ann. 1150 : s. v. Mace (a), 404, i ; ann. 1298,
1328,1340, 1390.1568, 1672, 1612 and 1874:
a. y. 215, i,
Cubebs ; 8, y. 786, i, twice ; ann. 1298 : 8. y.
Java, 347 , u; ann. 1516: 8. y. Java, 348, 1 .
Oubeer Bnrr ; 8. v. 215, i,
Cubba ; ann. 1738 : y. Alcove, 755, ii.
Oucaracha ; §• v. Cockroach, 175, i, twice.
Ouchm ; ann. 1503 : 8. y. Pandaram, 509, 1 .
Cucm ; ann. 1510 : 8, y. Cochin, 174, i.
Cuckoo ; 8. V, Jack, 338, 1 , 8. y, Koel, 374, i ;
ann. 1711: s, y. Gecko, 280, i.
Cuculus melanoleucos , 157, i, footnote.
ann. 1690 ; 8. y. Conbalingua, 189, i.
Oucurbita OitruUus , 8, y, Pateca, 518, u.
Cucurbitae ; ann. 1690 . s. v, Oonbahngua, 189, u
Cucuya, s. y. 215, 1 .
Cucuyada; 8, y. 786, 1 , s. y, Cucuya, 215, i, twice;
ann. 1525 and 1543 : 8. y. 786, ii.
Oudapah ; ann. 1753 : 8. y. Souba, 649, ii.
Ouddalore; s, y. 215, 11 , s. v. Factory, 264, i, 8,y.
Scavenger, 606, 11 , 8. y. Gingi, 80 1, 1 ; ann.
1685: 8. y Tashreef, 686, ii; ann. 1746; 8. y.
Peon, 528, ii , ann, 1747 : 8. y. Sepoy, 613, 1 ,
twice; ann. 1754: s y. Stick-Insect, 652, 1 ;
ann. 1809 : 8. y. Factory, 264, 1 .
Cuddapah; s, y. 215, ii, 786, 11 , 8. y. Ceded
Districts, 137, i.
Cuddoo, 8. V, 215, n,
Cudduttum ; 8. y Parabyke, 512, i, twice.
Cuddy, 8, y. 215, 11 , 786, li, 8. y. Giidda, 306,
n, twice; ann. 1769 : s, y. 215, u ; ann, 1848 :
8. y. 786, 11,
Oudgen ; ann. 1811 : 8, y. Kedgeree-pot, 365, 1 .
^udra ; ann. 1868 : 8. v, Soodra, 647, u.
Cujaven ; ann. 1516 ; 8. y. Pagoda, 500, 1 .
Culgah , ann. 1759 : 8. y, Culgee, 786, 11 .
Culgars ; ann. 1690 : s. y, Alleja, 8^ 1 .
Culgee ; 8. y. 215, ii, 786, n ; ann, 1715 : 8. y„
215, li.
: Cullum ; y, v. Coolung, 193, u ; aun. 1813 :
8. y, Coolung, 194, 1 .
Culmureea ; s. y. 216, 1 .
Oulpee ; ann. 1762 : 8. y. Zemindar,. 868, 1 .
Cnlsee; ann. 1819 : 8. y, Jowaur, 355', u
Culsey ; s. v. 216, i ; ann. 1813 ; Sr y. 216, i
ann. 1819 ; s. y. Jowaur, 355, 1 ,
Culsy , 8. y. Culsey, 216, i.
Culua , ann, 1330 ; 8. y. Sofala, 645, u.
Culy ; ann. 1807 : s, y. Cawney, 136, 1 , 3 times.
Culymuty, ann. 1524: 8. y. Maistry, 821, u.
Cumbly ; 8. y^ 216, 1 .
^umda ; ann. 1554 : 8. y, Sunda, 658, ii.
Oumduryn; ann. 1554: 8, y. Candareen, 119, i,.
twice, 8. y. Mace (b), 405, 1 , twice.
Cumenm ; ann. 1741 ■ 8. y. Trichinopoly, 716, ii,
Oumly; s. y. Cumbly, 216, 1 ; ann. 1800: 8. y.
Cumbly, 216, 11 ,
Cummerband; ann, 1727: 8. y. Cummerbund,
216, li.
Cummerbund ; 8. y. 216, ii.
Cummer-bund; ann. 1810: 8. y. Cummerbund,.
216, ii.
Oummeroon; ann. 1630: $, v. Gombroon, 294, ii.
Cummin ; ann. 1563 : 8. y. Congee, 190, i.
December, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSONJOBSON
511
Cummm-seed ; 465, li, footnote.
Oummul; s. v. Oumbly, 216, i.
Camquot ; s. v, 216, u.
Cumra; s, 216, ii,
Oumrunga ; s, v, 216, ii ; 5. v. Blimbee, 75, u,
Cumshas ; ann. 1882 : s. v. Oumshaw, 217, i.
Onmsliaw j s. v. 216, ii, 786, li.
Cunarey ; s. v, Hendry Kendry, 314, i.
Ouncam, ann. 1563: s. v. Ghaut (c), 282, i, s, v,
Nizamaliico, 830, ii ; ann. 1598 • s» v, India
of the Portuguese, 333, i; ann. 1638: s. v,
Vanjaras, 88, i.
Ounchunee j s, v, 217, i, a. e? , Dancmg-girl, 229,
i, twice.
(Jlunda ; ann, 1626 : a. v. Sunda, 659, li.
Oundapore ; ann. 1814 : a, v, Bacanore, 34, i.
Oundra; ann. 1727 : a. Hendry Kendry, 814, L
Oundry ; a v, Hendry Kendry, 314, i.
Cunha j ann. 1572 ; a. v* Chalia, 139, ii, twice.
Cunhalemarcar ; ann. 1536 : s.v, Pandarani, 509, i.
Ounhet, ann. 1563: a. v. Saffron, 589, ii.
Ounjur ; a. v. Hanger, 312, i.
Ounkam ; ann. 1726 ; a. v, Deccan, 233, li.
Cunlcan , ann. 1726 * a v, Ooncan, 189, ii.
Ounnaca ; ann. 1727 : a. v, PomEret, 545, li.
puny ; ann. 1553 ; s- v, Sheeah, 625, i.
Oupang, ann. 1727: a. v, Kobang, 374, i
Oupao *, ann. 1554 . a. u. Macc (b), 405, i.
pupara, ann 1538 : s. v. Snpaia, 663, ii.
Cnpk; ann. 1814 : s. v. Ohickore, 149, i.
OupOe ; ann. 1554: s. v, Mace (b), 405, i.
Cupola ; V. Alcove, 7, u, 9. v, Oojyne, 487, i,
3 times; aim. 1806 : 8, Dagoba, 226, i.
Cupola o£ the Earth; ann, 930: s. v. Oojyne,
487, 1.
Oupong; ann. 1554: s. -y. Oandareen, 119, i,
twice
OaprobSUB tornlosa ; s. o. Deodar, 236, u,,
^la j aan. 15S4 : s. i>. Arrack, 26, li, twice ;
ann. 1563 : ®. v. Arrack, 26, u, «. v. Fool’s
Back, 272, i, s. ». Jaggery, 341, i, s. ». Sura,
663, ii.
gurato; ann. 1516 : s. v. Surat, 664, ii.
gurati Mangalor ; ann. 1516 : ». ». Suratli,
Curcuma ; s* v* Saffron, 589, i ; ann. 64o : s, v,
Hing, 318, V i ann. 1020 : b. v. Mamiran, 419,
ii; ann. 1563 : s. ». Saffron, 689, ii; ann.
1582 : *. ». Mamiran, 419, ii ; ann. 1726 :
s, Vt Saffron, 589, ii.
Curcuma longa ; 8. v, Mamiran, 419, i.
Curcuma Zedoaria ; «, v. Zedoary, 747, i.
Curia ; ann. 1510 : s. y. Gorge, 197, i, twice.
Curia Muria , s, v, 217, i ; ann. 1527, 1535 and
1540 s, 27. 217, i ; ann. ^53: s, v, Kosalgat,
582, 1.
Gurmoor; ann. 1813; s. v, Plorican, 270, li.
Gurnum ; s. v. 217, li, 786, ii ; ann, 1800 . s. v,
Shambogue, 856, i ; ann. 1827 : s v 786, ii.
Curounda ; 5, v. 217, u.
Curra Ourra , ann. 1613 : s, v. Orankay, 492, i.
Curral , $, v. Corral, 200, ii.
Purrate , ann. 1510 * s, v. Surat, 664, li ; ann.
1513: s. 27. Winter, 866, li ; ann. 1528; s. v.
Surat, 664, li,
Ourrees; ann. 1750-1760 : s. 27. Curry, 219, i.
Currie ; 8, v, Curry, 218, i, twice, s, v. Hog-plum,
320, 1 ; ann. 1794-1797, 1860 and 1874 : s. v,
I Curry, 219, i.
Curried ; s, v. Ohitchky, 156, ii.
Currumsbaw Hills ; a. 27 786, ii.
Currut ; s. 27. Parabyke, 512, i.
Curry ; s, v, 217, u, 3 times, 218, i, 7 times, 787,
i, s 27. Ohitchky, 156, li, s. y. Country-Captain,
207, 1, s. y. Curry-stuff, 219, i, a. v, Pogass,
271, ii, 8. 27. Hmg, 318, i, s v. Horse-radish
tree, 325, i, s. 2 ?. Moley, 440, i, s, v, PiUau,
537, 11 , s. 2r. Popper-cake, 548, i, s. 27.
Semhall, 612, ii ; ann. 1560 and 1598 s. v.
218, ii , ann. 1681, 1781 and 1794-1797 :
8, 27. 219, 1 , ann. 1848 ; s. v. Chilly, 150,
ii, 8. 27. 219, i ; ann. 1849 : s. 27. Gram-
fed, 301, i ; ann. 1866 : s. v. Mugg, 456, i ;
ann. 1873 ; $, v. Mulligatawny, 456, ii.
Curry-paste ; s. -y. Curry-stuff, 219, i.
Curry-powder ; s. y. Curry-stuff, 219, i.
Ouny-stuff ; s. v. 219, i, s. v, Mussalla, 459, ii ;
ann. 1809 s. v, 459, ii ; ana. 1860 ; s. v,
219, ii.
, puryate; ann. 1525 : s. y. Surat, 664, li.
Ousba; ann. 1586 : s. v. Salsette (a), 694, ii
twice; ann. 1538: s. v. Supara, 663, ii; ann.
1554 : u. Parell, 513, i ; ann. 1590 : s, v.
Sircai (c), 638, i , ann. 1594 . s. v. Lack,
382, i.
Cusbah ; a. v, 219, ii ; ann. 1844-45 : a. v. 219, u.
Cuscus ; 8. V. Tatty, 687, i, a. v. Vettyver, 866, i.
. Ouscuss; s. 27. 219, ii, 787, i.
: Ousheush ; ann. 1813 : s v. Jowaur, 355, i.
Oushtaes ; s, y. Piece-goods, 536, i.
512
[Decembee, 1902.
THE INDIAN ANTIQUARY.
Cusle-Basliee ; ann. 1673 • 5. v Kiizzilbash,
380. 1.
Ouspadeira ; s. v. Ouspadore, 220, i.
Cuapadore ; s. 220, i, 787, i ; ann. 1735 and
1775 ; s. V, 220, i.
OuspidooT-bearor ; ann. 1672 : s, v, Cuspadore,
787.1.
Cuspidor ; s. z?, Cuspadore, 220, i.
Cuspidore-bearer , ann. 1672 : s. z?. Naik (c),
470, 11.
Cuspir , 5. V, Cuspadore, 220, i.
Cuss ; 5. V, Oascuss, 219, i,
Cusseah ; ann. 1780- s. v. Cossya, 204, ii.
Cusselbash , ann. 1678 : s. v, Knzzilbash, 380, i.
OuBSom ; ann, 1813 : s, v. Safflower, 689, i.
C us tard- Apple , s. v, 220, i (4 times) and ii
(5 times), 221, i, twice, 221, ii, footnote ; ann.
1690, 1838 and 1878* s. v 221, ii.
Custard-apple ; s. v, 787, i, s. v. A'nanas, 19, n, ‘
s. v» Soursop (a), 650, i; ann 1875: a.
Wood-apple, 741, i, 3 times.
Custom , V, 22], ii, twice, 787, i , ann, 1683 :
8^ V, 787, 1.
Customer ; s. v* 222, i , ann. 1682 . a, e?. 222, i.
Cutoh ; s. 222, i (n, p. and s.), s. v, Oatecku,
133, i, twice, s. v. Dammer, 228, ii, a. v.
Factory, 264, i, Gambler, 277, ii, e. v.
Jacq^uete, 339, ii, s, z?. Bunn, 586, i; ann.
1726 : 8. u. Jacquete, 339, ii; ann. 1842 . a. v,
Boggalow, 94, ii; aim. 1863 ; s, v. Bora,
80, ii.
Cutcba , 8, V, 222, ii, s, v. Beegab, 69, i, s. p.
Confirmed, 189, li, fi. v. Pice, 634, i, s, v.
Pucka, 555, ii, 556, i, 3 times, s, v. Seer, 611,
i; ann. 1343 : s, v. Porcelain, 549, i ; aim.
1863 * 8, V. 223, i ; ann. 1866 : s. v. Pucka,
556, 1 , s. V. Puckerow, 556, ii.
Outcha Account; 8, v, 222, i,
Outcha Appomtment ; s. v, 222, i.
Cutcba Brick ; s, v* 222, i.
Cutcba Colour ; ». w. 222, i.
Cutcba CosB , s. v. 222, i.
Cutcba Estimate ; s. v, 222, i
Outcha Fever ; s. v, 222, i.
Cutcba House; 8, v. 222, i.
Outcha Major ; s. v. 222, i.
Cuteha Maund ; s. v, 222, i.
Outcha Pice ; s. 222, i.
butoha pice ; s. v. Pice, 534, i,
Outcha-pucka ; 5, 223, i.
Cutcba Road ; s, v 222, i.
Outcha Roof ; s. v. 223, i.
Cuteha Scoundrel ; s. v 223, i.
Outcha Seam ; 22 3, i.
Cuteha Seer; 8. v, 222, i.
Outcha Settlement ; s. z?. 222, i.
Outcheree ; ann. 1783 : s, v, Outcherry, 223, ii.
Cutcherry; s. v, Cutch^rry, 223, i, s. v, Dufter,
253, ii, s. V. Jyshe, 362, li, s. v, Omlah, 486,
i; ann. 1673: s. v. Kedgeree, 364, i;
ann. 1762 s. y. Black, 766, i ; ann. 1763 :
8, V. Ontch4rry, 223, i and ii ; ann. 1782 : $. v.
Leaguer, 819, i, ann 1801: s. y. Shambogue,
621, 1 , ann. 1827 . s, y, Ournum, 786, ii ; ann.
1860 : s. y. Ontohdrry, 224, i; ann. 1866 : s. v,
Mooktear,443, i; ann. 1888 : s. y. Cutcherry,
224, 1 ; ann. 1885 ; s. v, Talook, 861, i.
Outeberry ; s v. 223, i.
Outchery, ann. 1765 : s. v, Cutcherry, 223, ii ;
ann, 1848 : s, y. Pale Ale, 504, li.
Cut'chery ; s, y. Cutcherry, 223, i.
Cutch Gundava ; s, ». 222, li.
Cutch-naggen ; ann. 1727 : s, y. Cutch, 222, ii.
Cutchnar; v, 224, i,
Outid ; ann. 1580 : s, v. Ootia, 205, ii.
Cutmurdl ; s, v. Catamaran, 132, ii,
Cutmuiram ; s. y. Catamaran, 132, ii,
Outs-nagore ; ann. 1611 : 8. y. Cutch ; 222, i,
s. y. Smd, 634, li.
Cuttab Minar; ann. 1825: $. v, Oootub, The,
195, i.
Cuttack , 5 , y. 224, i, s. y. Chowdry, 164, ii, s. y.
Pyke, 666, u, see 718, i, footnote; ann. 1568 :
8. y. Delhi, 284, ii ; ann. 1803 : s. y. Cowry,
210, i ; ann. 1860 : s, v, Malabar (B), 413, ii.
Outtanee ; s, v, 224, i, twice, 787, ii ; ann. 1673 :
‘s, y. Atlas, 29, i; ann. 1690 : s. y, AUeja, 8, i.
Cuttannees ; a. y. Cuttanee, 224, i, s. v. Piece-
goods, 536, i.
Outtarri ; ann. 1754 : s. y. Kuttaur, 816, i.
Cutter ; a. y. Oatur, 134, ii, 3 times, a. y, Gallevat,
275, ii; ann. 1742 : a. y. Catur, 135, i, twice.
Outtery, ann. 1630: a. y. Outtry, 224, i.
Outtry; a. y. 224, i.
Outwahl ; ann. 1803 : a. y, Bangle, 45, ii.
Outwal ; ann. 1812 : a. y. Ootwal, 206, i.
Outwffl; ann. 1785 : a. y, Lamballie, 383, ii.
Outwall; ann. 1616 : a. y. Cotwal, 206, i.
Cutwater; ann, 1583- a. y. Oatamardn, 132, ii.
Outwaul ; a. v. Cotwal, 206, ii.
December, 1902.]
INDEX TO YULE’S HOBSON-JOBSON.
SIS
Cutway ; aun, 1748 : s, v, Buxeiry, 104, a, s. v.
Plassey, 844, u.
Guzzanna j aun, 1683 : g. v, Kuzzaiina, 816, i*
Oybium, g. v. Seer-fish, 611, a.
Cybium guttatum ; 612, i, footnote.
Cycladatus ; s. v. Suclat, 653, i,
Cyclades, ann, 865: s. v. Gallevat (a), 276, i;
aim 1884* s v, Eyot, 588, i.
Cyclas , 5 . V, Suclat, 653, i.
Cymbal, s v, Seemiil, 610, ii.
Cymbaua, ann. 865 s, v, Gallevat (a), 276, i.
Cyoide, ann. 1525: s, v. Room, 581, ii, g. v.
Sind, 634,11.
Cymiter, ann. 1610: g. z?. Soymitar, 608, ii.
Cynaias, ann. 1631: g v, A'nanas, 19, i.
Cyngilin; ann. 1321 : g. v. Pandarini, 608, ii j
aim 1330 . g, z?, Shinkali, 627, ii
Cyukalan; aim. 1349 • g. v, Maclieen, 406, i.
Cyiikali , ann 1349 : g, v Shinkali, 627, u.
Cynocephala , aim. 80-90 : g. v. Tiger, 702, i.
Cynodon dactylou ; s v Doob, 250, i.
Gyiiosurus Coracanus j g y, Raggy, 571, i,
Cy])hi , ann 390 g. v Musk, 458, a.
Cyjuaoa inoncta , s v, Oowiy, 208, i
Cypiacidae , g. v, Porcolam, 548, i and ii.
Cypioss, s.v Mendy, 433, 11 .
Cypius , g V Apricot, 24, i, g v. Dcoclai, 236,
11 , g iK DcYa-dasT, 237, ii, s, v, Mendy, 433, ii,
twice, s V. Elephant, 790, i , aim. 1343 g. v
Oiiteiy, 494, ii, s v Sugai, 655, n, twice,
aim 1575 - s.v Typhoon, 864, u.
Cyiomaiidel, s. Ooioinandcl, 199, ii.
C^vniN, 6 V, 224, 11 , 787, ii, g. v, Chicauo, 146, I
u, g. V Syras, 673, ii, twice; aim 1807. s. v.
22 1, u, uun. ISOO . s t\ Ooolimg, 783, ii;
unn. 1S13 . g. L\ Beudameer, 63, i, aim 1840:
s, V. 787, 11,
Cyti^n> Cuiaii : s. Cajim, 109, n.
Cytui* ; ann. 1615 g. v. Cluttore, 167, u.
(Baa , ami 4584 ; s, v. Semi (a), 855, ii,
D
Uiiat/chun . unn. 1726 ; s, v, Ummy, 308, ii,
i)ab, anu, 1872: g, v* Ikulgeer, 34, ii.
!)ubau.s, uun. 1554 : tt, Dubber, 253, li.
DJjtvjf; unn. 1503: g t\ Java, 348, i, twice.
Duburu ; ik 1 Rubber, 253, i.
Diiliurn, g, r, Uubber, 253, i,
Dabba ; g. y. Dub, 252, ii.
Dabbah ; g, y. Dubber, 253, i.
Dabbol , s. y. Dabul, 224, ii.
Dabir ^ g. y. Dubbeer, 253,, i.
Daboia elegans > g. y. Polonga, 545, i.
Daboia Russelhi; g. y. Cobra Manilla, 173, i.
Dabou, ann. 1790 : g, y. Dub, 793, u
Dabul; g y. 224, ii , ann. 1502 : g. y. 224, ii
ann, 1508 : g, y. Bombay, 766, ii ; ann. 1516
5. y. 225, 1 , 8^ y. Sangoicer, 853, ii ; ann. 1539
g. V. Buggalow, 94, n ; ann. 1580 : g. y. Gingei,
287, i; aim. 1602, g y. Tanadar, 861, i ,
ann 1727 . g. y. Sangiucer, 854, i.
Dpul, aim. 1554: g. y. Dabul, 225, i.
Dabiil, ann. 1554 : s.v. Guaidafui, Cape, 305, ii.
Dabuli , ann. 1504-5* g» y, Paidao, 840, ii; ann.
1510 g. y. Dabul, 224, ii, g. y. Goa, 290, u
Dabuli , aniii, 1610 ; g. y. Nacoda, 469, i,
Dabyl , aim. ] 475 g, y. Dabul, 224, ii.
Daca , ann. 1665 : g. y. Dacca, 225, i, 787, ii,
Dacan , ann. 1516 r g. y. Delhi, 234, li.
Dacani , ann 1517 : s. v Deccan, 233, ii.
Dacca , s. y. 225, i, 787, ii, g, y. Jeimye, 350, li.
g. V Mahseer, 410, ii, g. y. Rupee, 586, ii,
twice, g. V. Sunyasee, 662, i, and footnote, s l.
Adawhit, 753, L and ii, 764, i; ann 1679.
g y Tootiiagne, 711, i, twice , ann. 1682 : g. v.
Assam, 28, ii, aim, 1686 Jezya, 811, i, twice ,
anil 17 27 • s. y Chittagong, 157, l ; ann. 1748 :
g. V Huicaiia, 327, ii , aim 1762* s. i.
Dewaim, 790, ii, ann, 1763: s, y. Fakeei,
798, i, twice, g. y, Munneepore, 827, i ; aim
1764 : g. y. Impale, 329, i ; anu. 1766 : g. v.
Sunyasee, 662, i; anu. 1778: g, y, Sebundy,
609, li, aim. 1782 g. y, Pnlwah, 846, i;
ann, 1791 ; g. y. Cowry, 785,. ii, ann. 1793 *
g y. Oazee, 776, i , ann. 1810 : g. y. Doob,
250, i, g. y Toiijon, 709, ii ; anu 1885* g. v.
Talook, 860, n.
Dacca ; s. Factory, 264, n,
Dacca inuslm , g. y. Dacca, 225, i,
Dachaiiabades , ann, 80-90 . s. y. Tiger, 702, j.
Dachanos : ann. 80-90 • g. y. Deccan, 233, ii,
twice, g. y. Tiger, 702, i.
Dixchem, s y. Aeheeii, 3, i; ann. 1554: s. v,
Datclun, 230, li, twice; ann. 1597: g, y
Acheen, 3, ii ; g. y. Pegu, 525, ii, twice ; aim.
1599 : g. V. Acheen, 3, ii.
Daduii , g. V, Datchm, 230, u.
D’Achiu, g, V. Datchm, 230, u.
514
THE IHDIAH ANTIQUAEY.
[December, 1902.
Dachmabades , aim. 80-90 : s, v, Deccan, 283,
li, twice.
Dacin; ann. 1586: s. y. Battas, 763, i.
Dacoit; s. y 225, i; aim. 1812: s. y. 225, i,
s. y. Pergutmabs, The Twenty-four, 530, li ;
anil, 1879; s, y. Puggy, 557, i; ann. 1881:
s, y, Tonga, 709, i
Dacoity;a. y. Dacoit, 225, i, ann 1817 -s y.
Dacoit, 225, i , ann. 1872 * s.?;, Dacoit, 225, ii.
Dacoo ; s y. Dacoit, 225, i.
Dadney, s, y. 787, ii; ann, 1748- s. y. 787^ li,
twice ; ann 1772 : s y. Dadny, 225, ii
Dadni , s. y, Dadny, 225, li
Dadny, s. y. 225, ii, s, y, Oossiinbazar, 204, i;
ann, 1683 : s, v 225, ii,
Daeck; ann 1612 : 5. y. Dacca, 225, i.
Daee ; ann. 1808 s. y. Daye, 233, i.
Daemonorops ; s. v Rattan, 574, li.
DaE’adar ; s. v DufEadar, 253, li.
Daftar , s. y. Dewaun, 239, i, s y DiiEter, 253, li,
254, 1 , 4 times ; ann. 1590 • s, y Duiter, 254, i.
Daftardar; s y. Dufterdai, 254, i, 4 times.
Daftari , s v Duftery, 254, i.
Daftar-khana ; a. y DuEter, 253, ii,
Dagaba ; a y. Dagoba, 225, n.
Dagana , a, y. Dondeia Head, 249, li.
Dagbail ; a. y. 225, ii.
Dagb-i»bel ; a, y, Dagbail, 225, ii.
Dagbope ; ann. 1828 a. y. Dagoba, 226, i.
Dagoba , a. y. 225, ii, a. y. Boro-Bodor, 81, i,
3 times, s. y. Dagon, 226, i (twice) and ii, s. y.
Pagoda, 498, ii, twice, a, y. Pra, 551, i, a.
Tee, 693, ii ; ann 1834 and 1855 : a. 226, i,
Dagoba; ann. 1853 and 1872 : a. y. Dagoba, 226, i.
Dagan; a. y. 226, i, a. y Rangoon, 574, i; ann.
1546 . a. y.Dala, 227,1; ann 1755, a. y, 226, ii.
Dagon ; a. y Dagon, 226, i and li.
Dagoon ; ann. 1755 : a. y Dagon, 226, ii.
Dagop , ann. 1834, 1835, 1836 and 1872 ; a. y.
Dagoba, 226, i.
Dagroian ; s. y. Sumatra, 657, i.
Da-gun ; a y. Rangoon, 574, i.
Dab , ann. 1869 : a. y. Mobuirum, 439, ii.
Daba , ann, 1869 : a. y. Moburrnm, 439, ii.
Dabgani; ann. 1350 : a. y. Bargany, 761, ii.
Dahl; a y. Tyre, 724, ii,
Dabnasari, ann 1590 : s. y, Tenasserim, 696, i.
Da! ; a. y, Daye, 232, ii.
Daibul , a y. 226, ii, a y. Duil-Sind, 247, i, s. v
Larry-bnnder, 387, li.
Daimio ; a. y. 787, ii
Daimio-sbip ; a. y. Satsuma, 602, ii.
(To he continued*)
NOTES AND QUERIES.
HOBSON-JOBSON IN LITERATURE
Although Tnle called bis celebrated Anglo-
Indian Glossary “ Hobson- Jobson,” it is well
known that be bad no literary quotation to
pioduce in snppoit of wbat was reaUy a soldier’s
and sailor’s expression.
Here is one at last, however, from about the
last place in which one would look for ifc, and
used nnoonscionsly too, in this year of Grace
1902.
The nineteenth Ceniui'y^ No. 302, April 1902,
p. 581 title of article “ VI, ‘ The Hobson- Jobson,’ ”
by Miss A Goodricb-Preer. The whole article is
written evidently without any suspicion on the
part of the author or editor that there is any-
thing particularly interesting in the title of the
article or the expression used • without a bint of
either of them having ever beard of a very cele-
brated book on Oriental Bnb 3 ects under the same
title : in entire unconsciousness that their naive
Ignorance forms the sole claim that a whole article
In a first-class English Review has to the serious
legaid of students of Oriental subjects, m that it
piovides a bond fide literary quotation for a well-
known colloquialism.
Passing on to the article itself we find that it
commences thus —
“ ‘THE HOBSON- JOBSONT.^
* To-mon’ow is the day you ought to have been
at the docks,’ said the Captain to our host. * You
would have seen the Hobson- Jobson ’
* And wbat is the Hobson- Jobson ? ’
* Well, it’s some sort of a holiday that the
Hindfi [ ’ ’ Ed.] sailois keep every year. This year
it will be extra good, they say, because the
Jelunga and the Manora and the Momhassa^ all
bemg in docks at the same time, tbercTl be eight
or nine hundred of them for the prooeasions and
3 [ All steamers belonging to tke British India Steam Navigation Oompany. — E d.]
December 1902]
NOTES AND QUERIES,
615
dances, and so they are extra keen about it
They've done no work for neaily a week, and
they’ve been at their performances ever since
Sunday morning.'
' But what is it ? What do they do ? ^
* I don’t know what it is, but 1 can tell you
what they do. For weeks they have been collect-
ing every bit of coloured paper, and rags, and
tmsel, and wood, and cardboard, they could lay
hands on, and they’ve been rigging up fancy
dresses for themselves and making models— sort
of pagoda things — and they’ve been carrying
them about, and dancing and acting, these three
days But to-moirow is the great day, and
everything will have to give way to it We shall
get nothing done on board ship, and the docks
will have to be just given up to them It is
worth seeing, if you don’t mind the noise and >
the dust ’
The next day, the 30th of April last, was one
of those biiglit hot days which the early spring
sometimes borrows from summer, and which
of late years she has paid back with such liberal
interest On the chance of seeing a new play,
not borrowed fiom a familiar novel, noi plagia-
rised from the French, we weie piepared to mind
nothing, and to the docks we went.
* Oh, yes, I shall ]ust have to look in at the
docks,’ said one in authority to oui host, ‘ and I’U
order youi lunch, but couldn’t you take the laches
to see the boats some other day ? It is not ht for
anyone this morning. It is the Hobson- Jobson,
you know.’”
Then follow 13 pages of Mazagine wiitmg of
the supeiioi soit, in the most appioved style, on
a sub,-)cct of which the wiiter evidently knows
nothing personally, though she seems to think •
thaJ she has made some discoveries concerning
it worth placing before the public. Witness the
following from p 585 f, —
The accident of a north-country upbring-
ing suggested to the present writer some pos-
sible analogy between the obvious, if not very
intcdligible, order of what we had seen and the
mumming plays of certain districts in Yorkshire
and elsewhere, the mysterious drama of ‘Alexander
and the King of Egypt ’ performed on Christmas
Eve, the mox'ris dancing of New Tear’s Day, the
merry-makings of Handsel Monday, and the
processions of Plough Monday, Shrove Tuesday,
and May Day The analogy, though accidental,
is, in its degree, correct ; for just as such occa-
sions as these are the half-forgotten memones of
miracle and moiality plays datmg from times
when the stage was the book of the unlearned
and religion was taught by activities of body as
well as of mind, so are the mysteries of the
* Hobson- Jobson ' full of deepest meaning,
didactic and commemorative.
Indeed, we may go further. While Count
Gohineau, formerly Minister of France in Tehei an
and Athens, and therefore well qualified to speak
with authority m regard to Gieece and Persia
alike, ranks this occasion with the Gieek drama
in its hold upon the life of the people, Matthew
Arnold finds what he considers a more fitting
parallel in the Passion play of Ober-Ammergau ”
After this the article gives a rough description
of the ordinary peiformances at the Indian
Muhariam as gone tin ough by the vulgar, intei-
larded with quotations from old books as to their
meaning and origin, but she has not studied
her subject much and has not apparently evei
heard of Sir Lewis Pelly or one Dr. Herklots.
But she can neveitheless write in a good liteiaiy
style, and so her half knowledge is permitted
to grace many pages of such a periodical as the
Nineteenth Centuiy* A typical instance of the
almost oontemptuons ignorance of things Indian
on the part of English literary personages.
R. 0. Temple.
UNLUCKY AND LUCKY CHILDREN, AND
SOME BIRTH SUPERSTITIONS
One or two notes on the magical powers of
the first-born child in India were given, ante,
p. 162, and a few more aie now added.
The First-born*
In the Panjab the fiist-born son of a wife is
peculiarly uncanny, especially sub;ject to magical
influences and endowed with supematnral poweis-
On the one hand his hair is useful in witchcraft,
and on the other its possession would give a.
wizard power over him. He himself possesses
considerable magic powers, for he can stop hail
by throwing a stone backwards from, or by
cutting a hail-stone with a kmfe, and he can stay
a dust-stoim by standing naked m front of it.
He IS also peculiarly subject to lightnmg, and is
not allowed to go out on a rainy day Snakes
also become torpid in his piesence * (fuller notes
on this or similar ideas would be welcome).
516
THE INHIAK ANTIQUARY.
[December, 1902
A fiisfc-boru child, whether a boy or a giil,
should not be maiiied m Jeth^ (oi, one aceount
adds, m Magh}, nor should the mother eat first-
fi uits in that month (because as she devouis them,
^0 too will the fates devoui hei fiist-boru). The
position of the fiist-born is piobably due to the
fact that, if a son, his father is boin again in him,
so that the father is supposed to die at his hiith,
and in certain Khatii sections, e g , the Koehhai*,^
his funeral rites are actually perfoxmed — m
the fifth month of the mother’s pregnancy.
Piobably heiein lies an explanation of the dev-Mj^
oi divine nuptials, a ceremony which consists in
a foinidl reman idge® of the paients after the
biith of their fiist son. The wife leaves her
husband’s honse, and goes, not to her parents*
liouse, hut to the house of a lelative, whence she
is brought back like a bride. This custom pre-
vails among the IChanna, Kapur, Malhotia, Kakar
and Ohopia, the highest sections of the Hindu
IChatiTLS.^
These ideas are an almost logical outcome of
the doctiine of the metempsychosis, and it
inevitably results that if the first-born he a girl,
she IS peouhaily ill-omened.
Twins.
There appeals to he no superstitio-ns in the
Panjab connected with twins {dtUd oi jonlbri),
but in one part of the Kangra District the child
born after twins is called latiklia or ‘ little.’ |
The Sequence of Births,
There is httle to be added to the notes already
given, but the followmg details may be of in-
teiest ; — In Kaugra a child of one sex born after
tvjo of the other sex is called trelar,° and, with
that piimitive confusion of thought which makes
nO' distinction between that which is holy and
that which is acciiised, we have the proverb —
‘ i relar rele ya safigele,* i. c., ‘ a trelar either
]>imgs evil or good fortune,’
In the same district a child of one sex born
after thiee of the othei is called oholap, and is,
especially if a boy, propitious. As such he is
presumably an object of jealousy to the fates,
^ Bat, aooordiiig to the Math-Khotia Granth, sloka
15, of Bhardwaj Epikhi, it is only necessary to avoid
marriage in Jetli, if hoih parties loQjHhas^ i e , born in
Jftfe. , or, if it IS not possible to avoid Jfith, the ceremony
should not be held in the Kn t Nakshatra during that
month.
a According to one aooonnt a Kodihar wife m the
sixth month of her pregnancy pretends to* he displeased
and goes away from her home Her husband shaves his
head, heard, etc , and goes after her with a few men of
his brotherhood. On finding her, he entreats her to
and his nose is drilled, like a girl, or he is given
away to a low-caste man (a Barar or a Ohuhra),
from whom the child is redeemed by the paients
by paying money or gram.
The PokhfL — (i) Of three male childien hoin
one aftei the other, the middle one is said to be
lucky. Of three successive female children the
middle one is eonsidered unlucky
(u) A boy following and preceding a girl is
regarded as inauspicious A giil following and
piecedmg a boy is believed to be lucky
An inauspicious child is termed hhdrd-jpokh'Ci-
wdld,^ while an auspicious one is called halla-
poM'd-ivdld When a woman commences to giind
wheat, to spin, oi to chum milk, she will not
allow one or the foimer to stand by hei, because
she believes that the piesence of such a child will
render the work difficult or impossible She will
either send him away oi ignore his piesence On
the other hand, the presence of one of the lattei
ehildien is considered a good omen, and women
believe that their work will be easily finished if
such a child he sitting by them
Birth Super atit ions.
There are some curious customs connected
with biiths at particular times or after ceitain
periods. For instance, a child (unlike a calf) born
in the month of Bhadon is lucky, while one boin
in Katik is inauspicious. In the lattei case it is
consideied sinful to keep the mother in the
house, and she should be expelled from it, but
instead she may be made over, temporarily, to a
Brfihman and aftei waids ledeemed fiom him
‘ Accoidmg to the Shastias,’ a wife who has no
child for some years is called sw'ad/t , one who does
not hear a child for 10 years, kaj budfiia, and
aftei 21 01 24 years, siti budhia. If then she beais
a child, a fire of dried cow-dung is burnt in front
of the house, and the woman is sent away out of
the village to live for 40 days (a period called the
piw But) m a thatched hut, after which Biahmans
are fed and she is allowed to return.
, H. A.. Bose.
rotuim and piomiaes lier a presont of jewelry, where-
upon she oonsents to come back home.
® Should a wifo boar 20 children (!), she must aLo be
le-marriedto her husband, This ceremony of re-marriage
IB precisely the same as that of a first inarnago, but it is
performed on tho roof of the house.
^ Tho Mahan Gadhidlc Slioikhs of Jhelum also retain
it. It costs about half as much as a rich inairiage.
fi Tr0l=;*aihirdploughing.’--JukeB, ireatern PwtjaU
PicUnary • s v.
• Pokhun in Multani *= an omen or augury,—- Juke*,
Western Punjaht Vicitonary • s, v.
INDEX
A i)hayagb6alia, son of Abhaya knmara ( J aina), 71
ahhijanaf * a place where one’s ancestors have
dwelt; ’ in contrast with nivdsat q r, ... 331
Abhayakum&ra, son of Kunika (Jaina) ... 71
’aBrogpa = Daid, 398, = Shind 398
’aBrongbyang-rogpo, the yak 32
’aBruguma, discussion on the name as a word,
147 f. : —is the daughter of brTanma, 35;
the donkey’s mother ... ••• •#* 33
’aBum-khri»rgyalmo is the wife of dBangpo-
rgya-bzhin at. *■* *•. ... 35
’aBum-khri-rgyalpo ••• •«* .«• ... 35
Adam’s Bridge, 134 ; modem geography of ... 340
adhivdsin, used in the technical sense of
vdstavya^ q. v.
331
489
30
. 14
Adinlitha, Yastup^la’s visit to the temple of.
’aDre-lha-btsan-bog = bDud
Affonao, Martim, in Canton {in 1521)
Affonso de Mello, Martim, 63; arrives in
Canton in 1522 28
Agastyativtha, a sacred place in GujarS-t ... 256
Agglutinative Languages, the term defined... 179
j^gu dBalle ... ... ... ... 32
Agtt Khromo, the hero ... 33
Agu Pasang-ldan-ru-Skyes, a Tibetan hero .. 400
Agu Za, the hero 36
Agiis, the 36
Ahaly^ Bfii, her temple and image at Gayfi... 72
Ahuna Vaerya Prayer, the 302
Ahuramazda, the mighty God, 299 * = Mazda
Ahura •«« ■§• 375 f.
Aimol, an old Kuki dialect 4
Aioi, the country of the, discussed, 344
= P Haianmen of the Chinese, 849 , = South
Tvavancore 344
cLittto ••• ••• ••• ••• 04
Ajayadeva = Ajayapllla ... >•> — 483
Ajayapfila Ohaulukya ... •«« ••• 488
Akkana, an ancient agrahdra, still existing,
in Vizagapatam ... 253
Alchi Monastery, the song of the, in
Ladakh 9^ L
Ajikara on the Malabar Coast ... 340
allcgien = alleja 436
Allen, Captain, owner of the Phmnix,
Snow ... 141, 145, 245 f
Alleppy, the mud bank at, modem formation
of ... ... 039
allowances at the Andamans. 1794 ... 414 f,
Almeida, Antonio d’, his death, 1522 13
almsgiving ceremony among the Singhalese... 382
Alompra Dynasty of Burma, regalia of,
described, 442 ff. , date of acquisition ... 444
alphabet, learning the, among the Singhalese. 379
Alvarez , J orge, 60 ; his ship m Canton in 1521, 14
Alvarez, Vicente (or Vasco) in Canton in
1521 13
Ama, house-priest of Kama Ohaulukya ... 482
Amarachandra, pupil of Jinadattasari ... 479
Amarapandita, his share in the SuhHtasaih-
•*. ... ... ... ..a 477
Amb, Ambd, in MSisik; ancient Ambaka ... 218
Ambaka, ^ Amb, AmbS, in NSsik 218
Ambatry scale of Madagascar •M k«. 112
amelcape 12
Amman, the goddess, = Kali ... 392
Aramfis (^Mothers), the Seven of the Smgha-
lese ... ... ••• ... 3/9
Q/TIl/JpOChii ... ... ... ... ... 14
Anahilapfitaka founded Vanarfija Chauda ... 481
Anal, an old Knki dialect ... ... ... 4
Anamese, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to Sl« ««• f*« 167 f.
Anandapura, an ancient town ... 333 n.
ancTid = ngancha^ a Chinese official 60
anchagi ••• ••• ••• 16, 24, 64
anehianfi ••• 1*. •••
CLHCllViplf ••• *•« ... ...
Andaman, Great
Andaman, Little... '
Andamanese, Blair’s description of, 239 : —
instructions as to treatmg the, in 1793,
78 : — slave trade amongst the (1793)
Andamans, the, in the 18th Century, 40 fE ,
76 ffi , 137 fC , 233 ft,, 197 267 ft,, 311 ffi,
14
13
50
50
383ffi,412ffi,454ff , 502 ff.:- general chart
of, by Blair (1793), 233; Bast Coast of,
Blair’s description of, 233 ft ; List of j Blair’s
maps and plans of, in 1793, 83; chart of
North (1993) steel plate, 271 f — object of
the original Settlement in 1793,. 76; in the
18th Century, convicts at the, 139 , object of
sending convicts to the, in 1793, 71
establishments at the, in 1793, 47 ff., 79 ffi,
241 ff , 267 ; Superintendent’s office
establishment, 1793, 48 • — the accounts of
the Settlement (1793),147; (1794)882 fE. : —
agent for the, in Calcutta, m 1794, 319
alarming sickness at (1793), 275 f. ; great
sickness in the, in 1794, 318:— fear of
attack by French privateers (1793), 249 f.
preparationfor war, in 1793, 243 , 248 ft.
618
INDEX
defence arrangements in 1793, 268 — slave
trade in the, in the IStli Century, 78
timber m the, in 1793, 237; — a hgbt-bouse
advocated in 1 793 ••• ... 240
Andhe Bandbe, the eighteen 33
andor =: sedan chair ••• 27
Andiade, Simao d’, in Canton in 1521 .»• 13
Ane-bKni*-dman-mo is the wife of dBangpo-
rgya-bzhin, 36 ; is the heavenly queen ... 305
angdra, a tattooing design 293
Ankavdliya near Satrumjaya , ancient Arka-
palita ... ^93
Annapurnd, origin of her shrine at GrayS ... 74
Antaravalli, an ancient village in the Nizam’s
Dominions *•« ... ... ... 221
Antroli-Ohh&roli plates of A D 767; the
places mentioned in them, identified ... 329
^nu, a Southern Chin dialect .. •*. ... 45
Apsley, Mr. A. (1793) 142
Apasnndara, = Asundar in Baroda 254
Arakanese is a Burmese dialect 5
Arasi'Thakkura is (?) Arisimha 480
Arbnda, = Mount Abu ■ «« ... 494
Archipelago (Eitcbie’s) in the Audamans in
1793 ... ... ... ... ... ... 285
argdlia = cocoannt (Oosmas Indiko-pleus-
tea) ... ••• ... ... ... ... 847
aviary = ar-rial ss= Spanish dollar in Mada-
gascar *«• *.. ..a ... 109 ff.
Ariel Island m Port Cornwallis ... 237
Aiisifiiha, the SiiMtasamkirtana of, tran-
slated from the German of the late Dr.
Biihler, 477 ff j*— pupil of the Jama Yastn-
pAla, 477 , — the times of 478
Arkapdlita, = Ankavdliya near Satrumjaya 493
aims in China, in 18th Oentmy 21 f.
Arnold, Thos., of the .. ...183
Arnordja of Sdkamhhaii defeated by Kumd-
rapdla Ohaulnkya 483
artificeia m the Andamans (1793), 1 44 , estab-
lishment of, at Port Cornwallis in 1793 ,,,46 f.
Ashanti, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to 168
Asundar in Baroda ; ancient Apasnndara ... 264
Atalanta Bay in Port Coimwallia 237
atiran, a tattooing design 296
Auburey, Thomas, Commissary 280
Auguste Vicioire, a French ship (1795) ... 505
AiU'a Mazda == Ahura Mazda 376
Avesta, a discussion on the, 301, 365 — as a
source of the history of Zaiathushtrian reli-
gion, 371 f. : — age of the, conflicting
evidence, 372 f£ , its language, a test of its
age, 374 ; has a high antiquity, 377 f ;
earliest portions date 800 B. 0., 378;—
evidence of politics in, 376 f
discovery
^ of the ... ... ... ...
866
Avva, the Tamil poet
405
Awabakal, Theory of Universal
Grammar
applied to
172
Aynameha = Anunghoy
4*. ... 25
Ayniicha = Hainan
... 29
Aynancha = Anunghoy
58
Aynao = Hainan
27, 61
aytao ... ••• ... ...
t«a 24
Babbiyana, = Baben in Baroda
397
Baben in Baroda, ancient Yavviyana, Bab-
biyana..* ... ... ...
397
Bddami mentioned m early records as Ba-
ddvi, Bddavi, Ydtdpi, and Ydtdpi. 364 and n., 365
Bdddvi, Bddavt, intermediate form of the
name of Bliddmx 364, S6&
Bagumia in Baroda; ancient XJmbard, TJm-
vara, 397 ; — remark on the prefix hag,
397 f. ; — the two sets of plates of A* D.
915, the places mentioned in them, iden*
tified **■ ... at. ... 395
Bdgyidaw, King, of Burma, adds to the regalia. 444
Bahad, a shrine of Gautama at 70
baharve, a weight of 420 lbs. ... •«« 51
BAhuloda, Jayasiihha remits the toll at ... 483
Bahupadasvan, rs Bonad m Baroda 256
Bahan Yast, the, is nearly complete ... ... 365
Balcan Yast Nash, the, remarks on the ... 303
Bake Nasle, the remarks on the 302
BAlad6vapattanam of Yar&ha Mihira ... 315
Bal6sdr, Baleshwar, in Baroda , ancient Bil-
lisvara, Yillisvara 256
Balisa, Yalisa, = Wanesa in Baroda 397
Bamroli in Baroda; probably the ancient
BiahmanapallikA 364
Baiiatirtha, a sacred pool near RajSgiri
(Jaina) 71
Banda 63
Banjogi, a Central Chm dialect S
Baukipore, excavation near 437
hanksale = banhsall 191
Banksall, the (1793) 279
BAradapallikfi, = BArdoli in Surat 396
BArapa of Kanyakubja defeated by MfilaiAja
Chaulukya 482
Barbavaka, the air-walker 483
Bar-btsan = the Eai*th, 35, is red in colour,
35 — Barbfcsan, the white frog 32
Bdrdoli in Surat, ancient BtedapallikA,
YAradapallikA ; also styled BhadrapaU ... 396
bark,^^ a medicine in 1793 278
Barkare near Quilon ... 339
INDEX.
519
Barlow, G. H*, Register to tlie Nizamut
Adawlat 34 f.
Baroda; perhaps mentioned by the ancient
name of Vadapadraka 333
Barren Island 50
Barton, Capt , H. M/s '76th Regt 422
Basgo, important rook-caiwings near 398
Bason, North, in Port Cornwallis 237
Bason, South, in Port Cornwallis 237
Basura, Basnri, Vasura, saiizgha •«« 865
bathing, efficacy of • ••• ••• ••• 451
Batoi, the country of the, of Ptolemy, dis-
cussed • •«« c. 3i4
of a Major and of a Lt. -Colonel, 318;
fuU «»• ••• ••• ••• 47
Bauddha, used to denote the Muhammadans. 66
Bauddha remains at Gayd described by a
Jaina, 73 images named MalAd^va ... 69
Bauddhas, the, in Magadhad6sa ( =
Muhammadans) 71
Baungshe =:= Lai 3
bDud, the Tibetan Devil ... 36
Beach Master, an appointment ... 273, 318
Beazley, Robert, of the Boddingion ... 225
Beer, see Bid 222
Bell, John, on the Cocos, in 1793 ... ••• 209
Belluvalla, = the Belvola country 365
Beluvala, = the Belvola country • a. ... 365
Belvola country mentioned as Belluvalla,
Beluvala, Vdluvalla, and Velvalla ... 365
the sloop (1794) 419
“ Bencoolen Government” in 1794 418
Bentao =: Bantam iff* ••• 16
Bet6, an old Kuki dialect ... ... ... 3
Bhadi'apali, a fanciful name of B^rdoli in Surat. 396
BhSigalpur, the Jama temple at ... ... 68
Blidgavata-purdna mentions Gokarnam ... 342
Bhairava L&la, a Jama god 68
Bhargavakshebiam, old name for Malabar ... 338
Bhartbanaka, = BhaithS.na in Baroda ... 363
Bharukaclichha, = Broach 394
Bheer, see Bid ... 222
Bhima Ohaulukya 482
Bhima Ohaulukya II 485 f .
Bhimadeva Ohaulukya II 483
Bhimakavi, the “poet of abuse,” 230 j the age
of 229 fe.
Bhir, Bheer; see Bid ... ... 222
Bhitari Seal, the 261
Bhoja of DbS.r§.defeatedbyBhlmaChaulukya 482
Bhubhata Oh^uda ••• 481
hlmiains, the sylvan deities of the Palliyars.. 391
BhOyada = Bhdbhata t*. ••• ... 481
Bid, in the Nizam’s Dominions; perhaps
formerly known as Uppalik&bida ... ... 222
‘ a halting place, a camp, an abode ; ’
the word often figures as a place-name ... 222
BiUisvara, = Bal5sar, Ballshwar, in Baroda ;
it was the chief town of a forty-two distiict. 256
Bir ; see Bid 222
Bintao 5= Bantam ... *17
Bird Island, 180, 222 ff ; behaviour of the
crew of the Boddington on, 191 ; birds and
eggs on, 120 : — birds’ nests, edible, men-
tioned by Blair in 1793 52, 23 1
birth customs among the Singhalese,
378 f -^superstitions at, in the Panjab,
516; sequence of, m Panjab superstition,
516. — “second” ... ... ... ...453
bEur-dman-rgyalmo, wife of dBangpo-rgya-
bzhin ... ... ... 35
Blair, his description of the Andamans, 233 IE. ;
his description of tbe Andamanese, 239 ; his
survey of Old Haibour, Port Blair, 233
a list of his map)s and plans of the Anda-
mans and Nicobars in 1793, 83; his general
chart of the Andamans (1793), 210 f.,
233 ; — his accounts, 273 : — sells the
Union to Government, 138, 243; builds
the Leeboard 506
blood, propitiates serpent demons in the
Khasia Kills ... 328
B6dh-Gay& inscriptions of MahdiU&man ; the
two records are nearly contemporaneous,
but are records of two separate persons ... 193
body, parts of the human, m Kuki* Chin
Languages ... ... ... («• ••• 1
Bonad in Baroda, ancient Bahunadasvan,
Yahunadasvan ... 256
Bonivese, a Portuguese, who commanded
Oimetere’s ship ««• *9* ... 607
Boo j urn Rock off the Andamans described in
1793 239
Borne = Borneo ••• 17
Boswell, Bnice, Marine Paymaster in Calcutta
m 1793 ... 86, 212
Botelho, Jorge, receives letter from Ohma,
circ 1520 10
Bothwell, Neale, of the Boddington .. 115 f , 223 f .
Br3.hmakund, a hot spring near Raj agin ... 70
BiahmanapaUikSL, probably = Bamroli in
Baroda ... ... .*• 364
Biahmav6ttas, the, do not submit to the
Bidhmans ... ... 402
breasts, painful, folk-cure for 291
Brittvidge, Mv., Engraver 271
brother, mother’s, son of, among the Singha-
lese IB the favomite bndegroom, 380 : — m
the Panjab *•# ••• ... 292
brTanma =5 Skyabs-bdun ... ••• 35
520
IHBEX.
brTaapa is tlie busband brTanma 35
bTsan-rta-dinar-obung is the brTanma’s
horse •*« «•« mmm ... 35
Bnddha described by a Jaina,73 — known to
the local populace as MaMd^va ••• ... 73
Buddhist names in Tibet 149
Buddhist record, a, of A. D. 867 ... .,. 254
Buland Bagh, excavations at, near
Patna 437 £., 495 £
the, remarks on the ... «•. 303
Buttons, Noith and Middle, in the Andamans
(1793)
... 234
cadjan-pea = ddl seed
... Ill
Oa&*e, 15 ; — = black boy
... 31
Calleputt (Ceylon)
... 136
Calobothras = Kerala ruler ,
... 342
Calomba and Colombo = Colombo ...
... 136
Oalvo, Diogo, his ship, 17.— receives
letters
from Ohma, circ, 1520, 10 , — survivors of
his ship, 1622, 13 Oalvo, Yasco, 60, 65 ;
his letters from Canton, 10 ff. in Diogo
Oalvo’s ship, 1522, 13 j — travels in Thome
Pirez*s ship, 18 called Cellamen by the
Chinese .*• «•« 18
Cambay; ancient Stambhatlrtha, 491;-—
remarks on a detail in the Cambay plates
of A. D 930 393
Camcheu = Changchau = Chinohew 57
camel, the, in tattooing designs 297
Gamjpan = Mjpong ... 52
Campbell, A., Mr. (179^), 142, 246, 279
Secretary, Hospital Board (1794) ... ... 413
camphire Julep, a medicine in 1793 278
cancer (cancerous gi’owth) in 1793 278
Can 9 im = Shanshi 19
Oancheufu = Kwangchaufu = Canton ... 13, 24
Oan^y = Shanshi 19, 27
Candies, King, = King of Candy (Ceylon) ... 134
Oantao = Canton, 10 . — the five-storied tower
in, in 16th Centui*y ... 30
Canton, province of, described in 16th Cen-
tury, 20 f , 60 f., ; map of, 61 boats of,
20 , cotton cloths in, 25 ; cordage in, 36 ;
fleets of, 25; horses in, 27; iron in, 26;
rhubarb in, 25 ; silk in, 36; thread in, 85
letters from, in 1534*6 ... ...53
ca'pas = P ca^ados = eunuch
capin = c^l^ine = Mjpong
capital, Vemana’s writings against 406
car-festival in Travancore
Carnarvon, the (1765) 192
Cainicobars, the
carhgo, a strong-house ... 29
Castanheda, Heraan Lopez de, his MS.
account of Malabar ... 339
caste, restitution to, among the Singhalese,
381 — Y6mana*s writmgs against 408
Casuarina Bay in the Andamans, described
in, 1793
•«« «■» 239
Cauchi — Cochin-China 19
Oauchim s= Cochin-China 19, 61
C6lh% t.t ... ... ... ... ... 24
Ceilao = Ceylon ... ... 12
Oellamem, Chinese nickname for Y asco Calvo . 18
... ... ««« ... 16
Central Provinces, superstitions in the ...291 f,
Ceuhi, a mandarin of Canton, 1522 13
*** ... ••• ,,, 64
Chdmunda Chaulukya 482
Chaman Taldo, excavations at, near Patna. 437,440
Ohandapa of theNdg^ndra Gachchha ... 488
Chandl = Kdli 68
Chandler, Oapt , Edward, of the Rose, Galley. 190 f,
Chandraprabha Tirthankara 66
Ohdp6tkata kings , notes on their history, 481 .
Chaqueam = Chehkiang 63
chaims, tattooing designs as protective ... 297
Chatham Island in Port Cornwallis, 43, 138,
237 ; arrangements for the defence
of, 1793 ••• ,,, ...249 ff.
Chatra Sinha of RdJ&giri (Jaina) 72
ChaturvSdins, communities of, at various
places 217 , 329, 833, 334, 336, 361
Ohdudd kings ; notes on their history... 481 ft.
ohavlchanM, a form of legitimacy, note on ... 359
Chaulukya kings of Gujardt ; notes on their
history
481 ff.
Ohauvet, I L , Mr. (1793)
... 142
Chaw, an old Kuki dialect
... 4
Oheam^y, a division of China (Shenshi)
... 18
chee-chee, the term used for jpafois in
the
West Indies
... 476
Chennahdsava a chief source of the
Lingait movement
••• 404
eJienos = ci^dw, a market town ...
... 21
cheos = chau = district
... 61
Oheqneam, a division of China (Chehkiang)... 18
Chdra = Kdra
• *«#• »«* ... 343
Oheuquymfn 35 ; Shauking-fu ... 27
Ohhdroli in Surat ; ancient Sthdvarapallikd j
see also introli-ChhdroH 329, 330
Chicacole plates of Handaprabhanjanavar-
man; the places mentioned in them, identi-
fied ... ,,, 263
ohfid, the eighth, unlucky in the Panjab ... 164
children, witchcraft relating to 434
childhood, early, customs during, among the
Singhalese
mmx.
521
chimehaes ... ••• 24
Oliimola = Ktlmaii = Cape Comorin ... 349
Chin Languages are polytonio, 2 Central
Dialects, 3; Northeim dialects, 3; Southern
Dialects ••• ••• 4f.
Chin = China »•€ *•* ... 23
China in the 16th Century, 53 fE. : — Portu-
guese in, 1534-6, 10 fC., divisions of, accord-
ing to the Portuguese in the 16th Century,
18 ; the boot of the 16 provinces of, 61
China, cities of, in 16th Century, 23 f.;
towns of, 23 f.; villages of, 23 f. ; commerce
of, 25; arms in, 21 f. ; land tenure in, 22f.|
coui*ts of justice, 24 j administration of
justice in, in 16th Century, 21; capital
punishment, 22 ; porcelain in, 25 ; roadside
rest-houses, 23 ; Chinbon, a Southern Chin
dialect .*• ... ... ... 4
Chmbok, a Southern Chin dialect 4
Ohiuchaviharajha, = More Ohinchora in
Ahmadnagar ... ... ... •*! 220
Chinchoreh Moreea in Ahmadnagar ; ancient
Chiuchaviharajha ... ... 220
Chinese Christian, a, in 1524 ... •••17
Chinme, a Southern Chin dialect ... ••• 4
Chiquiao = Chehtiang..* ... ... *«. 19
Cliiru, an old Kuki dialect ... ... ••• 4
Chisholme, Nathaniel, Qr, Mr. of the Dodding-
ion ««t ««• 191, 225 ff
Chihradal, the, remarks on the ... 303
Chokhad in Baroda ; ancient Chokkhakuti ... 254
Ohokkaraja the ChAlukya ••• 231
Chokkhakuti, = Chokhad, in Baroda ; the
places mentioned in the grant of A. D.
867, identified ••• •••
cli^lcLS defined ••• ... ••• ••• •••
Chonavars = Jonaka Mapillas... ..• •••
Ohoranda in Baroda ; ancient Ohorundaka
Ohorundaka, = Ohoranda in Baroda
eliou])wv
clhoypi ••• ••• ••• •••
Christian, a Chinese, in 1524 ... ... ...
chuckler, a shoemaker • •• •••
chyrotta (chiretta)j a medicine in 1793
Oigtan, village of, in Ladakh ».*
Oimetere, M Antoine Charles de, 507 i
confined by order of Governor-General, 508 ;
a French spy (1795), his doings ... 505ff.
Clack, Heman, Beach Master at Port
254
516
350
S63
363
16
24
17
81
278
92
Cornwallis, his death
Oleugh Passage (1793) in the Andamans
Cliff Island in the Andamans (1793) ...
Cobra-lilies as a fabulous flower
cooar uutt = ooooanut »•• •••
05chi = Ooohinchina .*• •<•
419
238
238
452
136
25
Cochin ss: Kochi, modem origin of 340
cocoanut oil manufactory on the Cocos
in 1793 209
coooanuts on Peel Island in the Andamans,
m 1793 . 1 . ,,, ,,, 235
coconuts = coooanuts 143
Cocos, the Settlement on the, in 1793.,.50, 209, 239
Ooioheufu = Ohiuchaufu, 67; of Sri PrakA-
saditya ... ... ... ••• 263
corns unpublished, Ma’abar, 231 f,:— OojacS
= Khoja Khan 17
coker nut = cocoanut 133
Ooljjay ,,, ,,, ,,, 53
Collett, Mr., ofihe Doddingion, 114, 119, 121,
185, 189, 223 ff. — his death 191
colours of the earth in Tibet 36 f.
Oolumbo = Colombo 134
Commerce, the Ship, Commander John Tayler. 508
eompim 27
comgom •«« ... ... .*• ••• 16
comquS 27
conch, blowing a, sign of a magician ... 434
Oonchefaa = Kwangchaufu = Canton •«. 54
conconpejgaQh 13
Congo-pea = ddl seed t*ff 111
eongom 24
con 3 unotor, referent, term defined 165
connector, term defined 165
convicts in the Andamans in 18fch Century,
139 ; origin of sending them, 77 j at the
Andamans (1794), 415, 457, 463 ff.; from
Bombay (1794), 463 £ ; Euiopean, at, from
Bombay (1795), 465 ff — attempted escape
of, in 1796, 503 changes of, for May,
1794, 426; seni/to Port Cornwallis, 421
at Port Cornwallis in 1793, 280; at Poi*t
Cornwalhs (1794) .*• ... 6^17, 319, 320
Oopestake, Mr (Oapt,), 312 f. ; owner of_^the
Figot, 283 5 Captain of the Brnid, Snow ... 464
Coral Bank in the Andamans (1795) =
YV estern Bank ... .*• **• ... 239
Corfield, P., Military Auditor General (1794). 384
Oormadell = Ooromandell 134
Cornwall, the, Schooner 45, 81
Cornwallis, Earl (Marquess), Governor-
General... ... ••• ••■ •*« ... 60
Cornwallis, Commodore (brother of tbe
Governor-General), 41. — Admiral (1793)... 248
Oomwallis, Port, 283 , described (1793), 236 f :
sailmg direotions for ships bound for
(1793), 240 ; chart of, steel plate, 80 copies
272.— the length of the rains (1793),
316 Settlement in, in 1792, 43 ; Native
Infantry Detachment at, 45 ; establishment
at, in 1793, 197 ff. alarming sickness
622
INDEX.
at (1793), 276 f.j (1794), 318, 415, 419;
health in 1794 improves 423, 460
Cornwallis, the, Snow, 84, 143, 244, 385, 413,
417 f , 425, 457, 464; the, Snow, invoice of
stores, 1793, 282 f a pilot vessel, 41: —
Mr. H. Pelham Davies, Commander ... 461
Oorwmbo Island (Maldives) 133
Conchin = Cochmchina .«• ••• 12
Oowper, William, Member of Oounoil,
1793 50) 284
cowry, the, in Madagascar • «« ••• 113
cows, witchraft relating to •f« it* ••• 434
cradle, rookmg a, unlucky ... ... ••• 291
Craggy Island in the Andamans (1703) ... 236
Oranganore = Mu»ins •t. ... 339, 342
Crawley, Captain, of the Cornwallis ... 41, 43 f,
cremation among the Singhalese ••• 382
cross, the, Ladakhi Mjpa in the form of a ••• 899
cryptogram, a date in a ,f. 346
supine «= kUpong ... 51
cure of disease, an hereditary poweiv m the
Panj4b ... ... ... «.* ... 476 f.
currency; see money 109 f£.
Ournlugu = bDud ... ... •*» ... 36
custom, force of, in India M* ft* .M 403
Ouycheu, a division of China (Kweiohau) ... 18
cyclone in Port Cornwallis in 179S ... **• 42
Dabhhellanka, ss Dabhel in Baroda 254
DUbhel in Baroda, ancient Dabbhellanka •«* 254
Dabhoi ia Baroda ; ancient Darbh4vatt ••• 493
Daignet, a Southern Chin dialect ... 5
Dakota, Theory of Universal Grammar ap-
plied to 142 f.
Damdat, the, remarks on the ... ■«. 303
Damurike = Limnrilce .. 342
Ddnaurip^Ia father of Vimaldditya ... ... 230
Daphne, the. Snow, 313 f., 315 f., 319, 386;
the, struck by lightnmg o:ff Xedegvee (1794),
418 j the, Snow, wrecked near Ganjam... 422
Darbhdvati, ==: Dabh6! in Baroda ... 493
Dard = ’aBrogpa ... ... ... 398
Darley, Mr., of Bassein = Dawley ... 507
Dasapura, Dasor, Mandasor, in M^lwa ... 332
Dasor, Mandasor, in Malwa, ancient Dasa-
pura 332
Davies, H. Pelham, Commander of the Corn-
wallis ... 461
Dawley, Mr., an Englishman living at Bassein
ml795 ... 506
Dayak = Olo Ngadju 169
dBangpo-rgya-hzhm is the king of the
sTanglha Heaven, 35; Indra *•* 88
death ceremonies ^imong the Singalese ... S8][
Defresne, M , Commandant of Pondicheny,
1796 505
Delagoa Bay (1755) 190
DendulOru, m the Godavari district , ancient
LendujOra • •• ... 218
Denham Bobert, seaman •** ... ... 43
destemalt derivation of, 436 : — = oestemael
= dastmdl = handkerchief *•« *■* ••• 436
Devada m Vizagapatam, ancient Deyavata ... 253
Devapattana = Somanatha 490
Ddv5ndra ( = Indra), his dispute with Gau-
tama (Jaina Legend) ... •*» .*• ... 70
D5v6ndra vows, the (a practical joke) ... 452
D 6 v 6 ndral 6 ka, the, 447 ; a writing from the... 450
devil’* ceremonies among the Singhalese ... 382
Deyavdta, = Devada in Vizagapatam ... 253
dMi Bird = irikhal 164
Dhahattha, =: Dhawat in Baroda, 361 and n.,
362, 363
Dhak&rt should be read Tak&rt, q, v, ... 336 n.
Dh&ravarsha, son of Yasodhavala Param5.ra.. 483
Dhavalakkaka, » Dholkd in Ahmedahad •«. 492
Dhawat in Bai'oda; ancient Dhahattha ... 362
Dhdlkd in Ahmedahad; ancient Dhavalak-
kaka ... ... ... ... ... 492
Diamond Island, 42, 145 ; as a source of
turtle in the 18th Century 386
Diamper = 5 = Udayamp^rfir on the Malabar
Coast *». ... ... 339
Digambaa^a, term explained ••• ... 66
Diligent Strait (1793) in the Andamans ... 234
Binlm t, the, remarks on the 301 f .
diseases, terminology of, in 1793 «•# ••• 278
disguise in folklore, hero as a tortoise 448
Dispatch, the fBvig, 386, 425, 427 f., 465, 468, 503 f.
divorce among the Palliyars ... ... ... 391
dXarmo, the bitch 32
Doddington, wreck of the ...114 fp., 180 fp., 222 jEP.
dog, folklore relating to the ... ... 291 f.
Dollar Scale of Madagascar ... ... ... 113
Dolphin, wreck of the, in 1748 117
Dongrub, the giant, 33 — == Xesar, 35 : —
son of the king of the sTang-lha Heaven... 85
Donldan, son of the king of the sTang-lha
Heaven 35
Donyod, son of the king of the sTang-lha ... 35
dooh grass, a note on 215
doop = dAh, gi?ass 215
Dowley, Mr., of Bassein = Dawley 507
Downie, B. (1793) 274
Drake, the, Snow, 47, 459, 467; called a
“cruizer” 457
Di’omo, the ewe 32
Druid, the, Snow, 464, 606 : ^ Oommandcr
Captain Copestakes ... ... 607
INDEX,
523
Drumbu-brang-dkar, the puppy 32
Diilien == Lusb^i S
Dundass Point in Port Oornwaliis 237
DurlabbarSija Obaulukya ... 482
Dutoli and Englisli, war between, in 1793 243
Eagle, tbe 42
Bast Island in the North Andaman (1793) ... 238
Egg Island 121
Blphinstone Harbour in the Andamans
described in 1793 236
Einvan caste, the,^ PaUiy&rs claim to be
sprung from ... 391
English, corruptions of ... 476
eranambatry “ pea seed, in the Malagasy
currency Ill
Erathana, = Erthan in Baroda 256
Erthan in Baroda; ancient Brath4na ... 256
Euclid, the Skr. version of 215
Evil Eye, mole a protection from the, 293 : —
in the Panjib 475 f
explicator, term defined 165
Fairlie Eoed & Oo. of Calcutta (1793) ... 274
fan jin does not represent firtngi ^frangi 359
faranUa =: french = five-fi-anc piece in
Madagascar 109
fever, “remitting,** in 1793, 278 , quotidian in
1793, 278 ; tertian in 1793, 278 , medicines
for, in 1793 278
Fimins, Oapt , of the Brig Nautilus 463
lire, folklore of ••• «•« ... 291
fire-walking festival in Travancore 392
Firingi folk ... •«. a*. ... ... 11
Piriiigis, 64 ; the king of the ... 10
fiist-born, the, unlucky in the Panjab. 162 f ,515 £.
fish design in tattooing, origin of ... 295 f.
flags, oil Ladikhi stHpas ... 399
flux (= dysentery) in 1793 • Mi 278
folklore in the Central Pronnees, 291 f.,
447 ff. ; Ladikh. its non-Buddhistio charac-
ter, 34 ; its mythology not Bonpo m origin,
3i : — Indian attitude towards ... 827 f.
foni ^fung = seal of appointment (chop) ... 16
Fontaine, M., Oommissary of Pondicherry
(1795) ... ... ... ... ... ... 505
Foque = Fokien ««« 19
Foquom = Fokien ... «i* ... 19, 69, 61
Foquiem, a division of China (Fokien) ... 18
Formative Languages, the term deflned ... 179
f(f3 siif anises ^fanam ... ... ... 55
Foym = Fukiun. .. «.« ... 11,26
Fifince and BBglwfl, war betwee» (1793) ... 348
fraud, folklore methods of det«c^f -SSl f.
Prayer, Lieut , commands the *•* '
fruit (mango) given to prodttc® *"
functions of words defined „ '"i, .
fimeral ceremonies among ti® Singhalese.
382; among the Pallijfirs •** ***
72
60
Gadhadhara, a temple to, at 0^7^
Gama, Dom Estevao da
Ganges water, places for procuri^^
Gardiner, Mr. B,, of the ***
Gdikas, the, of the Aveata,
303 f.: - a coUeetion of song® *
the Zoroastrian doctrine of
Gautama, his shrine at Bahad,
nection with Vaibhlra hill (J^^^ *
mains at Gohun (Jaina), 71 J ^ ^ ^ 7 n
Saiva BiAhman (Jama ^
Gay4, desciiption of, by a ”
Jaina remams about „ ••• '1*
Gayhw51a Brhhmans, a descrip^^*^^ . .
Gejuravhvi, Givai‘oi, Givrai, ^
Nizam’s Dominions ... •••
gelfa = gelm =* shallop "* . '**
Gevr&i.mthe Nizam’s Domini'^®®’
Gejuiavavt , "* -
GhOdfigrfima, = Ghor^gaon i® \
GhdrfcgaoninAhmadnagari „„„
grftma ..•
GiUett, Mr., Surveyor ... <>&a
Girmagata, = Junfigadh in "•
Ginpiir = Rajfi,ghi ... ••• ^
Givai'oi, Givrai, in the Nizam’® omimons;
ancient Gejuravhvi ...
Glass, John, of the JDaddingiof^ _ •”
gLing, the name discussed,- ®
Earth (continent) ... *" ,V*. **’
gLing-chos = the pre-BuddhJ®^ ^
Ladakh, 399 j = mythology ^ “
the general position, 40 . — ^^^^^Qly4ree f
34 f . ; animism in the, 39 j ^ ^
gNya-khn-hrtanpo, first king •"
Goes, Lopode, in Canton in 15*^
Qogzalhamo gives hirth to
Gohun = Gautamapura „
GOkarnam
Golding, Lt, William, Oommi®®®^ "
Oalontta,inW934 .. ’361,363
Gohka, an ancient village m ^ Gtedd-
Gorehgaon, in Ahmadnagar; _ 22 ^
g^ma ... ... ... ;;; 2 bob
Grab Snow, a kind of ship 2^2
grdhi a tattooing design
524
INDEX.
Gialiain,Tlioiiias, Member of Oonncil, 1793... 50
Grammar, Tlieory of Universal, definition of
terms nsed in, 166 ; — notes on, 165 —
applied to Englisli •t. 166
Green, A,, of tbe Military Board (1791) ••• 385
Greene, A., Garrison Storekeeper, Calcutta
(1794) ... ... *•* ••• ••• ••• 559
grindstone, use of, to detect tlieft ••• ... 291
gmmmet ... ... ... 15
Gudimetta near Nandigfima in the Kistna
District ... ... «•« ... 231
Gunsdr Tank near Bankipore, excavations
at ••• tl» *99 ... 437
Gupta, Chandra I , date of death of ... 257, 260
Gupta, Chandra II., date of death of ••• 260
Gupta, Kum6.ra, date of accession of, 260;
death of, date of ... 262
Gapta, Mah^rSr^a, date of ... ... ... 258
Gnpta, Pnra 261
Gnpta, Samndra, date of accession of... 257, 259 f .
Gnpta Skanda ... 261
Gupta, Praldsaditya, coins of 263
Gupta Dynasty, the Early or Imperial ; its
chronology, revised ... «*• tii 257 fP.
Gnpta era, commencement of 257
Gur-dkar, king of Hor 999 ««• 999 ... 36
Hadha-Manthraic books, a note on the ... 803
EadoTchta Naska the remarks on the, 303 ;
greater part preserved 999 ••• ... 365
hair (human) propitiates serpent ^demons in
the Khasia Hills «*• 999 999 32S
Hallto, an old Kuki dialect ... ... ... 3
handmill, use of, to detect theft ... ... 291
hangling = angle non It. ... ... ... 476
Happy Deliverance, story of the, 180 fP. ;
launch of the ... ... ... ... ... 131
mentions the KSrala ...342
Harrington, J. H., Sub-Secretary ... ... 413
harvest festival m Laddkh 101 ff , 399
Havelock Island in the Andamans, described
m 1793 ... ... ... ... ... 235
Haynao = Hainan ... 19
haytao III •** 9*9 ... 16
Heohene, a division of China (Szechuan) ... 18
Hermippos, his account of the Mazdayasnian
religion ■** ... ... ... ... 300
Herodotus on the religion of the Persians...299 f.
Hinduism, two antagonistic tendencies in,
401 f. Yemana’s writings against the con-
ventions of 405
Hiroi-Lamg5ng, an old Kuki dialect 4
history, want of feeling for, in India, 403;
documents, Indian, the mythology ... 488
Hobson- Jobson, the term in Literature ...514 f .
Eohson-Johsoni cross index to, 106 fE., 157 ff ,
213 ff., 284 ff., 322 ff., 353 ff., 387 ff., 429 ff.,
471 ff., 509 ff.
Homem, Pedro, 28, 64 ; his ship in Canton
in 1521 ••• ••• ... 15
Honao, a division of China (Honan) 18
Hood Point in Port Cornwallis 237
Hor, Kmg of, the •** .•« ..« 307
Hottentots (lOfch Century) 117, 187
Humphrys, Isaac, Secy., Military Boar‘d(1794).421
Hungarian, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to 999 999 ... 166
Hutchinson, Capt., of the Cam«rt?ott (1755)... 191
ibex in Tibetan rock-caiwings...
... 400
illustrator, term defined
999
... 166
impossible task as a preliminary
to
marriage ... ...
999
449 ff.
indicator, term defined
999
... 165
IndOfcthana, apparently = Raula or Wakh-
td.na in Baroda
...
... 256
infanticide among Hindus, cause of
... 436
Ingramrudco Island (Maldives)
...
... 133
inscriptions —
Achmmenide
i«i
... 299
Bhitari pillar
...
... 261
the Bihar (Gupta)
•*.
M, 261
Girn5r of YastupS-la ...
...
... 490
Indor (Gupta)
•M
... 262
Jfinfigai’h (Gupta)
...
... 262
Kah6)Uih (Gupta)
...
... 262
Kauagiri of Potar&ja in Saka 1122
... 231
LadAkhi ... ... ...
...
399
Mahanaman at BodhgayA
...
192 ff.
mteger, term defined
...
... 165
Interview Passage in the Andamans,
described in 1793
... 239
the, Ship ...
... 46S
mtroducer, term defined
■t*
... 165
mtromutation, the term defined
*«•
... 173
Island of Trade, the
999
... 11
Jaclcallj the, Mr. Heid goes to the
• 9 $
... 461
Jackson Ledge off the Andamans (1793)
... 238
Jagajjhampana, a title of VallabharAja
... 482
Jagat S6tb, a Jaina merchant of
MakhsO-
dAbad
...
... 66
Jagatkampana, title of YallabharSja 482
Jagipura, a mound near Patna, excavations
at ... ... «•• ... 438
Jama remains about Gay5 65 ff.
J5mbtlsarasth5na, = Jambfisar in Broach ... 330
INDEX.
525
Jamuu^ DLih near Bankipore, excaTations
ati ..t t.i ••• 4'd5 f*
Jancangem, a town ... ... ... „• 29
Jangalesa = Arnoi^ja of Sakambhaii ... 483
janSo, the, as worn by jogisj 216, in the
Pan3ab ... 216
JangshSn = probably Thddo 3
Jaravadra, the name used in a spurious
record for Jolwa, Jorwa, in Baroda ... 398
Javalakdpaka, = Jolwa, Jorwa, in Baroda... 398
Jaraya, a village near M^dhuvanam 67
Jayasimha Ohaulukya ... ... «** ... 483
Jharkand, a jungle near Madhuvanam ... 67
Jinadattasdri, master of Amarachandra ••• 479
jindlayant Jaina temple near Madhuvanam ... 66
jimindar = jemadar ... 142
Johanna in Madagascar ... 191
Jolwa, Jorwa, in Baroda , ancient Javalakd-
paka, and also mentioned as Jaravadra ... 398
Jonagar = Tavana ... 350
Jonaka = Jonagar 350
Jonaka Mapillas, the 350
Jones, Mr , of the Boddington 225
Johnson, Oapt, F., of the Persia Merchant ... 132
Jorwa, see Jolwa • •t ««• 398
Jondgadh in Kathiawar; ancient Giiinagara,
362 its alleged former names according
to ih.Q Mdhdtmy a ... ... 362 n
Juno, the, 42 ; — Snow, wreck of the... 43, 140
jurihasso =* inteipieter 18
Kfi-oha, probably another name of Samudra-
gupta ««• »•« 269
Kadakara on the Malabar Coast 339
Kafir, Theory of Universal Grammar applied
to 168 f-
Kairain Gujarat, ancient Khetaka. 333 n,, 363, 393
KairJi district held by Lavanaprasad ... 483
Kalasa, = Kalas-Budrdkli in Ahmadnagar ... 335
Kalinga, Nandaprabhanjanavarman, king of .. 253
Krildpallild, = Karoli m Baroda ... ... 254
Kalinga Gangu of Sajjanagara, 230 —his
connection with Bhimakavi ... 230
Kallada was near Quilon ... 3i2
KalluPokhra, excavations at, near Patna. 437, 441
Kamaniya, = K5<mr6j in Baroda 396
Kainmanijja, = Kamidj in Baroda ... 396, 397
Kamxiilyatirtha, = Kapletha, Kaphleta, in
Baroda 255, 393 n,
KdmrOj in Baroda; ancient Kammanijja,
396, 307 and lUrmandya, Karaantya, and
perhaps Karmantapnra 396
Sanaya^vihrayat the enstom of (sale of girls
jiu maiTiage) ... *4. ... .•.436 f
Kaphleta ; see Kapletha ' ... ... 255, 393 n.
K^pika, = Kaviin Broach 391
kdjging, Malay com and weight 51
Kapletha, Kaphleta, in Baroda , ancient
Ktopilyatiitha ... 255, 393 n.
Kai*ai, Pliny’s = South Tinnevelly ... ... 344
Karan in Baroda; ancient Knruna ... ... 256
Karanjavasahikd, an ancient place in Baroda 364
Karda, Kardlah ; see Rharda 220
Kaimabhdmi, old name for Malabar, 338 : —
the tem discussed 341
Kdiman^ya, = KamiAj in Baioda 396
Kaimantapura, perhaps = Kdmrej in Baroda. 396
Kama, son of BMma Ohaulnkya 482
Kamaknbja, an alleged former name of
Junagadh 362 n
Kdrohana, = Karvan, Kaiv5,n, in Baioda ... 361
Karoli in Baroda; ancient KdlOpallika ... 254
Kaionra, capital of Limuiike, 342; =
Kaifii* 313
Karvan, Kaivan, in Baroda, ancient Kay^va-
taia and K^rohana ... 361
Karfij*, capital of the K6rala kingdom 343
Msakfila, K^sMiCla, district, a territory
between the Tapti and the Kim 330
KashthS^mandapa, = Rath M^ndva in Baroda. 864
KJ.shtbapnri, = Kdthor in Suiat ... 329, 330
Kath MS.ndva in Baroda j ancient K§ishth&-
mandapa •If ... <• ... ... 364
KSithor in Surat ; ancient K§<shthapuri ...329, 330
Katlang =: Jangshen 3
Kaveii, the malidtmya of the Tula festival
of the Elver ... 445
KM jn Broach ; ancient KapikS., K^vika 394
K^vika, = K§>vi in Broach ... ... 394
Kavirdkshasa = Bhimakavi •.• ««* 230
Kdydvdtara, = Kdrvan, K^rvdn, in Baroda. 361
Jeehean = hupong,*^ «•« 62
Keenugaon, in the Nizam’s Dominions , an-
cient Kinihigrama ... ••• 221, 333 n
Kemaj, Kimaj, Kimoj, in Broach, ancient
K^maj 3 n, Kevanja ..i 394
Kemajjn, = Kfemaj, Kima], Kimo], m Broach 394
hping, Malay com and weight 51 £.
Keprobothras of the Periplus •«V «i« ... 342
K6ra = ChSra ... •«* ••• 343
Kerabothras = K6ralaputi’a ... ... ».< 342
K6raU kmgdom, extent of, 346 ; — the term
discussed, 341 f , origin of the name ...346f.
K6ralam, old name for Malabar 338
KOralaputra mentioned in the Asoka edicts,.. 342
K6iaI0tpatti = Karfir ... 344
KSralotpatti, the .«• ... ... ••• ••• 316
Kesar King Kesar of gLing, 36 ; — birth
stones of, 32 ; a story of his child, 33 '
526
INDEX.
speaks from liis mother’s womb, 32 —
a 1 epresentation of
Kesar ^aga, Spiiiag Myth of the, 32S , 37 —
its widespread over Asia, 40 , pie-Buddbist
origin of, 39 f. ; souices of the, 34. — the
mythology of, 34 — philological notes on
the, 147 , discussion on the pioper names
xn
Kevanja, = Kemaj, Kimaj, Kimoj, in Broach. 394
Khairoda, = KhOrwa in Smat ... 329, 330
Khami, a Southern Ohm dialect ... ••• ^
Kharda plates of A. B 972; the places men-
tioned in them, identified ... ... ...220
Khasi, Theoiy of Universal Grammar applied
to
Kh^rwa in Surat ; ancient Khairoda ... 320, 330
Xhetaka, = Kaira m GiijarS.t, 333 n.,‘ 363,
393, — m A D 930 , the Khetaka province
was included in the Lfita country ... ... 393
Khlangam = Jangshen.
Khongzai = Thfido ••• •••
Khweymi, an incoiTeot form of Khami
Khyang = Sho ikt ••• •••
Kim river in Gujarat, perhaps its ancient
name was KSisa or K&sa ... ... ... 330
Kimaj, Kim6j, Kemaj, in Broach , ancient
Ktoajjn, Kdvaiija ••• 394
Kinagaon, in the Nizam’s Dominions ; ancient
Bdnihigrfima ,,.221, 333 n.
Kinihigrfima, = Keenugaon, Kinagaon, m the
Nizam’s Dominions til 221,333 n.
King, John, of the Doddmgton 225 fi.
Kirt'ikawnudi of Somesvara ... ••• 486 f.
Klumo = N&ginl 35
Kodungallfir = Cranganore 342
Koireng, an old Kuki dialect 4
Kolapus, a Lakshmi SenS-charya, a Jama
priest «„ ... ... 66
Kolkhoi, Pliny’s, discussed 344
Kolr^n =: Koireng
Kom, an old Kuki dialect
Kondti Kidyi, a Jain (or Buddhist) image at
Nellore ... ... ... ... ... ... 252
koopang = kupong ... 52
Koral, Koral, in Baroda; ancient KoriM ... 362
Kordiri, = Koial, Koral, m Baroda ... ... 362
Korthoia on the Malabar Coast = Kothfir ... 339
Kotang = Jangshdn ... ••• ... ... 3
Kouroula of Ptolemy discussed = Karikal ... 344
Kraphusse, the rat 32
Kshetrap&la, a Jama guardian deity 67
Ktesias, his account of Mazdayasnian reli-
gion *«• ... ... .** M* it.299 f*
Kfidalsamgam, the confluence of the Kyishnfi
and the Panohgang^ at KurundwarJ ... 395
Kuki Language, there is no, 5 • — Old Dialects. 3 £
Kuki-Ohin Languages, Iff — spread of, 1 ;
the group le-arianged, 2 ff . — affinity to
theNaga gioup, 1- — express only con-
crete ideas, 1; nature of the ad 3 ectives, 2;
no relative and no interrogative pronouns,
2 , have no gender, 1, have no verbs proper,
If, expression of negatives, 2; them treat-
ment of paits of the human body, 1 ;
sujfixes ... ... ... ••• ••• ^
kula kanavd, ceremony of restitution to caste
among the Smghalese 381
Kum^rapala Ohaulukya 483
KumSiiikoddu = Oomoim, note on ... ... 340
Kumi, an incoiiect form Khami 4
Kumrahai’, excavations at, near Patna, 437,
439, 496 f .
Kun, a Southern Chin dialect 5
Kunika, son of Srenika Mahfirfija (Jaina) ... 71
Mpaha, as a termination of place-names,
becomes Icuva^ hua 398
Kfipa Kingdom, extent of fft •»« ... 346
Mpong, Malay coin and weight 51 f.
Kuruna, = Karan in Baroda, 256
Kurundaka, = Kurundwad in the Southem
Mardtha Oountiy ... ... ... *** 395
Kurupuswami, the chief deity of the Palliyfirs. 391
Kuvala country of Arya Perumfil, extent of... 346
Kwangtung Strait in the Andamans described
in 1793... ... •». ... ... 235
Kyau = Chaw ...
Kyd, his appointment to the Andamans, 1793,
44 f . ; his Commission dated 18th February
1793, 50 f , his instructions dated 18th Feb-
ruary 1793, 76 was Surveyor General, 83
Ins claim for an addition to las salary
(1794), 386 visits Penang 457
I and r, interchanges of, m Kiilfipallikti,
Karoli, 251 , — and Jolwa, Jorwa 393
Ladalrh, kingdom of, ancient, 398 — songs of,
804 ff . — prominent characteristics of the
dialect of Lower, 148.— rook -carvings in
Lower fft* *«« »•» *•• 398 ff.
Ladakhi songs, 87 ff. *— thou* metro, 87, f. ' —
orthography of, discussed, 89 ago of,
discussed 88 f.
Ladoux, Daniel, of the Doddington 223
Laertius Diogenes, his account of the Maz-
dayasniani’oligion 300
La Fortune ou la Mort^ a French privateer
(1795) 605
Lfihaul, an Aryan tribe in »t. ... 398
Laj, a Oontral Ohm ... ... 3
INDEX.
527
Lakher, a Central Chin snb-dialect ... ... 3
Laksha, king of Kachh, defeated by Mulai-aja
Ohaulnkya ... ... ... ... 482
L^lb^gis, a note on the sect of the ... 359 f .
^amp, continnonsly burning in Travancore,
royal funeral ceremonies 252
land-tenure in China in 16th Century ... 22 f.
Landfall Islands in the Andamans (1748) ... 238
Langas = Shans 26
Langrong, an old Kuki dialect 3
Languas Langas ... ... 28
Langueas = Langas ... 26
Laskari Bibi, excavations at the mound of,
near Patna>437, result of the excavations at.437 f.
LUta country; it included Ktor ^3 m A. D.
915, . . 395, 397,— and the Kh6taka pro-
vince in A. D 930, . 393, — also E^r-
van, K^rvan, q r., 361 , — Tnl6ohanap§.la
of L^ta ... ... ... ••• ...255
Latin, Theory of Universal Giammar applied
fco 166 f
Lavanapras&da, the YaghelSi, 486 f , his rela-
tion Bhimadeva Ohaulnkya II. ••• ... 483
Lawrence, Lieut , of the Cornwallis 419
Lawrence, Henry, Island in the Andamans
described m 1793 ... ... ... ...235f.
Lawrence, John, Island in the Andamans
described in 1793 •••
lOogpo is king of Togklu ... ... •••
Lee-board, the, Schooner, 42, 505; a ‘‘very
small and insecure Vessell,*’ 506 . — built by
Blair, 506, sold by the Government
Lenoheu = Lienchau in Hainan ... ...
LendulOra == Denddluru in the Godavari
35
608
58
district
Lequeos = Liukius
Lester, John, of the Boddington
Uhmeo
Light of Penang, Mr., death of, 1794
... 218
69,63
225 fE
... 12
459
Limuiike of the PeripZzis, 342 — DiAvida =
Tamil-Malayalam country
Lmgad in Baroda ; ancient Lingavata-Siva ...
Lingait movement, chief sources of the ...
Lmgiwata-Siva, == Lingad in Baroda
lioness, tho white, of Tibet = the^ glacier
personified
LOhagrama, == Lohogaon in Ahmadnagar ...
Lohogaon in Ahmadnagar; ancient Loha-
grtoa
Lokapalas, list of, in Tibet
lOngi — long-cloth
lotus, the, in tattooing designs
Loycheu == Liuchau in Hainan
Lubbay ^Mfipilla
Luchim = Cuebim = Cochmehina
342
256
484
256
399
220
220
. 38
. 436
293 f.
,. 58
350
.. 27
luck, folklore of, in Indian female tattooing
designs ... .«• ••• 29/
lucky children in the Panj^h 515 f,
Lushai =: Lnsh6i 8
LushSi, a Central Chin dialect 3
Malabar, the term discussed 349
Mackenzie, Col. Oolm, his Pandit’s jouraal
in 1820 65 ff.
Madagascar, cnirency of 109 ff.
Madavi, = the Mmdhala, Midagri, Mindhola,
or Mindhol^ river in Gujaidt 254
Madhuvanam, the Jama shrine at 6c5
Madhyad6sa country included a hhatta-
village named Takkdrikd 335
Madras, letters from, in 1669 132 ff.
Maghi = Aiakanese •*« 5
Magians, early teachmg of the 300
Magic squares m Tibetan rock-carvings ... 400
Magic, sympathetic, shown in tattooing de-
signs ... .11 ... ... ... ••• 298
MaMhhdrata, the. Question, 5 ff. , — recen-
sions of the, 5 ff. , — discussion on the date
of , 9 f , — discussion on the uniformity of
the, 7 f. .— mentions KSralaandGokarnain. 341
MahEiddva, as a name for Buddha, 73 , for
Bauddha images It*
Mahanaman, the mscriptions of, at Bodh-
Gaya, the two records are nearly contem-
poraneous, but are records of two separate
pel sons .
193
Mahanfiman of the BodhgayS. inscnption,
his identity discussed, 192 f ; — he is not
the author of the Mah^vamsa 1^3
MaM-wpdsika does not translate ^inihagu'
gyi 360
Mahi river , the country between the Mahi
and the Narmadfi ... ... 363, 364
Mahichhaka, an ancient place 338
Mahoys River ... ••• 190
Makhsud&b&d = Murshidabad 66
Mdkniin Baroda; ancient Mankanika ... 364
Makotai = K6dungullfir 342
Malabar, a kind of boat 136
Malabar = sailor ... ...
Malabar, the term discussed, 347 , = Malava-
ram = Piedmont, the foot of the hills ... 350
Malabar, MS Account of, by Castanheda, 339
old names for, 338 ; European names for,
348 , Muhammadan names for, 348 : — place-
names of, notes on, 338 ff. country due to
volcanic action
Malagasy, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to ••• •••
169
528
IHDEX.
Malai-narclu = ‘‘liill country ** 343
Malan6;du, old names for Malaljar ••• 347
Malankara, old name for Malabar ... ... 347
Malaya = tbe Western Gliats in Malay S.lam. 348
Malayalam, tlie term discussed, 347, 350 j =
Malabar ■«« ta« 338
Maldires, king of tbe 133
Male, tlie, of Oosmas Indikopleustes 347
MalkMd in tbe Nizam’s Dominions j ancient
Manyakb^ta, 219, 221, 395 its exact
position •«a «*• *•« 395
MalHkarjuna Kadamba defeated by Kuml-
rapala Oliaulukya «•« fi» ••• 483
Mancbadpa, an Aryan tube in L^baul ... 398
Manddkmi, = the Mmdhdla, Mid&gid, Min-
dhola, or MindholSi river in Gujarit ... 254
Mandalt, Arisimba’s borne
...
482
mandarin clerks
...
...
18
mandai’ins in China in 16tb Century...
...
21
Mandasor, Das6r, in Mdlwa , ancient Dasa-
pura ^ ... . 1 . * 1 . «.•
•••
•••
332
mangalasusramt tbe
...
449
Manibdr, al-, = Malabar
347
Mdnikya Cband, a Jaina merchant
• ••
68
M dnikyagiri near Rdjdgiri . . .
71
Manipur is a language of tbe Obin stock, 2
= Meithei
«*•
2
Mankanikd, = Mdkni in Baroda
364
Manndr, Island of
• ••
340
Mannington, Mr , of Penang
• ««
459
Mdnyakhdta, = MdlkbM in tbe
Nizam’s
' Dominions, 219, 221, 395, — its exact posi-
tion ... ... ««•
««•
395
Mapilla, tbe term discussed, 349
f,
Mufiib = cultivatoi
348
Maricbipattanam = Muzeris ...
...
315
Mdrkandij/a-purdna mentions Kerala and
Gokarnam 342
Markinda liill-forfc in N^sik, ancient Mayd-
rakhandi ... ... 217
Mavlbro’, JFort *•« *.• 311, 420
marriage ceremonies, place of the mother’s
brother in, in the PanjS.b, 292 among the
Palliyto .1. 391
mamage song, a Tibetan 310
marriages, Hindu child, a native view of,
435 f. —among the Singhalese, 380 j of first
cousins among the Singhalese are the most
favoured 380
Matsya-purdna mentions Kdrala and Gdkar-
nam •** ... ... 342
Mauryas, palace of the, at Patna ... 439 f.
^laydrakhandi, =s Markinda, a hill-fort in
Ndsik 217
dkfazda Ahura = Ahura Mazda 376 f.
Mazdayasnian religion described ... 198 fp.
McBoull of the Doddington 226 f£.
McDowel = McDoull 277
Meadows, Port in the Andamans (1793), 234;
in 1794 413, 461
medical necessaries in 1793, 279, 278 ; Megha-
vaina of Ceylon, date of 257
Meithei = Manipuri, 2 ,* a Kuki-Chin Lan-
guage 2
Melkynda of Ptolemy 342
Melo, Diogo de 28, 64
Melo, Martim AfiPonso de; see AfPbnso de
Melo, Martim 14
Mergulhao, Father in Canton, in 1621 13
meshey = master workman .. 81
Mhar, an old Kuki dialect 4
Midfigri or Mindhala river in Gujarat ; an-
cient names Manddbni and Madavi ... 254
Middle Strait in the Andamans (1793) ... 284
Middleton, Roger - ..132
milkmaid design of tattooing, origin of ... 296
Mindbdla or Midagri nver in Gujardt ; ancient
names Mandakini and Maddvi 254
I Mindhola, Mindbola, or Mindbdla river in
j Gujardt; ancient names Manddkini and
j Maddvi ••• •«. ,,, ,,, 254
I Mindon Min, king, of Burma, adds to tbe
regalia •** ... ••• ,,, 444
Minervat H M S ... ... 42, 83, 137, 145
Minerva Bank in tbe Andamans (1793) ... 235
Minerva Bay in Port Oornwallis 237
Miuylem = Meiling = Plum Pass = Tun-
I Hug Range
Mi-yul = Bar-btsan, 35 ; represents Clidndani
= Ycnus
Mogalikd, an ancient place in Baroda ..i, 398
Mole, a protection from tbe Bvil-eye, 293;
Molokiucba = Malayakfita = Malabar ... 348
Monar = Mannar i
money, chip, in Madagascar, 109 — by weight
in Madagascar
Monggacb, Lieut , Storekeeper, 1793 46
Mongir, tbe sacrod pools (Jama) near ... 69
montroas = matross = gunner ... ... 226
Moore, Capt Hugb, commands tbe Phcenix,
Snow 142, 145, 244
Mopla = Mapilla = Maflib = Fellali = cul-
tivator 350
Morandavia Road in Madagascar ... ... 191
More Cbiiicbord m Abmadnagar; ancient
Cbincbavibarajba ... ... 220
Morgotty, Capt , of ihQ Brahe 457
Morns, J., Secretary at Bombay (1794) ... 463
Mortlock Islands, language of, Theory of Uni-
versal Grammar applied to 171
1ND3SX.
529
Mota, Theory of Universal Grammar applied
to ••• ••• ••• ••• 171
M-otn, Theory of Universal Grammar applied
to ••• ••• 170
Mottel, M., Commissary of Pondicherry (1 795)* 505
Monlem = Miuylem ••• — 19
Mozenbeys (Mozambique) ... 227
Mru IS a Burmese, not a Kuki-Ohin dialect... 5
mThsalmig, the lamb 32
Muhammad Shali5.buddin Ghori defeated by
MfllarS-ja Ohaulukya II . .* **. 403
Muhammadans described as Bauddhas .■• 66
muMt, Kanhayya’s, a tattooing design ... 297
w&la = dhai su d 164
Mdlarfi-ja Ohaulukya II. 481, 483
Murray, John, Militai*y Auditor General
(1794) ... ... ... ... 454
Mdshaka = part of the Malabar Coast ••• 345
Hm*shidab5d, the Jama merchants of ... 66
Mdshika kmgdom, extent of 346
Muziris mentioned by Plmy, 342 : — == Oran-
ganore, 339, 342 f — = Marichipattanam
of Yardha Mihira •a* at. ••• 345
Myers, Thos , Dy. Acct. General (1793) ... 212
Mythology in Indian histoncal documents, the 488
Nddidd, Uddida, in Baroda; ancient N&ndi-
tatdka .a* .«• 397
Ndgambd, N&gdmvd, ancient tillage m
Baioda .a. .. ..* ... «•« ... 256
Naga Group of languages, affinity to the
Kuki-Ohin Languages ... 4*« ..4 1
Ndgas and Naginis in Tibet, 35, are piotectom
of the Buddhist faith .4. aa. ... 35
Ndgdndra Gaohchha, the succession of the ... 488
nails (human), propitiate serpent-demons
in the Khasia Hills ... 328
Namquy, a division of China (Nanking) ... 18
Nandaprabhaujanavarman, the Ohioacole
plates of , the places mentioned m them,
identided *>• ^33
Ndnditatdka, = Nddidd, Nddidd, m Baroda... 397
Nannaya Bhacua, a predecessor of Bhimakavi. 23l
Nanquim Nanking ... 10, 18
Nanto = P Nanking 14, 25, 58
Naoquim = Nanking 4*. ... ... ... 18
Naquim = Nanking 13
Naqny = Nanking ... *•• ... 31
Narasimhagupta, remarks on the coids of ... 263
Narcandaam = Narcondam ... 50
Narmadd river; the country between the
Mahi and the Naimadd 363,364
Ndsika country included the Yatanagara
district ... ... ... ... ..r 217
Nasrani Mdpillas, the ... 350
Native Infantry Detachment at Port Com-
walhs ... ••• .4. ,,, ,,, 45
Nausdri plates of A. D. 706, the places
mentioned in them, identified, 361, — and
the places mentioned in the plates of
A D 817 363
Nautilus^ the. Brig ... 274 ffi., 459, 463, 508
Navagarh, a village near Mddhuvanam ... 67
Nayhay =; Nanhai 64
Neaoyndon of Pliuy was near Quilon ... 342
Nep^ais, Cape ••• •*. ... ... ... 41
Neill Island in the Andamans desciihed in
1793 235
Nemindtha, Yastupala^s worship of, at Gimdr. 490
New Harbour === Port OornwaBis 1 40
Ngentd, a Lushai sub-dialect 3
Nicobars, List of Blair’s maps and plans of,
in 1793, 83 . — as a source of fruit in the
XYIIIth Century 386
Nikama of Ptolemy = Negapatam ... ... 344
Nilakantha = Siva 482
Nilkanda of Plmy was near Quilon 342
Nimmo, Oapt , at the Andamans (1793) ... 239
nirgatat used in the technical sense of
vinirgataf q,v 331
nivdsa, a * place where a man is dwelling
now at the present time, ’ m contrast with
ahhyana^ q ... ... 831
mvdsin, used m the technical sense of uditavya^
V* ••• ••• ... 331, 332 n
mvdstavyaf used m metre for vdstavya, q r...* 331
Nizamub Adawlut, the 311
no-eye == ddl seed Ill
North Bast Harbour, chart of, steel plate =
Port Gomwallis 272
Northwest Island in the Andamans (1793) ... 238
North Beef Islandin (1793} m the Andamans. 239
Nouro of the Perijglus 342
Nufor, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to 169
Nyemo, important rock-carvings near ... 393
Nyopas, the 311
Old Harbour = Port Blair 42, 84
Olo Ngadju, Theory of Universal Grammar
applied to 169 f.
omens, evil 451
orthography of Westem Tibetan ••• 148
Oyster Bay in Shoal Bay (1793) 234
Pace = ? Bassein ... ... ... 59, 63
^achen^y ••• «• •••
530
INDEX.
Padaliptapura, = P&lit&na
493
Padmanfila, a village in tlie Vatanagara
district •••
Padma-^urdna mentions Gokarnam ... ... 342
Paeet Island in tlie Andamans described in
® noA
1793 ”• *•*
Paite, a Nortbern Obin dialect
Palaganj near M&dbuvanam...
Pabbotbia ; see Patalipntia •••
P&litana, ancient Padaliptapura
Pallaing, a Sontbem Obin dialect
Pallitav^da, a village m the Vatanagara
district 217, 218
PalliySirs, note on the bfe of tbe, 391 £, •— tbe
babitat of tbe, 391 are nomads witbont
3
67
440
493
5
bouses, 391,— have no cultivation
pamialculiha = pinthagugyi ...
^dncht tbe, a tattooing design
Pancba Ttrtba near Gay&. *•*
jpawda, a proprietor of a sacred spring
Pdndava Baga, tbe ««. ... ...
Pangaiik^, = Pangry in tbe Nizam’s Dom-
inions a*. .»• •••
392
360
293
73
69
8f
221
Pankbn, a Central Obin dialect, 3 = Purali =
Travancore 344
Pasalia, tbe, of Pliny, disoussedi 344.—
parallelism in Daditkbi songs ••• 87
^araos = piws ... ••• 39
Parasnr6/ma, tbe part be played in S. India* 340 f .
ParasuiAmaksbetram, old name for Malabar •«« 338
P&ravanflrtb, Mt,, a visit to, described 75
P&rsvanatba, an image of .t.
Pk^vanatbaKsb6tram, tbe, near M^dbuvanam. 67
P&rsvanfitba Tirtbankara ... ••• ... 66
Pfi»rsvas6na, son of Yisakha Rilja ... 69 f
Passage Island in Stewart Sound (1793) 236
Pfttabputra, Patnfi, m Behar, mentioned in a
record of A. D. 915 ... »*« ••• ... 395
Pataliputra, the palisade of, remains of ••• 440
Patane = Patani «•« •»« M. 13,17,63
Patna, e:?oavations at ... * 437, 495 f,
Paundravardbana, an ancient town in Bengal. 220
Pausanias, bis allusion to ttfi religion of the
Magians 801
PSiV&pnri near Babad 70
Paxton, Cockerell, Trail & Co., of Calcutta
(1793) 272
Peck, Mr Eobert, sbip-owner (1793) 85 f.
Peoock Island = Pooock Island ... ... 238
Pedir 03
Pedro, a Christian Chinese in 1524 17
Peel Island in tbe Andamans described in
1793 235
peer padri ... ... 8591
Penang, the, Schooner ... ... **• 605
Pequim = Peking 10, 18
Pequy, a division of China (Peking) 18
Pequym = Peking ... ... 19
Perez, Femao, arrives in China, 10 ; in China
(1520) ... ... ... ... 10 fE,
Perreau, Agent for Fort Marlbro* 34 f
Pei severance Point in Port Cornwallis ... 237
Persia Merchant ^ wreck of tbe (17tb Oen-
tui'y) ... 132, 135
PhoeniXi tbe Ketch, 608 ; — of Calcutta seized
by Oimetere 505
Phoemx^ tbe, Snow, 142, 244 , proceeds to
tbe Andamans (1793)
... 144
phMi a tattooing design
■
... 293
pigeou'pea = ddl seed
• ••
... Ill
P%gotj tbe, Ship ...
284, 312
Vilotg tbe, Snow
• ••
... 456
Pirn = Peking
i ■ •
... 11
Pina, Tristao de, confused with Cbristovao
Yieyra ...
... 18
Pinquim = Peking
... 11
pinthagugyit derivation of •••
... 360
pio ... I.
... 16
PippaUcbchba, an ancient village in Surat ... 330
1 Piqiiim = Peking
... 10
piracy about Canton in 16tb Century
...25 f.
Pirez, Thome, was a “ Captain Major,’*
18;
in Caiiton in 1520, 12, 29 ; bis ship’s com-
pany ... ... **. **•
... 18
Pistano, Sirian, master of a Pegu vessel
... 426
Pit Island in Poi*t Cornwallis
43, 237
Pitman, Capt. of tbe Ranger ... ...
... 138
Plutarch, his knowledge of the Mazdayas-
nian religion
... 300
pochacy
... 12
poohan^if ... ... a..
16. 24
pochuncy
... 13
Pocock Island in tbe Andamans (1793)
... 238
Podoperoura on the Malabar Coast =
Uda-
yamperOr
... 339
polchut the, defined
... 516
Ponbaem = Pwanya ...
... 54
poneey = pdmui
... 216
poot = puttat a weigjit, 51 ; son of Jlaj5ndra-
chdla, bis inscription at Kanagiri
... 231
Popbam, Oapt. (1793)
... 211
porcelain in China ;n 16tb Century
.*• 25
Port Andaman in 1793
... 239
Port Blair = Old Haibour, Blair’s survey of,
233 •— removal of Settlement in 1793 ... 84
Porta Nova = Porto Novo (Bast Coast of
India) ... ■«. ••• ,,, 134
Poi*tuguese, tbe, in China, in 16th Century,
10 in Canton in 1521, list of, 14 f. : —
Captives in Canton, 1634-36i.. 10 ff.
INDEX.
631
possession, demon (girls), among the Singha-
lese ••• o80
Pdtardja of Gndimetla, 231: — Powell, Samuel,
5th mate of the Boddington.** 185, 191, 225
Piabhdsa Devapattana = Soman^th ... 491
Frahhulingalila, the, a chief source of the
Lingait movement ■«« «•« 404
Prakasdditya, remarks on the coins of 263
predicator, term defined 165
pregnancy customs among the Singhalese ... 3?8
Preparis Islands, the . ••• 50
Pieta Sila HiIL near Gay& 73
Prince of Wales Island (Penang), visit to
(1794^ 415
Pnthvirdj-charitra, the ... 499
Pi ithirdj-rdsot notes on the 499 j0F.
privateering in Bay of Bengal (1794) 317
pro s= pi6 «** ••• ... 14
puberty customs (giils) among the Singha-
lese ..a aaa »aa aa, ... 380
Pudu Vaippa, native name for the Island of
Vypeen ... ... *** ... 339
Puliadd river, = the Unandd nullah in Nasik 218
Fulo Penang^ the, Schooner = P^nangr, the... 607
Pundavardhana, an ancient town in Bengal... 220
Puragupta was probably a brother and suc-
cessor of Skandagupta ••• 264
Pdrdv!, as the Pdrad nver in Gujardt ... 255
Pdrnd river in Gujardt j ancient Pdrdvi 255
Pfirtm, an old Kuki dialect ««. 4
puUUf Malay com and weight, 51 f : — patah^ 52
Quancheu = Kiungchau in Hainan ... ... 58
Quancheofu = Quanchen •f« 58
Quan^y, a division of China (Kwangshi) ••• 18
Quean^y, a division of China (Kiangoht), 18,
27 = Shanshi 20
QuSncy = Quean^y • «* ••• ... 27 I
Quantao, a division of China (Canton) ••• 18
Quien^y = Shenshi ••• «•« So
quintei = Mngtie = ploughed land ... 22
r and 7, interchanges of; in Kdldpallikd,
Earoli, 254 , — and Jolwa, Jorwa ... ... 398
Bddhanpur plates of A D 808 ; note on the
place Tigavi mentioned in this record ... 335 n.
Bidhada Ohduda .* ... ... *•* ... 481
Bdhuri, in Ahmadnagar , ancient Bdmapuri... 220
rain, bringing •a ... ••• ... 291
rainfall at Port Cornwallis in 1794 (123
inches in 5 months) 460
Baivataka, a peak of the G;mdr mountain in
Kathiawdr • a. ... ■<( ••• 362
Baivataka, Mt. = Gimdr
... 490
RS-j^giri = R^jagriha, 71 — a modern
de-
scnption of, 70 ff . : — Brahmans at
... 72
Rdjanardndra, the ChMukya
230 f.
Rdji Ohaulukya ...
... 481
Rdlte, a Northern Chm dialect
... 3
Rtoa Sita Hill near Gayd
... 73
R^makund, a cold spring near Mongir
... 69
Bdman, Point, modern geography of
... 340
EAmapurt, the modem B6.huii in Ahmad-
nagar, 220 it was the chief town of a
seven-hundred district ... 219, 220
alist of recensions of the, 352 f ; —
a modern native “ criticism” of the, 351
mentions Kerala and Gokarnam ... 341
Bamsay, Lieut , m command at the
Andamans 335
Bdnaka-Viradharala of Dholkd 477
Rangat Bay in the Andamans described in
1793 236
Banger^ the, Schooner 82
Banger^ the, Snow 41 f., 137 f., 143
Banger Ledge off the Andamans (1793) ... 238
Bdngkhol, an old Kuki dialect 3
Bd&Oi the, = Frithvvrdj-rdso 499
Bdtdjan, Bdtanjan, in Ahmadnagar ; ancient
Battajinna 335
Battajjuna, s^Bdtdjan, Bdtaujan, m Ahmad-
nagar i,. ,,, ,,, 335
Baula or Wakhtdna m Baroda ; apparently
the ancient Indotthdna 256
Beddick, Bohert, Assist Surgeon at the
Andamans (1794) 418, 427, 460
reduplication, the term defined 173
Befuges, the Three, of Buddhism as used
among the Singhalese 381
Reid, Mr , goes to the Jackall (see Bied) ... 461
religion, the force of, in India 401 f.
rest-houses in China ia 18th Century 23
Beeengey the, a French Privateer 505
“review rolls ” in 1795 467
rGya-bym = dBangpo-rgya-bzhin ... 35
rhyme, by sentences, in Ladakh! Songs ... 87
Bied, an Acting-Lieutenant of the Bombay
Marine (1794), 455 — 2 nd officer of the
Cornwallis (1794) (see Beid) 455
riihlen, spirit possessed in Khasia Hills ... 328
rHyang-hyung-dhyerpa the foal 32
rKyangbyung-khadkar the horse 32
Roberts, John, commands the Dispatch ... 465
Bobinson, C. A , Garrison Storekeeper
(1793-5) ... ... ... 144, B 21 , 469
lock-carvings in Lower Laddkb, 398 ff.;—
sites of, 401; the age of, discussed, 3981 ;
— ■ an Aiyan Art in the Himalayas .„ 398
532
INDEX
lock-caivings in Tibet, two styles of, 400 . —
tbe object of, in Tibet 400
rod, the life-givmg 451
Rodriguez, Francisco, bis ship in Canton
in 1521 ••• ••• *•• ••• 14
Rdbi^, tbe wife of the Moon... ... ... 293
Robitalla, = Roitalla in tbe Nizam's Dom-
inions ... ... ... ... 221
Roitalla, in the Nizam's Dominions ; ancient
Robitalla ... 221
Roper, Lieut , of the JSagle, 42 , in command
of tbe Ndutikis, Brig, 276 , commands tbe
U/iio7i, Snow, 213, 315; commands tbe
Vijper ... •«« 143, 145
iJose, tbe, Galley (1755) ... ••• 190,276
Rosenburry of the Doddinghn ... 115 f., 223
11088,^-001.(1793) 84, 137
Ross Island in Port Cornwallis ... ... 237
rupees, tbe scales on tbe Company’s ongin of,
294 — Sonant (1793) 269
saciifice, human, in modem India 328
Saddle Peak in tbe Andamans (1793) , . 236
Sadbli in Baroda ; ancient Sraddbikd agrd-
hdiVQ/ ... • .4 ... ... 362
Sagar Tank near Bankipore, ezcaTation at ... 437
SdbinimS/ia, contemporary of Bbimakavi ... 231
Sajjanagara = Sajjapura near Peddapur
in tbe God&vari District ... 230
SajjMaka, an ancient village in Baroda ... 364
Sak ss That ... ... ... ... ... 5
Balabbadra, son of Sv^nika Mabaiaja’s trea-
surer (Jaina) 71
Saline mixture, a medicine in 1793 278
Sambandhi, = Samdhi m Baroda 364
Samdbi m Baioda , ancient Sambaudbi ... 364
Saragamakhefcaka, = Sankbeda in Baroda ... 332
Samgamikd, = Sangwi in Abmadnagar 335 n.
Samgramasimba, son of Sindliui-dja, defeated
by Yastup^la 404 f
Samipadraka,== Sondamam Baroda ... 362,363
Samoan, Theory of Universal Grammar
appbed to 171 f.
Samudragupta ; bis accession to be placed in
A. D 325 or 326, . . 259 be probably
bad also tbe name of E&cba 259
sanchayanam, asb^sifting ceiemony in royal
funerals in Travancore 251
Sanoy, a division of China ( Sbansbi) ... 18
Sandalpur, near Patna', excavations at ... 487
Sandys, Lieut ,Port Adjutant of Fort William,
Agent for the Andamans at Calcutta, 1794,
319 • — in charge of the convicts at the
^ Andamans ...
SangamnSr in Abmadnagar ; ancient Samga-
managara, not Samgamikdr 335 n.
Sangli plates of A. D 933 ; the places men-
tioned m them, identified 219
8angwi m Abmadnagar; ancient Samga-
mik^ ... ... ... ... ... 335 n.
Sankar&cbdrya, a monastery of bis followers
at GayS..,. •** •*. •*. 72
S4nkba defeated by YastupSiIa ... 494 f
Sankbeda m Baroda; ancient Samgamakb6-
taka •*> ... ... ... ... 332
Sanki, an ancient village, still existing, in
Baroda ... ... •• 398
Sapfidalaksba in Eastern RAjput4.ua 883
Sd>rapalli, an ancient town in Yizagapatam ... 253
saroyhowa = sarung-^hurnng = edible birds’
I nests ... ••• ... ... 52
SartbAtail&takiya forty-two, an ancient terri-
torial division m Baroda .*1* ... 255
sat-^sird = dhdi sii a 16 1
Satya Dbarma, a Yaisbnava priest atj GayA... 72
science, Indian attitude towaids ... 327 f.
scurvy at tbe Andamans in 1793 244
sDigpa =: bDud .M 36
sea of milk, tbe ... 452
Seahorse, tbe (1793-5). 314, 317, 418, 459,
503.— Bng = the Seashore Schooner and
Snow, 269, 271 : — Schooner (1793), 269 .
Snow, 209 tbe, sent to Port Blair in 1793
to remove tbe Settlement ... ••• 84
Seal Island ... ... ... 129
seas, tbe seven ... ... **. ... ... 452
seeds, magic 452
Semne on tbe Malabar Coast ^ Chembu ... 339
Sengge-dkarmo-yyu-ral-can, tbe glacier, 38
tbe ” white lioness ” of Tibet ... ... 399
sentence, tbe, as the unit of language ... 165
Sera Metropolis = Tiru Yaiiji capital of
Kerala ... ... ... ... ... 313
Seralla, Sorulla, m the Nizam’s Dominions ;
ancient Silabare 221
Sdi’am =; Obdram = Kesara 343
serpent-worship m modem India 328
serpents, tbe lord of tbe 452
sgarderberal, a cloth, derivation unknown ... 436
Sbagg Book 122
Sbakespear, Oolm, 216, 274: — Sub-Secretary
in 1793 ... ... 211, 382
shaving of children, customs among tbo
Singhalese, 379 of young men, customs
among tbe Singhalese 380
Sbeb, tbe Castle of, in Laddkli 101
S'bendu is not properly a name for a
language 6
Shiksbinshum =: Jangsbdn 3
INDEX.
533
Shma = ’aBrogpa 398
SMagsol = Jangsli&i S
Sho, a Southern Ohin dialect 4
Shoal Bay (S. Andamans) m 1793 234
Shoal Bay in Port Cornwallis (1793) 237
Shore, Sir John, Govemor-Gleneral
(1798-4) 284, 316, 383
Shunkla = Tashdn ... 3
Siddharti Baja of Xshettnkend, a Jama
king • ••• ••• 69
Siddhasaras tank, tkei dug by Jayasimba
Chaulukya 483
Silabare, = Seralla, SoruUa, in the Nizam’s
Dominions 221
Singhalese, social life of the 378 .
sister, father's, son of, among the Singhalese
IS a favourite bridegroom 386
SitSikund, a hot spring near Mongir, 69
a sacred pool of the Jamas near Madhuva-
nam ••• ••• 67
Sit& Ramdswami, a Jaina temple at Vaidya-
n§ith
••• *■« ••• tea «ta 68
Siyin, a Northern Chm dialect ••• 3
Skandagupta was probably succeeded by a
brother, Puragupta 264
sKyabs-bdun = the Barth Mother 36
sKyer-rdzong-snyanpo = dBangpo-rgyabzhi . 36
sKyurbuchan, Harvest festival at, Lad&kh,.J01£.
slave trade in the Andamans 239
small-pos, purification after, among the
Smghdlese aaa ••• ata taa aaa 379
Smith, Matthew, owner and Commander of
the Snow Daphne iaa aaa aa. 313, 422
Smith, Ralph, of the Doddington 226
Smith, Thomas Ramsay, in charge of the
Andamans a.. 470
Soarez, Bertholameu, m Canton in 1621 18
Sokt^, a Northern Ohm dialect 3
Soma, grandfather of Ansimha and Soin6s-
vara ■## ••• taa aaa taa aaa 487
Somana, a Niyogi Brdhman i«« a. 230
SomanS^tha, Vastup6.1a’s visit to 490
Somervill, ’William, commands the Dispatch,
Biig taa aaa aaa t< laa aaa 428
Somerville, Mr , of the Union 280
Sondi in Ahmaduagar, ancient Sonnahi a a. 220
Sonant Rupees 269
Sondarna m Baroda ; ancient Samipa-
draka ia* t«a «i« 362j 363
Sonnahi, = Son&i m Ahmadnagar •aa aaa 220
Sonuee in Ahmadnagar ; ancient Sonnah! ... 220
Sorulla» Seralla, in the Nizam’s Dominions ;
ancient Silahare 221
Sound Island in Stewarts Sound (1798) ... 236
Soyao = Siam aaa ••• ••• ata aaa 69
Speke, Peter, Member of Council, 1793 ... 60, 284
SpeTid, the, remarks on the a ... 303
spider, the, in tattooing designs 298
spirit of the dead among the Singhalese ... 882
spittmg, folklore of taa aaa ata ... 291
spleen, induration of, a disease in 1793 ... 278
Sraddhika agrdhdra, = Sadhli in Baroda ... 362
Srar Pass, a song about the aat ..a ..a 307
Srenika MahSirS^ja, a Jaina king of Rdjaguu,
66 . — founds Rdjdgiri, 71 ^ his temple at
Bhdgalpur •at Ita ••• 68
Srinpo = bDud ••• •«« tat lat 36
Srub“lha, a pre-Buddhist harvest festival in
Ladakh •at ... taa t.a ... 399
St George = Madras 134
St George Island in Port OomwaUis (1793). 237
St Lucia River aaa aaa aaa 180 f.
St Mary’s Island ••• ata ••« 190
sTanglha-Heaven, the, 34 is white m
colour at. ••• taa aaa tat tit 35
Stambhana, = Tbduma in Haira 493
Stambhatirtha, = Cambay taa tat tat 491
Stanglha, the golden frog ' ... 32
8taota Yesnya = Stot Yasht, 302 is com-
plete ... taa ata ata taa taa 365
stem, the term defined ..a «.4 173
Stewart Sound in the Andamans, described
in 1793 ••• ••• •••
Sth&varapalhkS,, = Ohbfiroli in Surat •• 329, 330
Stick, use of a, to detect theft ... ... 296
Stokoe (Ensign), Lieut Joseph, appointed to
the Andamans, 1798, 47, 249 , succeeds
Lt. Wells, 417 takes over the stores,
386 : — his defence aiTangements for the
Andamans, 1793 •aa aaa ••• aaa 268
Stot-Yasht, foundation of the Zoroastrian
Scriptures, 302 remarks on the 302
Strabo, his account of the Mazdayasnian
religion... ... 301
Strait Island m the Andamans (1793) •«. 234
stiipay evolution of the Ladakhi form of ... 399
Substitute, referent, term defined 165
Sukritaaamktrtana, the, of Arisimha, trans-
lated from the German of the late Dr.
Buhler, 477 fE. character of the work,
477 ; — date of, 480 the historical verses
(quoted m full ..• ... #•• **• 483 £E.
Sumedhaparvattam near Madhuvanam ... 66, 67
Surat sometimes spoken of as Suratapura and
Sdryapura, 397 ; — the places mentioned in
the Surat plates of A. D 1061, identified... 255
Suratapura, a fanciful name of Surat ... 897
Surjaka Nadi, a stream on the SumMha-
parvata Hill •»* ••• ••• 69
SOryapura, a fanciful name of Surat ... 397
534
INDEX.
SutluSp ShSJits, origin of the ... ••• ••• 436 I Tenna, = Ten in Baroda 396
Stbtkar, the, remarks on the 302 ThMo, a Ohm dialect 3
Snvarnagiri near Bl-jagin Thamna m Kaira ; ancient Stambhana ... 493
svasiika in Tibetan rook-carvings, 400 ; an That, a Sonthem Ohm dialect ... ... 5
emblem of the Bon Religion of Tibet ... 400 theft, folklore methods of detecting ... 291 f
Mtdmbara, teim explamed 66 Thelkheir of Ptolemy discussed = NagUr ... 344
SvSttobara merchant of Murshidiibfiid, a ... 66 Theopompos, his account of the Mazdayas-
swan, the celestial 452 nian rehgion 300
Sya = Siam 30 Thei^panthi, a Digambara sect 66
Syam = Siam 14 thlen, a serpent-demon m the Khasia Hills ... 328
Syao = Siam 26 Thomas, Lieut George, Oommander of the
Sylveira, Bytor da 53 & n. Banger ^ 45, 82 — commands the Seahorse. 269
symbohsm, Oriental, as shewn m tattooing Thornhill, Oapt., Andamans (1793) 238
designs 297 Thornhill, Oudbert, Master Attendant, Oal-
Syntactical Languages, the term defined ... 179 cutta (1793) ... 86, 314
Synthetic Languages, the term defined ... 179 Thsaldang, the mare 32
Syon = Siam 13 Thsenngskyid, the song of, LadS.kh 95 f .
thunder, Tibetan folklore of 305
Tigavi, an ancient place 335 n.
Tikkana, a successor to Bhimakavi 231
Table Islands, the, in the Andamans (1793) 237 f. Timbarwa m Surat; ancient Tembarfika,
Tacoa Tungkwan ... ... 29 Temvarfika ... •*. ... ... ... 256
Tak§,ri, a 67iuf^a-village ••• ... 335 Timmgs, Mr., of the Nautilus ... ••• ... 280
Takkdra, apparently an ancient place 336 Uqos ... ... ••• 24
•pakk^nkir, a 5 village in the Madhya- Ttrthankaras, residences, ascribed to the ... 65
d6sa country ... ... ••• *•« *f. 335 Tirukkfiirfir in North Travancore ... 343 f ,
Talapadraka, = Talodra in Baroda 256 Tlantlang, a Central Ohin sub-dialect . . 3
TaBhair, mtbe Nizam’s Dommions; perhaps fopi... ... ... 24
formerly known as Yawulatalla 222 toddy ... ... ... ... 133
tallacS •t« *•« 55 I Tog, the ancient name of the village of Stock
Talodra in Baroda; ancient Talapadraka ... 256 inLadStkh ... ... ... *•« ... 91
TanQao ^ Tungkiang ... ... ••• ••• 20 I Tolejaka, an ancient place in Baroda 398
Tantikfi, = Tati Jagra in Baroda 256 TombeUe, John (1793) 279
Tapovana, a jungle near Bdnatirtha (Jama)... 71 iomepi ... ... ... ... **• ... 12
TarkaiikS, an ancient place ... 335 tomepy • ••• ••• ••• aaa 15
Tairay — Tavay = Tavoy 505 Tomqo = Tungkiang 27
Tashon, a Central Ohm dialect 3 Topping, Richard, Carpenter of the Dodding-
T&ti Jagra m Baroda; ancient Tantikdr ...256 ton 225 fP,
tattooing designs, their value to the Ethno- Tonngoi, the country of the, = Paralia,
graphist ... ••• 297 344 == Sora = Ohola ... ... ... 344
tattooing, female designs m India, 293 ff. tortoise, bom to a woman 447
caste designs, 297 ; Taungtha, a Southern totems, obsolete, preseiwed in Indian female
Cbm dialect 4 tattooiug designs ... ... ... ..6 297
Taylor of the Doddington 115 town-major, the 141
Taylor, John, Oommander of the Commerce* 508 Trade, the Island of 11
Taza = Tartar ... 19 Travancore, royal funeral ceremonies m,
te'igaes ... ... 24 2611 — mixture of Ohnstigiin and Hindu
telar — trikhal 164 custom ... 251
T61u Ram, the name explamed ... ... 164 tree, holy, of the gLing-chos 399
Telugu Literature, milestones m ... 229 if , 401 fP. Tree of the World, in Tibetan folklore ... 38
?embari!lka,Temvarfika, = Timbarwa in Surat. 256 Tregenbar = Tranquebar 136
temple found in the Andamans, described Mlar denned, 616 , trikhal 164
m 1793 «•« «•< ••• 239 I TrennSi, = Ten in Baroda 396
Ten iu Baroda ; ancient Treyanna, Troyannfi, Trevisa, Jonathan 134
Trennfi, Tenna ... 396 Treyanna, Treyann^, =: Ten in Baroda ... 396
INDEX,
585
tiident, the, on Ladfikhi sHpas
... 399
trikhali the
163 f.
trikhahhanH, a ceremony
163 f.
^Tnlochanap^lla of Lfita
... 255
Tsetse-ngangdmar, the kid ...
... 32
Tsetse-ngangdmar, the she-goat
••• 32
1
II
1
... 335
Tuao Aleman^et = Tuan *Ali Muhammad ... 16
Tuao HeaJie = Tuan ‘Ali
«•*
... 16
Tuao Mafame = Tuan Muhammad
tc«
... 16
tulbanden = turban
... 436
Tula-KdverirMahdtmya, the ...
444 f
Tulu kmgdom, extent of
... 346
Tulukkar = Turk
• ■a
... 350
tutdo
• ••
16. 24, 27
tutUQiO ... ... .1. ...
... 17
twms m the Pan 3 ab, unlucky, 162
- a
child
bom after, is unlucky and called limkM
(Panjab) ... 515
Tyndis of the Ferij^his, 342 : — =i Kadalimdi
near Beypore ... ««■ ■•€ •••
IJdayacliala hill near Yaiblidra hill (Jama), 71
Uddandakavi Bhimakavi 230
Udubaraghara, = tJdumbaragriha, and per-
haps = Udumbaragahvara .m 897
Udnmbaragahvara, an ancient place, 333 n. j—
perhaps mentioned as Udubaraghara ... 397
Umbar&, UmvarSf, = Bagumr^ in Baroda ... 397
UnandS. nullah, in N&sik , ancient PulindA ... 218
Union, the, Snow, 42, 85, 138, 143, 315 ; Brig
= Snow, 277 ; belongs to Blair, 138 , sold
by Blair to the Gkjvemment 243
Union Ledge o£E the Andamans in 1793 ... 238
unlucky children in the Panjab, 162, 615 f. . —
as founders of sects ••• •«# «•*
Uppalika three-hundred, an ancient territorial
division m the Nizam’s Dominions or in
Ahmadnagar 221, 222
tTrjayat, a peak of the Girnar mountain in
EAthiJIiwSir 362
uUrm, a tattooing design ... ... ... 296
Vadapadraka, an ancient village in Baroda;
perhaps Baroda itself 333
Yadavura, a village m the Vatanagara
district ... ... ... ... 217, 218
YS-ghrapalliya = Vaghela 486
Yahunadasvan, = Bonad in Baroda ... ... 256
Yaibh&ra hdl, its connection with Gautama
(Jama) 71
Y aidyanS.th near M Adhu vanam 6 7 f .
Yaidyanfiith Swdmi ... ... 68
Valabhi, = WaE, WalSi, or Wal6m, in Kathid-
war ... M* f*. 333
Valis^, = Wanesa m Baroda 897
YallabhaiAja, victory over the king of
MalvS,
Y^imanasthali (Yanthlt) visited by Yastiipala 490
Yanardja Oh^udSt founds Anahilapltaka ... 481
VaSji near Granganore, 343 , the capital
of the Kdrala kmgdom
... 343
Vanjuli, = Wfinjoli m Ahmadnagar...
... 220
Yllradapallikd, = Bdirdoli in Surat „•
... 396
Yardhamana Sw^mi (Jama), 70; — son
of
Siddhartha BS* 3 a
69
Yfirikh6da, = Warkhed, Wfirkhed,
m
Nfisik ...
... 218
variraiventy = rice seed, m the Malagasy
currency
... Ill
Varstmaiiaar, the, remarks on the ...
... 302
vdsaka, * a halt, a camp ’
253 n
Vasantapfila = YastupMa ...
... 495
Vashtap^Naak, remarks on the ...
... 303
vdatavya, * dwelling at ; * the technical use and
bearmg of the word, 331 ff. apparently
nsed in one place as a nonn meaning *a
place of residence,* 331 a curious case m
which it is used, 338 a particular in-
stance of the use of it 393
YastupSifa, Jaina, patron of Arisimha, 477 — *
minister to Yiradhavala, 483 ; appointed
mimster, 486;— his buildings and founda-
tions, 491 ff.; bis exploits, 494 f.; his pil-
grimage to Satrumjaya and Gim5.r, 488 ff. ;
his death 480
Yasupdjya Tlrthankara 68
Yasura, Basura, Basuri, samgha 365
Yatanagara, the modem Wa^dr in Ndsik,
218 ; — it was the chief town of an ancient
district 217
Yatapadraka, = Wardala in Baroda 256
Yatdpi, Yd,t&pi, early form of the name of
Baddmi 364 n , 365
Yattdra, an ancient village in Surat 330
Yavviyana, Babbiygma, = Baben in Baroda... 397
Yawplatalla twelve, a group of villages... 221, 222
Ycheu = Wuchaufu 27
veins, varicose, folklore of 291
Yelluvalla, Yelvalla, = the Belvola country... 366
Y^mana was a Brahmavdtta, 403;' was a
hdpuov fanner, 408, bom in the Ouddapah
district, 403 — as a recognised gur4, 404 —
essentially a radical, 406 : — tomb at Katltra-
palli, 404 — the age of, 401 fE ; affected by
the Jjingait movement, 404 , identifies Siva
with God, 404 — verses attnbnted to,
401 -ffi. ; extant writings doubtful, 405 ;
wntings against caste distmctions, 405 ;
Brown’s Ed. of 405
586
INDEX.
V^mulav&da near Dr^ksh^rfima m the Goda-
Tery District, bh’th-place of BbtmalEavi ... 230
Vmdidad^ the, remarks on the, 303 — the, is
a law-hook, 366 ; the, is complete, 865, the,
contents of the ...369 f
Vendue Master,'* the, ordered to sell the
Leehoard ••• ^08
Vengi, the capital of the Eastern Ohalukya
kings , its position «•* ... 218
VsniiSf the, Brig (1793) »«. ... •*. 248
vihMtit a tattooing design •«« ... 293
viece (viss), a weight ••• 61
Vieyra, OMistor§.o, confined Trist 6 ,o dePina,
18 . — travels in Thome Pirez's ship, 18 , his
letters from Canton, 10 ff . ; a letter from, m
Ohma ... ..« ••. ... ... 53 ff.
Vi 3 ayas 6 na, Yastupala’s spiritual adviser ... 489
Villism'a, = Baldsar, Bal 4 Bhwar,m Baroda;
it was the chief town of a forty-two district 256
Ymao, a division of China (Hunan) ... ... 18
vhm gataj * gone out from, come forth from ;*
the techmcal use and hearing of the word,
831 fC, i — apparently used in one place as
a noun meaning *a place of departure,*
331 5 — a curious case in which it is used... 338
Vi^per, the, Snow, 138, 143; sent to Port
Blair in 1793 to remove the Settlement ••• 84
Yipulagin near Y aihhdra hill 71
Yiradhavala, son of Lavanapras&da ... 483, 486
virginity, the tokens of, among the Smgha-
lese ... ••• ... ••• •••
Yis&kha B. 6 . 3 &, an UgravamsS. (Jama) king
of Yas&khapur
Yisaladeva, son of Ranaka-Yiradhavala of
Dholka ... ... .* ••• •••
471, 480
Yishnupada temple at Gay&
... 72
YisMa^p-Bhasto, the, remarks on the
CO
o
CO
Vispanthi, a Digambara sect ... ...
... 66
Yispered, the, an invocation hook
366
Vistasp Yaslit, the, remarks on the ...
... 303
Yoamena scale of Madagascar, 113
the
mint of currency in Madagascar ...
109 ff-
Yolunteer “sepoys’* at the Andamans m
1793 248 f , 268
Yypeen, Island of, 3S8 f. ; formed in 1341
A. D 339
"Wadner in Nasik ; ancient Yatanagara... 217, 218
IfVakht&na or Paula m Baroda ; apparently
= the ancient InddtthSina 256
WalS., WaP, or WaUiSi, m K&.thidw6,r ; ancient
YalabM 333
Wales, Lieut. (Oapt.) John, commands
the Eanger, 42, 44, 233; commands the
Comwallf 81 ; commands the Cornwallis,
271, 279, 419:— deputed to examine the
ports from Diamond Island to Acheen
Head for provisions ... ••• ... 244
Wanesa in Baroda ; ancient Bahsa, Yalisd ... 397
Want plates of A D. 807 ; the places men-
tioned in them, identified 217
W&njoli in Ahmadnagar ; ancient Yafijuli 220
Wardalain Baroda ; ancient Yatapadraka ••• 256
Waris ‘Ali Khan’s tank at KumrShar, exca-
vations at ... ... «.« *** t •* 495
Warkbed, W&rkhed, in NSisih ; ancient YAri-
kh 6 da 218
Webb, midshipman of the Doddington**A9l, 226 f.
weights, scale of, in Madagascar, 109 ; stan-
dard Troy in Madagascar ... ... 109
Welaung, a Southern Ohm dialect 4
Wells, Lt Edmuud, Commissary of Stores at
the Andamans (1794), 44,385. — Commis-
sary of provisions. Port Cornwallis (1794),
314, 321; commands the Native Infantry
Detachment at the Andamans, 46;— 2nd-in-
Command at the Andamans m 1793, 78 —
in charge of the Andamans (1798), 272,
275 ; — * resigns his appointment at the
Andamans (1794), 885, 417 his claim for
Es. 10,000 allowances rejected, 417 f. ; — his
claim for “ Staff allowances ” (1794) ... 386 f .
Welsh, Mr Edmund, Commissary 248
Western Banks described in 1793 »«• 239
YHiarf Island in Port Comwalhs ... ... 237
WilUam Pitt, the (1794) 457
Wilson, Mr , Commander of the Bencoolm ... 419
Wilson Island = Round Hill in ilie Anda-
mans (1793) .*■ ... ••• 234 f.
Wilsone, Harrington, and Downie, the firm
of, in 1793 82, 210
Wilsone, Downie and Maitland, Calcutta firm
of 412, 458
Wire Hill, the Nymph of the, a folktale ... 449 ff
Witchcraft, modem Indian belief in ... 433 f .
Women of India, determined enemies of
reform 406
Wood, Mr. David, Surgeon, Medical Officer
at the Andamans, 1793, 47 f., 139, 247:—
reports on the health of the Andamans
(1793), 276 f., 315;— report on the sick state
of the Settlement, 1794 387
Xantao, a division of China (Shantung) ... 18
^opas = shmpa = handkerchiefs 13
Xuntaeim :=:= P Shuntak **« ... ... 29
Taflapatam, (Ceylon) ... «*■ .n. IS
YaboWi a Oeutral Ohia enb-dialect ... ... 3
INDEX,
587
Yashts, the, are sacrificial hymns, 366 ; com-
prise the poetical fact in the Avesia • •• 370
Yasna, the, a ritual exclusively 366
Yasodharala Paramara *,• ••• 483
Tasdvarman of Dh6.rfi taken prisoner by
Jayasiinha Ohaiilukya ... ••• 463
Yates, midshipman of the Doddington ... 226 f
Tindu, a Southern Ohm dialect 4
Togklu IS the underworld, 35 , is blue m
colour, 35 the blue frog ... ••• 32
y6m, a tattoomg design ... ... 295 f.
Zahao, a Central Ohm sub-dialect 3
Zarathushtnan , see Zoioastrian 299
Zelon = Ceylon ..134
Zend IS a commentaiy on the Avesta ... 301
Zend-Avesta^ origm of the term, 301; — a dis-
cussion of the, 301 fE. of the Sassamdes,
a discussion on the 301
Zoroasti lan i eligion, 365 — theolog f , Plu-
tarch’s account of the, 300 law books,
value of the 300
Zoroastnanism, oiigin of 298 fi.
